A Treatise proving Spirits, Witches and Supernatural Operations

IMPRIMATUR

THO. TOMKYNS, R. Rmo. in Chriſto Patri ac Domino Dno. GILBERTO Divina Providentia Archiepiſcopo Cantuarienſi à Sacris Domeſticis.

Ex Aedibus Lambethan. Julii 9. 1668.

A TREATISE PROVING Spirits, Witches, AND Supernatural Operations, BY PREGNANT INSTANCES AND EVIDENCES: Together with other Things worthy of Note.

By Meric Caſaubon, D. D.

LONDON, Printed for Brabazon Aylmer, at the Three Pigeons in Cornhill. 1672.

TO THE READER.

CHriſtian Reader, (what ever thou art otherwiſe, thou art not a true Chriſtian, or ſo good, as thou ſhouldeſt be, if thou doeſt not account that of a Chriſtian, thy beſt title) though it doth concern thee, no further, perchance, than I ſhall tell thee by and by; yet it doth me very much, in thankfulneſs to God, and to acquit my ſelf of wilful negligence in ſome particulars of this enſuing Treatiſe, to acquaint thee with the occaſion, and in what condition I was, when I wrote it. I will not go back ſo far, as to tell thee, what I have ſuffered, ſince I have been in the world, by ſickneſſes, and ſome other accidents, the relation whereof though very true, yet I am ſure, would be incredible unto many. There may be a time for that, if God pleaſe. It ſhall now ſuffice to tell thee, that about three years ago and ſomewhat better, being in London, I was ſeized upon with a cold, and ſhortneſs of breath, which was ſo troubleſome, that I went to an intimate friend, and learned Phyſician, for help, who made no queſtion, but in few days he would cure me, and to that end, preſcribed ſome things. But before many days were over, himſelf ended his life; in whoſe death, good learning (ancient, I mean) had a great loſs. But the comfort is, which I can witneſs, he died a Chriſtian. After him, the cauſe ſtill continuing, I had recourſe unto another, of the ſame profeſsion, whom though I knew not before, yet I found him very friendly, and ſo far as I could judge, very rational in his preſcriptions. But notwithſtanding ſuch help, the diſeaſe increaſing, rather than abating; I at laſt, reſolved, with Gods help, for Canterbury again, which I did think many times, I ſhould never ſee more. Where, for eight or nine moneths, I continued much in the ſame caſe; till at laſt, that diſeaſe ended in ſome nephritical fits, which I did not expect to out-live. But I did; till April 1666. when I was freſhly aſſaulted with new fits; which, more remiſly, or ſharply, continued ſome moneths; till at laſt, divers other evil ſymptomes concurring, I loſt ſleep; and ſo loſt it, that for the ſpace of four moneths, and upwards, I may truly, to the beſt of my knowledge, ſay, I had not one hour of natural ſleep, but ſuch as was, by the advice of my Phyſicians, procured by Drugs, the ſtrongeſt that are, to that end: which ſleep, ſo procured, left me always in ſuch a hatred, and deteſtation of life, that nothing but obligation of conſcience could have prevailed with me, or any body elſe, I think, in my caſe, to preſerve life at ſo dear a rate. What I was unto others, I know not: I was unto my ſelf, I am ſure, a wonder; (nay [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], prodigium: a monſter; our old tranſlation) that I did hold out ſo long. And yet, when I did moſt deſpair of life; or rather, comfort my ſelf, that the time of my deliverance was now ſurely come; ſo it pleaſed God, I began to recover ſleep, and not long after, amended to ſuch a degree of chearfulneſs, [〈◊〉] for many weeks after, I did ever and anon [〈◊〉] whether I was not in a dream. But [〈◊〉] the continuance of my chearfulneſs, though [〈…〉] other weakneſs▪ I think any Chriſtian [〈◊〉], if he do not think me worſe than an ordi[•••]y Heathen, or Infidel; will eaſily believe, [•]hat I had ſome thoughts, how I might employ a [••]fe, (ſo much of it, as was yet to come) ſo ſtrangely prolonged, to do Him ſome ſervice, whom I lo[••]ed upon, as the only Author. Firſt, I reſolved (my moſt immediate profeſsion) to preach, as often as I could. And for the firſt time, (being an Eaſter-day, a very proper day, after ſuch a reviving) I thought; as to bodily ſtrength, I came off well enough. But when I attempted it a ſecond time, though till the Evening before, I thought my ſelf in very good caſe; yet I found my ſelf ſuddenly ſo diſabled, and brought ſo low again, (which continued for three days) that ſince that time, my opinion hath been, I ſhould but tempt God, to think of any ſuch thing any more. After this, my chearfulneſs, and vigour of ſpirits ſtill continuing, I began to think of writing; a trade which I began very young, and of which, I thank God for it, I have had comfort at home, and abroad as much, and more than I did ever promiſe my ſelf. I did pitch upon a ſubject, which I did think moſt convenient for me, as having more immediate relation to devotion, and not unſeaſonable, in theſe ungodly times. It was not long, before I had all my materials, out of ſeveral papers, and Note-books; together and ready. But when I thought to put them into a form, by coherence of matter and ſtile; I found my ſelf ſo unable, that I did abſolutely conclude, I had no other buſineſs in this world, and to no other end God had prolonged my life, than by continued earneſt repentance (a greater work, I doubt, than many imagine) to fit my ſelf for a better. How I have acquitted my ſelf, I muſt leave to God. But time paſsing, moneth after moneth, and I ſtill continuing in as good vigour of mind, I thought, as when at the beſt; it troubled me not a little, that I ſhould live profitable unto my ſelf only. At laſt, this ſubject, once before thought upon, but ſince forgotten, came into my mind again. I will not be ſo bold, without better warrant, with God Almighty, to ſay, that he put it into my head, either before, when it firſt offered it ſelf; or now, when I remembred it. But this I may truly ſay, ſince I have been a writer, I never proceeded in any ſubject, (for the time that was beſtowed upon it) with more expedition and alacrity. For it hath been my caſe, ever ſince I came out of that languiſhing extremity, which affected my Spirits moſt; that my body hath continued very weak, ever ſince; ſo that it is but ſome part of the day, when at beſt, that I can converſe with books; ſeldom ſo well, that I can walk, or ſtand upon my legs: and when once ſet in my Study to write, or to meditate; it is irkſome to me, to riſe upon any occaſion; and therefore I avoid it, without there be ſome great neceſsity: much more tedious and irkſome, and not without danger, to reach books, which I cannot reach (a great part of my books) without climbing; nor always find, very readily, though ranged and ordered with care; when I ſeek them. This is the cauſe, that my quotations are not always ſo full, or ſo punctual, as otherwiſe, they might have been. But for the truth of them, which I think is the main buſineſs, I durſt undertake. For though I have many things out of my private Papers, and Notebooks, or Adverſaria, which for the reaſons before alledged, I could not now reviſe in the Authors themſelves, out of which I had them: yet out of the originals I had them I am ſure, and not out of other mens quotations; which I never truſted ſo far, as to enter them without examination. If, for want of the Originals, I have taken any thing upon truſt, I have acquainted the Reader, and ſo diſcharged my ſelf. So far, I can undertake; but that in peruſing the Original Authors, either formerly, or now again, I have miſtaken in none; this I dare not undertake, who confeſs, that in the reading of one paſſage, ſometimes, once, or twice; when I made no queſtion of the ſenſe; yet in a third reading, I have found (ſometimes I ſay; not very often, perchance) that I was in an error. And if I might adviſe, I would not have any man take upon him the name of a Scholar, that will truſt any quotations, if he may go to the Originals; nor truſt any tranſlation, if he can underſtand the Authors in their own tongue: which if more practiſed, good books would be in more requeſt.

That I had ſuch a ſubject in my thoughts, many years ago, may appear by ſomewhat I did write in the Preface to Doctor Dee's book; and then, indeed, I was big with it, had time, and opportunity ſerved. But after that I was once fixed upon other things, or cares, occaſioned by that miraculous revolution of affairs in this Kingdom, which ſoon after hapned; I may ſincerely proteſt, that I never thought of it any more, except ſome chance brought it into my mind; but never as thinking I ſhould ever meddle with it, further than I had done. Not that I ever promiſed any thing, which I had not then, when promiſed, ſome probable hopes, I ſhould; and always ſince, a willingneſs to perform; but becauſe I have been always taken up, ſo far as my health, and other neceſſary occaſions would give me leave, with ſomewhat, that I thought more ſeaſonable or neceſſary.

And ſo I thought now of this ſubject, as I have handled it. For Credulity, and Incredulity, in general, being my Theme, which left me to a liberty of chuſing fit inſtances, where I would, ſo that upon them I might but ground ſuch rules and directions for either, as might be proper to my undertaking; I have endeavoured to pitch upon ſuch, as might afford ſomewhat againſt the crying evils of theſe times, contempt of good learning, and Atheiſm.

And whereas I mention ſometimes three Parts, as intended; two only being here exhibited: true it is, that three were intended, in caſe my health had afforded it. But it did not. And indeed, I wonder it hath done ſo much, the little time conſidered, that hath been beſtowed upon it. Yet, is not the work imperfect, therefore; which might have been finiſhed in the Firſt, but that, as the Second hath afforded more inſtances, (and of another kind) than are in the Firſt Part; ſo might the Third alſo, than in either Firſt, or Second, if I live to do that alſo. It cannot be very ſoon, I am ſure, becauſe what ſpare time I have from ſickneſs, till this Summer be over, is otherwiſe deſtinated. And though I am much weaker already, than I was, when I began; yet whileſt I live, I ſhall deſpair of nothing, who have had ſo much experience, what God can do, beyond all expectation; or, (in mans judgement) credibility. Farewel.

CANTERBURY, 1. June, 1668.

ERRATA, with ſome Additions, at the end of the Book, which they that read the Book, are deſired to be mindful of. To which, let this be added.

PAge 275. line 16. I believe, allow it but a hundred thouſand ſpectators, a very ſmall proportion for Ʋniverſus Populus Rom. which we know hath been cenſed (Citizens, inhabitants of Rome) at one time, four millions, and above: at another time, ſix millions, and above: could not therefore, I believe, (yet with ſubmiſſion to better judgments) incloſe, or cover leſs, than fourſcore, or a hundred Acres of ground: a thing, nevertheleſs, ſcarce credible, I doubt, to beſt Ingineers, or Architects, later ages have afforded. However, though we may be miſtaken, in the caſting of particulars; yet that Pliny could miſtake in his report, or the account he doth give us, of a thing ſo publick, and yet of freſh memory, when he wrote; no rational man can believe. A man would think, this could not, &c.

OF CREDULITY AND INCREDULITY, In things Natural, and Civil. The Firſt Part.

AMONG other errors of our Life, to which that Caligo mentium; or, darkneſs of our underſtanding; by ſome Ancient wiſe Heathens, who knew not the true cauſe, ſo much wondred at; doth expoſe us; there's ſcarce any thing, wherein men either more frequently erre, or with more danger, than in unadviſed bel[•]ef, or unbelief.

IN Civil affairs as raſh belief hath been, and daily is, the undoing of many; ſo obſtinate unbelief, of as many, if not of more. Credere, & non Credere (to believe, and not to believe;) that Elegant fabulator, who lived in Auguſtus his time, and was a Servant of his, (well deſerving to be better known unto good Schools, than he is commonly) hath made it the argument of one of his morals, ſhewing by pregnant inſtances the danger of each; as [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (belief, and unbelief) is the argument of two Orations in Dio Chryſoſtomus; whoſe very ſirname, Chryſoſtome, doth teſtifie, what account the age he lived in, made of his wit, and language.

BUT again; eaſie belief hath contaminated, and obſcured the Hiſtory of Nature, with many ridiculous fables and fictions: but unbelief, with no leſs prejudice to truth, (which according to Plato, moſt properly; nay, only, he ſaith; doth belong unto ſuch things) and withal, to mans nature, hath bereav'd it of its more noble function, the contemplation of things spiritual, and eternal; not diſcernable with bodily eyes, but by the light of faith, upon Divine revelation chiefly: but upon ſound reaſon and certain experience alſo. A little portion of which knowledge, and contemplation, though but little, is even by Ariſtotle, that incomparable Naturaliſt, preferr'd before the moſt perfect knowledge of nature, that man is capable of: De part. anim. lib. 1. cap. 5.

FROM ungrounded belief, groſs ſuperſtition, by which true Religion is not a little infected, and adulterated, hath proceeded: but, from the contrary, right down Atheiſm (whether openly profeſſed, or palliated, as the faſhion is:) by which, all ſenſe of piety, all ſenſe of immortality, being taken away, and nothing left to man, but what is common unto bruits, (ſince that reaſon, confined to things ſenſible and periſhable, is little better than ſenſe; and ſenſe, in bruits, is by many deemed, and called reaſon:) man may truly be ſaid, to be metamorphoſed into another creature.

LASTLY, if we appeal unto the Judgments of men; on the one ſide ſtands the credit and authority of ſo many ages, which commend that of Epicharmus unto us, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]· tranſlated by Cicero;) Nervi, atque artus ſapientiae, non temere credere; that is, Not eaſily to truſt, (or, to believe) are the very nerves and ſinews of wiſdom. On the other, Non ſatis credere, want of faith, or belief; (ſo Seneca, a wiſe man too, though not ſo ancient:) is the original of all miſery: and one of no leſs credit, and antiquity, (ſome few years abated) than Epicharmus, hath told us long ago, that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], infidelity, or want of faith, (his very words, recorded by Plutarch; cited by Clemens Alexandrinus; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) is the cauſe, that God and his works are not better known unto men.

WHICH contrariety, not of opinions only, but of events alſo, upon which thoſe opinions were grounded, and which occaſioned that contrariety; makes me think ſometimes the better of thoſe ancient Philoſophers, who maintained and argued it at large, that nothing could be certain unto men; and that peremptorily to conclude of anything, as either true, or falſe, was great raſhneſs, and ignorance; ſince that of all thoſe things controverted among men, ſome boldly affirming, and others as peremptorily denying; there was not any thing for which, and againſt which probable reaſons and arguments might not be produced; which might, if not amount to an abſolute aequilibrium in the ballance, yet induce a rational man, to ſuſpend his aſſent. To make this good, how far they proceeded, there be Books both Greek and Latine, yet extant, that will ſhew: which though written by Heathens, and by many, both Heathens, and Chriſtians oppoſed; yet have they not wanted ſome able Champions, even in our age.

BUT ſince this is not our buſineſs here, and that a perfect Sceptick, what ever they may pretend in words, is an impoſſibility in nature, as by more than one, but St. Auguſtine for one, is well obſerved; we may certainly conclude, that neither to believe, or unbelieve (in things Natural, or Civil) is abſolutely good, or bad, but as either are guided and regulated, more or leſs, by reaſon and diſcretion: which though they cannot ſecure any man, the wiſeſt that is, (ſuch is the condition of mortal man upon earth) that he ſhall never be deceived; yet may ſecure him, that his error ſhall not be without comfort, that he was not deceived as a fool, for want of wit and conſideration: which is the comfort, that Divine Hippocrates doth propoſe unto them, that miſcarry (a thing he thought very poſſible) in a right courſe, that they miſcarry, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], that is, (according to, or, for no want of reaſon,) and bids us keep to that ſtill, though again and again croſſed, by ill ſucceſs.

NOW becauſe a well grounded belief or unbelief (in things Natural, or Civil, as before) are, for the moſt part, the effects of much obſervation, and long experience, which many for want of years, (though ſupplied in many, by natural pregnancy) have not yet attained unto: that ſuch as have not, may, if they pleaſe, reap the benefit of others obſervation, is one main end and purpoſe of this preſent undertaking. And to prevent all miſtakes, which our title might occaſion, and the Readers may the better be ſatisfied, what to expect: Firſt, whereas we ſay, in things natural, by natural, I do not only underſtand ſuch things, which apparently have ſome ground in nature, and whereof a probable reaſon may be given; which is the more ordinary notion: But alſo, as by Trallianus, an ancient Phyſician, (not to name others) by ſome very eminent in that art, once to me much commended; the word is uſually taken, as when he diſtributeth, which he doth in every diſeaſe almoſt, his remedies and receipts, into methodical, and natural; by methodical, underſtanding, rational: that is ſuch, of which, or for which a reaſon may be given, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], as he ſpeaks in one place: by natural, thoſe which are ſuppoſed to work by ſome natural efficacy, though the reaſon, or true cauſe be, as yet, ſecret and unknown. Of which nature, he doth make all amulets to be, which therefore he calleth [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or naturalia. Of this notion of the word natural, St. Auſtin takes notice, in his eleventh book De Doctrina Chriſtiana, Chap. the 20. as ordinary in his days. For having ſpoken of Ligatures, and Characters, he doth add, quae mitieri nomine Phyſica (in ſome Editions, Phyſicam, falſly) vocant, non quaſi ſuperſtitione, ſed natura prodeſſe videantur. If therefore we ſay ſomewhat, of ſuch alſo, we do not extend the notion of the word beyond its bounds. For as Trallianus, ſo other Phyſicians of his time, and of our time alſo, as by name, Sennertus, do alſo uſe the word: Specifica, and Naturalia, for the ſame thing. But again, if under the ſame title, we ſpeak of ſome things acted, or effected by ſpirits, though the authors, or actors themſelves, according to the common opinion, (contradicted by many ancients) as incorporeal and immaterial eſſences, do not ſo properly fall within the cognizance of ordinary nature; yet their operations upon corporeal eſſences being effected, and brought to paſs, (for the moſt part at leaſt, as both ancient and late, that have written of theſe things, are of opinion) by means natural, though to us unknown; may very well be termed natural in the latitude of the notion before explained: though to us unknown, I ſay, as who know yet of nature, in compariſon of what we do not know, but very little, as they that have taken moſt pains in the ſtudy of it, acknowledge and lament. Had we added the word ſupernatural, in this place, (natural and ſupernatural) it might have been too general, and comprehended miracles alſo, for which we have a more proper place, under the title of things Divine. And the word, Diabolical, or Demoniacal, ſince there was no need of it, I was willing to forbear.

SECONDLY, I deſire the Reader to take notice, that whereas ſome who have written [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (of belief and unbelief) have chiefly, under that title, inſiſted upon truſt, or truſting, between man and man, in point of friendſhip, and ordinary converſation, in contracts and promiſes, and the like, I meddle not at all with it in this ſenſe; by thin[•]s Civil, underſtanding only relations, or hiſtories of things done, or pretended to be done by men; to be ſeen, or known in the world, not ordinary, and to all men, credible.

AGAIN, Credulity, oppos'd to Incredulity, may be underſtood two ways, either as a vertue (for ſo the word is taken ſometimes, by Chriſtian writers, eſpecially;) or both Credulity (the moſt warrantable and ordinary ſenſe of the word) and Incredulity may be taken as two vicious extreams, of what we may call [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], in general, taken for a rational belief, or, belief grounded, either upon ordinary grounds of reaſon, and probability, which begets, a moral belief; or upon ſuch pregnant preſſing reaſons, as produce a firm aſſent, anſwerable to certain knowledge, or ſcience, though not ſcience properly, becauſe not grounded upon the knowledge of the cauſes. In either ſenſe, credulity taken, will fit our purpoſe well enough: yet of the two, I rather chuſe the ſecond, that credulity may be taken for a vice; that ſo, as all, or moſt vertues, according to Ariſtotle's doctrine, (though by ſome, upon very light grounds, as I conceive, much oppoſed) we may place this [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or belief alſo in the middle of two vicious extremities. And ſo is this buſineſs of believing very well ſtated by Plutarch, in more than one place, and upon ſeveral occaſions.

LASTLY, whereas my title promiſeth the conſideration of both equally, Credulity, and Incredulity; and moſt of my examples will be found of Incredulity, or ſuch as tend to the reproof and confutation of it, I may be tho[•]ght to have dealt partially, as though I favoured, or leſs blamed Credulity, than the contrary vice. But that doth not follow, neither had I any ſuch reſpect, in the chuſing of my examples. Neither indeed is it abſolutely determinable, which of the two, Credulity, or Incredulity, is moſt dangerous, or blamable; but as the particular object of either is, ſo may the one be more or leſs than the other. But I muſt confeſs, the buſineſs of incredulity did more run in my head at this time, becauſe of the times ſo ſet upon Atheiſm, which of all kind of incredulity, is the moſt horrible, and damnable, and moſt unworthy of a rational man. Now one prime foundation of Atheiſm, as by many ancient, and late, is obſerved, being the not believing the exiſtence of ſpiritual eſſences, whether good, or bad; ſeparate, or united; ſubordinate to God, as to the ſupream, and original Cauſe of all; and by conſequent, the denying of ſupernatural operations; I have, I confeſs, applied my ſelf, by my examples, which in this caſe do more than any reaſoning; and (the authority of the holy Scriptures laid aſide) are almoſt the only convincing proof; to the confutation of ſuch incredulity: in this firſt part, eſpecially. However, unadviſed credulity and incredulity being conſidered as two extreams, by the doctrine of contraries, it will follow, that what tends to the illuſtration, or confutation of the one, doth in ſome ſort equally belong unto the other; and though the examples, generally, have more reference to the one, than to the other; the obſervations, upon the examples, ſhall equally concern them both, which is enough to juſtifie my Title.

NOW becauſe credulity, and incredulity, doth properly belong unto ſuch things, as are wondred at, either, as beſides the ordinary courſe of nature; and therefore wondred at, becauſe rare and unuſual; or againſt it, and therefore thought impoſſible, or ſupernatural; it will not be amiſs in the firſt place, to conſider what thoſe things are, conſidered in their kinds, or generality, which uſually cauſe admiration. As I go along, I may meet with ſomewhat, that may occaſion ſome conſideration: otherwiſe, I have no intention, but to name them only.

MONSTERS are the moſt ordinary ſubject of their admiration, who are not qualified to admire any thing elſe, though it deſerve it, much more. However, they that have, or ſhall read the Hiſtory of Monſters, written by Bauhinus, not to mention others; may think the better of many things, which before perchance, they thought incredible. Though he treat of all kind of Monſters, yet Hermaphrodites only, are in his Title, as the moſt prodigious, or moſt conſiderable. Indeed, many laws have been made about them, and many caſes propoſed, and anſwered, both in the Civil, and Canonical law. I have read alſo, of trials, proceſſes, and Judgments againſt, or concerning them, in ſeveral Courts, beyond the Seas; and Pliny doth record, that in his time, they were in deliciis, not for their beauty, and good parts, I ſuppoſe, but (ſuch is the perverſity of ſome) for their very monſtroſity. And what if after all this, ſome men will maintain, that there be no ſuch creatures? One great argument will be; they never ſaw any. Another, there have been ſome counterfeits. Upon theſe grounds, who ſeeth not, how much the Hiſtory of Nature may ſuffer, through the raſhneſs and ignorance of ſome, who affect to be thought wiſe; for denying what other men believe, the Continuator of Thuanus his Hiſtory will tell, what paſſed in Paris, Anno Dom. 1613. about this controverſie, if any deſire to know.

AFTER Monſters, thoſe things I reckon, that happen by natural ſympathies, and antipathies; (though theſe alſo, denied by ſome, who muſt adventure upon ſomewhat, that they may be thought ſome body) and again thoſe things that proceed, from what Phyſicians call [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (it is written both ways:) to which ſympathies may be referr'd, but it extends much further: and again thoſe things that proceed from the ſtrength of imagination: concerning all which not only example, and inſtances, in moſt books of all arguments, are obvious; but alſo peculiar books, and tractates, made by learned Phyſicians and Philoſophers, ſearching into the cauſes, (though natural acknowledged, yet hidden, and ſecret) ſo far as the wit of man can reach, are extant: all theſe, I conceive, to them that ſearch into the works of nature with diligence, offer themſelves frequently, as worthy objects of admiration.

ANOTHER great object of admiration, is that which they call occultae qualitates; to which ſome ſympathies and antipathies; as alſo [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] may be referred; but is much more general, than either. Thoſe occultae qualitates have been ſtiled by ſome men, who had the ambition to be accounted more profound, and quickſighted into the works of nature, than others, aſylum aſinorum; or, the refuge, or ſanctuary of Aſſes; but, in their attempts and endeavours of rendring of reaſons, to maintain manifeſt qualities, they, generally, have acquitted themſelves ſo weakly, ſo childiſhly, as by the diſcourſes and refutations of Phyſicians, and Philoſophers, both ancient and late, generally moſt approved and known, doth appear; that what they thought to brand others with, hath unhappily, but deſervedly ſtuck to themſelves, their reaſonings, if not themſelves, being become the ſcorn and ludibrium of all truly wiſe, and judicious. So hitherto, I am ſure, according to the old Philoſophy. But what the conceited omnipotency of Atomes, according to the new Philoſophy, (or revived Epicuriſm) may do, to ſatisfie all doubts and ſcruples, I know not. For my part, I ſhall not be aſhamed to acknowledge my weakneſs: I have looked into it, with as much candor, and diligence, as in ſuch a caſe I thought neceſſary; ſo far from prejudice, that I would perſwade my ſelf, I could not but ſpeed, and find what I ſought for: but I have not I profeſs it; yet with ſubmiſſion, to better judgments.

TO theſe occultae qualitates, we may add, influxus coeleſtes, or influentiae; to which I find very learned men, Phyſicians and others, to aſcribe ſtrange effects: Yet there be very learned too, that will by no means admit of ſuch: as learned Pererius by name, who doth inveigh againſt them, as the confuſion of all ſound Philoſophy, and in very deed, the true aſylum aſinorum. Yet, if a man conſider of it ſoberly, and read impartially, what is by very ſober men pleaded for them; he may find ground enough, (it is my opinion) to believe them: eſpecially, when he doth conſider, that Ariſtotle himſelf was forced, beſides his four Principia, or Elementa, to have recourſe to a quintam eſſentiam, (beſides that, which he doth appropriate to the Heavens) as a more noble cauſe: yea to God himſelf, in ſome things, as the immediate cauſe, operating above nature, above reaſon (humane) by his meer Omnipotency. Whereby Ariſtotle doth apparently lay a foundation for miracles, as we may ſhew in due place: whereas ſome conceited fooliſh men, pretended Chriſtians, but real Atheiſts, as Pomponatius and the like; becauſe they would not ſeem to depart from Ariſtotle's doctrine, refer all miracles to natural cauſes. Beſides it is well known that Hippocrates alſo, doth acknowledge [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], in diſeaſes; by which though Gallen, and ſome others underſtand ambientem aerem, only; yet even ſo then certainly the aer preternaturally, or ſupernaturally affected, by ſome divine, or celeſtial cauſe; which is the more probable, becauſe in other places he doth ſpeak of the Gods, (according to the phraſe of thoſe days) very reverently, and doth much aſcribe to their power, in thoſe things that happen unto men.

BUT to our Coeleſtes influxus: though they be granted, yet it is very poſſible, that many things may be aſcribed unto them, which may proceed from other cauſes. That ſome men are lucky at Cards, beyond all imagination, or do feats with them, beyond the limits of any ſuppoſed activity, or jugling; ſuch as learned Raguſeius doth profeſs in the preſence of ſome others, men of great worth and fame, whom he doth name (Hieron. Fabritius, ab Aquapendente: Hercules Saxonia, &c.) to have ſeen, and admired; I ſhould not, though never ſo much admired, or incredible, aſcribe to a Celeſtial influence, though I find a very good Author, whom I ever look'd upon as a ſecond Ariſtotle, (the greateſt commendation, I think, that can be given to man, Religion laid aſide) in point of ſound and ſolid reaſoning; even Thomas Aquinas, cited for it, by the ſame learned Author: whoſe opinion, in that matter, I much ſooner embrace, that ſuch things are done by contract with the Devil. And yet I have ground to believe, that ſo much may be done in this kind, by art and cunning; (which things are commonly referred to the power of u[•]e and cuſtom, which will be our next conſideration, after this of influxes) ſo ſtrange and miraculous, in appearance, that a man had need to be very well vers'd in ſuch ſpeculations, before he charge any man. And that is, when the caſe is ſo notorious, as no man can rationally doubt; as in that pretended Jugler, who (related by divers) before Charles the Ninth, King of France, made the Rings of a gold Chain, to leap towards him one after another, who was at a diſtance; and after that, made the Chain whole again: which, at laſt, himſelf confeſſed to have done by the help of the Devil; for which he was deſervedly caſt out of the Court, and puniſhed. Learned Voſſius hath it too, and quotes three Authors for it, but thoſe three, have it but from one, which kind of quoting is not ſo ſafe, except this very thing add ſome weight, becauſe it hath been believed by ſuch, and ſuch, and not contradicted by any. But, in a caſe of this nature, before ſuch company, and yet of freſh memory, when the firſt relation was made; the teſtimony of one credible witneſs, may be thought ſufficient. But for Pererius, why he ſhould be ſo bitter againſt Celeſtial influences, ſince he alſo doth grant, and ground upon occult qualities, which often are fetched from Celeſtial influences, and liable to the ſame inconveniencies, and therefore by ſome, as was ſaid before▪ who would gladly be thought to ſee further than other men, ſo termed, (aſylum aſinorum) I ſee no reaſon.

BUT granting theſe influences, the great queſtion doth remain, whether they work, as general only, or as particular cauſes alſo. It is the opinion of ſome very learned, that their power, and operation doth extend even to particulars: as for example, to diſpoſe and to incline (not compel) a man, to ſuch and ſuch actions: but of more, that they work only, as general cauſes: as for example, why in ſome ages, men generally have been more inclinable to ſuperſtition, ready to believe, and to ſwallow more, than the boldeſt impoſtor could invent: in others, more to Atheiſm and incredulity, all upon the ſenſes, and what is viſible and palpable, though againſt all ſenſe and reaſon. In ſome, more for ſtrifes, and contention; in others, more for peace, and calmer ſtudies. And what ſhall we ſay to that influence, that produced in men that frantick humor, the beginning whereof is aſcribed by Hiſtorians, to the year of the Lord 1260. of wandring about, half naked, and whipping themſelves unto bloud? Which though ſuppreſſed by authority for a while, ſprung up again ſome forty, or fifty years after, with ſo much advantage, that moſt Kingdoms in Europe, were over-run with it; and notwithſtanding the oppoſition of Popes, by their excommunications, and other means that were uſed, continued above 100. years after; as doth appear by a peculiar tractate of Gerſon, the learned Chancellor of France, ſet out Anno Dom. 1460. againſt it. Thouſands in one company, of all kind of people, might have been ſeen in divers places, thus martyrizing their bodies, by tearing their fleſh, and their bloud running; a pitiful ſight, in outward appearance, but whether to the greater pleaſure of their diſtemper'd minds, or pain of body, I know not. I have ſpoken of it, elſewhere, which I ſhall not here repeat. I quote no Authors: there are ſo many Hiſtoriographers, beſides others, that take notice of it, I think it needleſs. If I may ſpeak my mind without offence, this prodigious propenſity to innovation in all kind, but in matters of learning particularly, which ſo many upon no ground, that I can ſee, on appearance of reaſon are poſſeſſed with; I know not what we ſhould more probably aſcribe it unto, than to ſome ſad conſtellation, or influence. But to conclude this matter of influences, whether of general, only; or, of particular efficacy alſo; it is agreed on all hands, that they are ſecrets of Nature, or of Heaven, if you will; which none will, upon pretence of any art, attempt to dive unto, but upon a preſumption, that the world (as of wicked men in general, ſome Philoſophers have maintained) cannot ſubſiſt without cheaters and impoſtors.

ANOTHER great cauſe of wondring, is the power of uſe and cuſtom: which they, who either by the report of others, creditable witneſſes; or by their own experience, have not been acquainted with, and well conſidered of, muſt needs aſcribe to magick, and ſupernatural cauſes many things, which are meerly natural. It is a ſubject of a large extent, but of excellent uſe, in divers reſpects: which made ſome ancient Fathers, (not to mention other Authors, of all profeſſions) upon divers occaſions ſo largely to inſiſt upon it, as they do ſometimes. St. Chryſoſtom ſaith plainly, that there is not any thing of greater power, and which produceth ſtranger effects, among men: the conſideration whereof he doth make excellent uſe of, in matters of life and religion: which is the reaſon, that he doth inſiſt upon it ſo often. Among others, one great uſe is, to diſcern ſome actions, which have been admired, and through ignorance, thought miraculous and ſupernatural; from ſupernatural and miraculous indeed: the diſcerning of which, of what moment it hath been, in Civil affairs, ſometimes; and ſometimes religious; many pregnant examples might be produced. Another great uſe the ancient Fathers make of this ſpeculation, is to convince the ſluggiſhneſs of men, in the purſuit of Heaven, who flatter, or rather fool themſelves with a conceit of impoſſibility of performing what is required, and without which no Heaven can be attained; when they ſee or may ſee, ſuch viſible examples of far greater performances for a leſs reward, God knows, by conſtant endeavours, and reſolution. It is poſſible, the Reader may light upon a book, tituled, A Treatiſe of Ʋſe and Cuſtom. It is not in the Title, but might have been added (as here) in things Natural, Civil, and Divine. That which gave occaſion to it, (for I muſt own it as mine, though ſet out, without my name) was: I was at that time much troubled, and as I thought injured, by what, in the law of this Realm, goes under the name of Cuſtom; to me, before, little known: and as the buſineſs run often in my mind, (riding eſpecially, when I had nothing elſe to buſie my thoughts) it brought in time many things into my mind, which I had read, and obſerved, concerning cuſtom, in general; till at laſt it came to this, that was printed. I needed not have owned it, ſome may think; and better ſo, perchance: yet the thanks I have had for it, from ſome, to whoſe judgment I could not but aſcribe much, becauſe I knew them very converſant in the ſtudy of Nature, whereof alſo they have given good proof to the publick; hath made me to adventure upon this acknowledgment. However, were it now to be reprinted, (ſuch is the largeneſs of the ſubject) it might be ſit[•]ed for publick uſe much more, than ever it was. Now thoſe things that are archieved by Art and Study, though they may ſeem not ſo properly Natural, in that ſenſe we take natural here; yet as they are referred to the power of uſe and cuſtom (a great myſtery of Nature, in our ſenſe, and the ſubject of much admiration, as that Treatiſe will ſhew them, who deſire further ſatisfaction about it) ſo, they properly belong to this account.

I MAY not, in this ſurvey of ſeveral helds, which uſually cauſe admiration (I obſerve no order, but take them as they offer themſelves) I may not, I ſay, omit the wonders of Chymiſtry: by ſome ſo much doted upon, (right Mountebancks, and cheaters in this) that they would refer all myſteries and miracles, even of Religion unto it▪ and to that end, fetch the pedegree of it from God himſelf, in his holy word, (much profaned and abuſed by their ridiculous, ſenſeleſs applications, and interpretations: wherein, I think, one Robert Flud, of this Country, worthily for it chaſtiſed by Gaſſendus, hath exceeded, even to the height of blaſphemy; all that I have read or heard of) and after him, from Adam, from Solomon, by ſundry fabulous forged writings: and whom not? Trithemius, that learned Abbot, and a great pretender to Myſteries himſelf, whoſe inventions have troubled ſo many heads, to ſo little purpoſe hitherto; his judgment of it is, that parum in ſe continet, praeter verba, fraudes, vanitatem, doloſitatem, and the like; which he would have the neceſſary attendants on it. What made him ſo angry with it, I know not. For my part, I am bound to ſpeak of the art it ſelf, lawfully uſed, as by moſt learned Phyſicians at this day, with all reſpect and gratitude, as owing my life, under God, to it. For when (it may do ſome others good perchance, to know it) I was a young Student in Chriſt-Church Colledge, in Oxford, in a grievous ſickneſs (it was thought, the Small Pox had ſtruck in) I had two Phyſicians, whereof, the worthy Profeſſor, Dr. Cleyton was one, the other, a young man, of St. Magdalens· Hall, or Colledge, as I remember; by the appointment of my then Tutor, Dr. Meetk[•]rke, ſince that, Hebrew Profeſſor in Oxford; and afterwards one of the Prebends of Wincheſter, of ever dear and honoured memory to me. But my diſeaſe ſo prevailed, it ſeems, that after a fort-night, or thereabouts, having been prayed for in the Church once or twice: at laſt both my Phyſicians came to my Tutor, and told him they had done what could be done by art: there was no hope left, but in Gods great power, if he thought fitting: otherwiſe I had not many hours to live. Having thus taken their leaves, and left him very ſorrowful; about one hour after (this is the account I had from him, by word of mouth, and under his hand too) the younger Phyſician came to him again, confirms to him what they had ſaid before, when together; but withal, made a motion, if he thought fit, as in a deſperate caſe, to try ſome means▪ which poſſibly might do more than could be expected, by ordinary ways. At the worſt, I could die, but two or three hours before my time. The Doctor was at a ſtand; asked whether he might not ſend to my friends, before, to London; of which famous Dr. Thory was the chief, whom I was truſted to, and who took care of me. To which being anſwered, that before the man could come to London, the buſineſs would certainly be over; he gave way: and preſently, Pills, or Potion, ſomewhat was given me, which in leſs than twenty four hours, (with Gods bleſſing) reſtored me to ſenſe, and ſpeech; and from that time, I remember well, by what degrees I recovered. For I was brought ſo low before, that though prety chearful, ever ſince; it was a whole month at leaſt, after, before I could read in a book, or ſtand well upon my legs; to ſay no more. Now, that, what I took, was ſome Chymical compoſition, my Tutor told me, but no particulars of it, which I ſuppoſe were not told him. For I never was ſo happy, as to ſee, or know him, that had been the Author of ſo much good, under God, unto me; who I think died ſoon after himſelf: neither can I ſo much as give an account of his name, till I can find the Doctor's papers, which at preſent I cannot. I know how averſe ſome are from Chymical receipts: which indeed, from meer Empiricks, muſt needs be very dangerous: but from a man, that is well grounded in the old way, may do ſtrange things. This example therefore I thought would not be amiſs.

I HAVE been much pleaſed with the relation of divers experiments, which I have read in Quercetanus, when I have found them confirmed by other ſober writers, that were not, or are not, meer Chymiſts. For till then, I think a man may do well to ſuſpend his faith. And I know that Quercetanus himſelf, though very learned otherwiſe, is ſuſpected ſometimes by ſome, who generally give him good reſpect, to impoſe upon the Credulity of his Readers. How much more Crellius, Paracelſus, and the like? I find learned Sennertus charged with no leſs then Atheiſm, by more than one, for giving too much credit unto him: as particularly, concerning that, which they call, the ſpiritual roſe: that is, a roſe (and if a roſe, why not any other plant, or flower) by art, reduced into aſhes, wherein the ſubſtance of the roſe ſhall be ſo preſerved, that with a convenient heat applied, a ſpiritual roſe ſhall ariſe, and appear in the glaſs, like in all things to what it was before. Yet this is averred for a truth by ſome, who profeſs to have made frequent experiment before company. So Gafarell, as I find him cited by others: but Gafarell is a man of very little authority with me; (eſpecially in ſo great a thing) neither with any man, I think, that loves ſobriety. I have ground enough for what I ſay. Had he, himſelf no intention to deceive; yet the Authors, whom he doth truſt, ſuch as Galeatus, Thevet, Cardan, (of whom more afterwards) and his doting Rabbins, ſufficiently ſhew, what a man of judgment he was. In the beginning of that Chapter, where he treats of the roſe, he tells us of another experiment, very well worth the knowing, if true, (Cardan is his Author) that a knife, being rubbed upon ſome kind of Loadſtone, or a pointed inſtrument; the body may be cut, or run in, without any pain at all. It may be true, but I would have better authority for it, than Cardans; that mendaciſſimus, by his own, and his friends acknowledgment: but more likely to be falſe, becauſe not better known, or more inquired after. But the teſtimony of a learned Phyſician of this Country, confirmed by a noble and learned Knight, doth much more move me. Neither are the arguments, brought againſt the poſſibility of ſuch a thing, by thoſe afore mentioned cenſurers, of any great weight with me. Why ſhould it overthrow all Faith, and all Religion, or be prejudicial to the power of God; as though God, who is the Author of Nature, were not the Author of all wonders, brought to paſs by natural means? Indeed, in point of Philoſophy, it muſt needs be very ſtrange, and in ſome manner incredible; becauſe of that known Axiome, A privatione ad hab tum, &c. But to conteſt againſt clear evidence, by Philoſophical Axiomes; is as much againſt Philoſophy, and Ariſtotle particularly, as any thing. Neither (if true) doth it abate of the wonder of the reſurrection, to me; who ſtill look upon the ſame God, by his power the Author of the one, as well as of the other. Neither is my Faith concerning the reſurrection of the dead, confirmed unto me by this experiment, (if it be true, which I deſire I may be allowed to ſay, till I have ſeen it my ſelf, or ſee more reaſon to believe it) which I thank God, doth reſt upon better grounds, than Chymical experiments; but illuſtrated, I will acknowledge, and ſay, not a little. For as here, out of aſhes, ſo there, out of the duſt: as here, the ſame roſe in ſubſtance, yet a ſpiritual roſe; ſo there, the ſame body in ſubſtance; but a ſpiritual body: this, by fire; the other, I will not ſay by fire, yet not without fire; when the Elements ſhall melt with fervent heat; and a new Earth, and new Heavens are promiſed. So much for the poſſibility of this noble experiment I can plead: to which I add, that the ſame that deride it, as impoſſible, in point of reaſon; and, as impious to believe; yet grant the birth, and growing of a Plant in diſtilled water, as poſſible and true, which to ſome others, may ſeem as incredible. But on the other ſide, when I conſider, that what theſe write of plants and flowers; others, write of mettals and minerals, that they may be ſo reſolved by art, ut in vitro inſ[•]ar fruticis & arbuſ[•]ulae, effloreſ[•]ant & ſurrigantur: it makes me to ſuſpect the other the more. For if ſuch things could be done, me-thinks they ſhould be ſeen oftner than they are; or rather, reported to be. It were a ſight for Kings and Princes; not to be done in corners, and by men, who, I am ſure, have been found tripping in leſs matters. I make as much doubt of that which they call, aurum alatum, though by ſome averred with much confidence. For if true, the invention and uſe of Gunpowder, would be little regarded, in compariſon.

THEY that write of the wonders of nature, or natural magick, as they call it; bring into this account alſo ſome things that have been done by exquiſite art, apt to cauſe admiration, in the beholders, and incredible, or almoſt incredible to them, that have it by relation only. Though art, and nature be commonly oppoſed; yet well may ſuch things be reckoned among the wonders of nature alſo, in more than one reſpect; whereof one may be, becauſe the Authors of ſuch wonders muſt be looked upon as helped, or fitted by nature, more than art, if by art at all. Such a one is mentioned, a ruſtick by his profeſſion and education, by Wormius, in his Muſaeum ▪ whoſe pieces were admired by all, and by ſome, he ſaith, though[•] to exceed bare art. Such were the works of Archimedes, that admirable man, whoſe miraculous atchievements, though brought to paſs by Art, (whereof himſelf hath left ſufficient evidences, to poſterity) yet ſo far ſurpaſſing the reach and abilities (for ought we can find) of all that have been ſince him, in ſo many ages ſince, that we muſt needs think there was in him, and his works, much more of nature, than art. What praiſe a late Architect (Dominicus Fontana) got, for removing one of the Roman, or Aegyptian rather Obelisks, from one ſide of the Vatican Church, where it had ſtood a long time in Circo Neronis, to the other; all books that treat of theſe things▪ are full of it: as particularly, how long the Pope (Sixtus the V.) was, before he could get any body that would undertake it; and how much the work was admired, (and ſtill is) when it was done; what inſtruments were uſed; what coſt was beſtowed, and the like. It was, or is, an entire ſtone, of 956148 pounds weight: 170 foot high, as ſome write; but it may be a miſtake of the Print: for others, whom I rather believe, ſay but 107; beſides the baſis, 37 foot high. The manner, how it was done, is acurately ſet down by Henr. Monantholius, in his Commentaries upon Ariſtotles Mechanicks. But what is this to what was performed by Archimedes, in his time? Which things, though of themſelves, very incredible; yet atteſted at ſuch a time, and by ſuch witneſſes, as they are, one may as well doubt, whether ever there was ſuch a place as Syracuſe, or ſuch a man as Marcellus: not to ſpeak of his own works, yet extant, which they that are able to underſtand, or part of them, look upon with as much admiration, as ever thoſe works of his were, by them that ſaw them. I cannot but laugh at the conceit of ſome men, who think, that the uſe of Gunpowder was known to Archimedes, and that, by the help of it, he did what he did, at the ſiege of Syracuſe: ſuch a conceit alſo hath Sir Walter Rawleigh, as I remember, of Alexanders time; but upon what grounds, I ſhall not now enquire. But certainly, Archimedes his inventions are much undervalued by them, who think ſuch things could be done by Gunpowder. Gunpowder indeed in a Ship may blow it up, ſuddenly: out of a Ship, may ſink it, in time, if it be not too far. But to hoiſe a Ship, from the walls of the town, which were compaſſed by the Sea, at one end; and then to plunge it to the bottom: nay, to make it dance in the air, and twirle it about, to the horror, and amazement of all ſpectators; and other things, more particularly deſcribed by Plutarch, and by Polibius; is more, I think, than can be aſcribed to the power of Gunpowder. However, the wonder of Gunpowder, is, the firſt invention, which was caſual, except the Devil (which I do not believe, becauſe leſs hurt is now done in fights, than was, when no Gunpowder was) had a hand in it: what is now done by it, no man doth wonder at: but what Archimedes did, was begun, and carried on by Art, and an incomparable brain, or wit, the gift of God, or nature only.

AMONG other works of Archimedes, one was a glaſs Sphere; ſo Claudian of it, but, which is more likely, Lactantius ſaith of braſs: by both it is elegantly deſcribed; by the one, in Verſe; by the other in Proſe. This Sphere repreſented the motions (we may be allowed to ſpeak ſo I hope, notwithſtanding the new, or rather, in this, old revived Philoſophy: for all men, I ſee, are not yet perſwaded, nor like to be, to embrace Copernicus's opinion) of the Spheres, and Planets exactly; of the Sun and Moon, eſpecially, from which the diviſion of days, and months, and years doth wholly depend. Here was matter of admiration, eſpecially if he were the firſt, that ever attempted it. Of the truth, or poſſibility of this, no man doth doubt. But if it be true, which is written of another Sphere, found in the precious Cabinet of Coſroes, King of Perſia, when he was overcome (after he had committed many horrible cruelties againſt the Chriſtians) by Heraclius, the Roman Emperor, which not only repreſented the Spheres, and their motions, but alſo rained, lightned, and thundred: as I muſt acknowledge, that it ſurpaſſed that of Archimedes; ſo I ſhall take the liberty to doubt, whether any ſuch can be made, by meer Art. Yet Sci[•]kardus, in his ſeries of the Kings of Perſia, doth ſpeak of one of a latter date, made by one Stafflerus Tubingenſis, not leſs admirable, which alſo exhibited a Rain-bow; if many old men (for, by a miſchance of fire, it was burned before his time, it ſeems) by him carefully examined about it (he ſaith) may be credited.

I KNOW not by what chance, a Diſcourſe hath faln into my hands, containing an excellent deſcription of ſome ſuch Machina, called Horologium Aſtronomicum, which, as I gueſs by the laſt words, was to be ſeen in Germany, in the year of the Lord 1590. The words are; David W[••]lkenſtein, Vratiſlavienſis, Sileſius; Mathematum profeſſor, & Chori Muſici praefectus in Argentoratenſium Academia; Honeſtiſſimo & integerrimo viro, Domino Gregorio Zolchero, amicitiae & obſervantiae ergo, deſcribebat Anno Dom. 1590. I will ſet down (ſome perchance will deſire it) the beginning alſo.

DESCRIPTIO Aſtronomici Horologii, &c. Horologium hoc [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] eſt, id eſt, per ſe mobile, ponderibus agitatum. Nomen ei indimus ab uſu: nempe quia horas, praecipuas temporis partes, annum, menſem, nychthemeron, diem, noctem, horam, minutum etiam, mobilibus ſtatuis, elegantiſſimis picturis, jucundiſſima ſonorum harmonia, & cantu, diſcriminat & judicat. Partes ejus ſex ſunt. Prima continet globum coeleſtem, ſecunda Aſtrolabium: Calendarium, & orbem horariorum minutorum. Tertia habet tres orbes periodicorum motuum; menſtrui, horarii, & hebdomadarii. In quarta, Regina conſidet, &, circum eam, aliquot proc[•]res verſantur cum praecone. Extra Regium Palatium, ſunt M[•]rs, & Mil[•]s, & poſt hos duos, Angeli. In quinta, ſunt duo Angeli, Excubitor, & Gallus. Hae quinque partes, in aperto ſunt loco. Sexta pars, in abſcondito eſt, cymbala continens.

THUS far the firſt page, with three lines of the ſecond, written in an excellent hand, diſtinguiſhed with variety of Incks, (beſides the Title-Page, which hath more variety) black, and red: upon pure Vellum; but that it hath received ſome hurt by Seawater, as I gueſs. The whole deſcription doth conſiſt of twenty four Pages. Here indeed, in this whole deſcription, I find nothing of thunder, or lightning: no rain, no rain-bow, as in the former: but ſo many other things (Eclipſes of Sun, and Moon, among the reſt) that if I be not miſtaken in the ſenſe of the words, may deſerve almoſt as much admiration. I did once conceive, that it was a publick Clock at Argentoratum, (in Germany) famous for ſome noble pieces of Architecture; but no mention of any ſuch thing hath occurred hitherto to me, that I can call to mind. I have read a deſcription out of Politians Epiſtles, that hath much affinity with this, but that it is not ſo large, neither doth it mention any Statues, or Images, or Muſical inſtruments. I doubt not, but ſome may know more of it, than I do, which this, may provoke them to impart.

AND now I am upon it, it muſt be acknowledged in general, that no Science, or Contemplation doth afford more wonders, and more abſtract from all materiality, (Theology always excepted) than the Mathematicks, or Mathematical concluſions. As for example, (though it be a common example, yet never ſufficiently admired) that two lines, bending the one towards the other, may be drawn (ſtill bending, as before) in inſinitum: that is, to eternity, and yet never meet: This, when a young Scholer in the Univerſity of Oxford, I was ſhewed, and ſufficiently, by ocular demonſtration, as it were, convicted, that it muſt be ſo: yet ſtill ſo ſtrange and incredible did it appear unto me, that I could never be ſatisfied, but that there is ſome kind of fallacy in that buſineſs. I have heard it thus alſo propoſed, which did increaſe my ſuſpicion the more. A. B. ſtand at a diſtance. B. ſtirreth not: A. maketh towards him. The firſt day, he goes half the way. The ſecond, another half, of the ſpace that remained, after the firſt days work, or march. The third, another half of what remained. So the fourth, the fifth day; ſtill one half of the way, or ſpace, that remaineth, and no more. I ask, when ſhall A. be at his journeys end, and overtake B. I anſwer, upon the ſame ground, as before, Never. I would not have theſe things uſed, as arguments to confirm the truth of Chriſtian faith, or of any Articles of our faith (I ſee it is done, by ſome) that ſeem moſt incredible. For though aſſent may be extorted, by apparent irrefragable proofs, and propoſitions; yet hardly true belief wrought, and obtained. Gaſſendus ſaith, he will ſuſpend his ſaith: adhuc ambigo, is his word: and gives his reaſon, Becauſe Mathematical (to which, nevertheleſs, of all humane Sciences, it is acknowledged, that truth doth moſt properly belong) ſuppoſitions may be true in one ſenſe, and not in another. Chryſ. Magnenus, a great ſtickler for the atoms ſaith, Non eadem eſt ratio linearum Mathematicarum, & Phyſicarum. I hope, then, it will not be required, that Divinity ſhall be tried by the Mathematicks, and made ſubſervient to them; which yet the temper of ſome men of this age, doth ſeem to threaten, who ſcarce will allow any thing elſe, worthy a mans ſtudy; and then, what need of Univerſities?

BUT, not the Theorems of the ſcience, but the works of Mathematicians, was that we were upon, as a more proper object (more viſible, I am ſure) of admiration, and by conſequent of Credulity and Incredulity. Such were thoſe admirable works of Archimedes we have before ſpoken of, and may have more occaſion perchance, in our Second Part: and therefore ſhall proceed no further in this ſubject. So we go on.

THERE is not, I think, any thing more liable (after monſters) to popular admiration, than thoſe things that grow in different Climats, or Countries. But, as it belongs to fools and children moſt properly, to gaze, with no little wondring ſometimes, at thoſe that wear Cloaths and Apparel different from their own, or that, which they are uſed unto: (ſome there be ſo ſimple, that can ſcarce believe them real men, endowed with the ſame qualities of nature, if the difference of apparel be very great) ſo truly, to wonder much at any natural thing; as plants, or beaſts, or the like, that are ſaid to grow, or live in any other part of the world; or upon relation, ſcarce to believe that to be truly exiſtent, though we have good authority for it, which our own Country doth not afford; muſt needs argue great ſimplicity and ignorance. What can be more different (of things that are of one kind) than Europian, and Aſiatick Wheat, otherwiſe called Turkiſh-wheat? What if all, or moſt other things did differ as much, the difference of ſoil and climat conſidered; it were no great wonder, in point of Nature. I have both ſeen the picture and narration of Lobſters, drawing men, notwithſtanding their reſiſtance, with arms in their hands; into the Sea, to eat them. I will not upon a ſingle teſtimony, though I have no exceptions againſt the relator, abſolutely believe that it is true: though I believe it poſſible. A flying Mouſe, is no wonder in England: why ſhould I wonder at a flying Cat (I do not mean an Owle) if I have good authority for it: I have Scaligers, but that is not enough to make me believe it, though he name the place, except he ſaid he had ſeen it, which he doth not. It is enough for me, that I believe it poſſible; and if it be true, when I know it, I ſhall make no wonder of it. Since we know it that the world is full of variety, (none of the leaſt of its ornaments, and an argument of the Creators power, and wiſdom) why ſhould we wonder at all, or make any difficulty to believe, what doth only confirm unto us, what we know, that the world is full of variety? But this kind of admiration, or unbelief, (beſides them I have ſpoken of before) doth naturally belong to them, who never were out of their own Country, nor ever had the curioſity to read the travels of others; upon whom Seneca paſſeth this judgment; Imperitum animal, homo, qui circumſcribitur natalis ſoli fine, which I may Engliſh, That man is more an animal, than a man, whoſe knowledge doth not extend beyond the things of his own Country. But then, I ſay, we muſt have good grounds for what we believe. For to believe every thing, that is reported or written, becauſe it is poſſible, or not at all ſtrange, in caſe it be true; doth argue as much weakneſs, as to believe nothing, but what our ſelves have ſeen. But there will be a more proper place for this afterwards. Theſe things here ſpoken of, might be referred alſo to the power of uſe and cuſtom before ſpoken of, but in another ſenſe.

OF divers things, which are ordinary objects of admiration, and by conſequent of Credulity and Incredulity, hath been ſpoken hitherto: but the moſt ordinary, is yet behind; and that is, things that are ſupernatural; of which we may conſider two kinds. Some things ſo called, (termed alſo natural by ſome, as was ſaid before) becauſe no probable natural reaſon hath hitherto been found, or given, nor are apparently reducible to any of thoſe former heads, before mentioned: though it is poſſible, that time, and further experience may diſcover more, and that be found natural, in the ordinary ſenſe; which before was judged ſupernatural. And again, ſome things, which though called natural alſo, by ſome; yet, not by ordinary men only, who may eaſily be deceived; but by others alſo, men of fame, and approved ſobriety and ſincerity, whoſe buſineſs it hath been all their life long, (whether obliged by their profeſſion, or no) to enquire into the ways, and works of nature, are deemed and eſteemed, the actings of Devils, and Spirits immediately; or of men and women, aſſiſted with their power, as their inſtruments. But at this very mention of Devils and Spirits, I ſee me-thinks, not a few, and among them, ſome, not only in their opinion, but in the opinion of many others, and by publick fame, learned and experienced men; ſome, to recoil with indignation; others, gently to ſmile, with ſome kind of compaſſion. Now if it may be rationally doubted, whether there be any ſuch thing as Devils, or Spirits, and conſequently ſuch men, and women, as Magicians, and Sorcerers, and Witches; then there is as much reaſon, to doubt of all thoſe particular relations, which preſuppoſe the operation of Spirits, whether by themſelves, immediately, or by their agents, and inſtruments, Witches, and Wizards. And indeed ſo we find it commonly, that they that believe no Devils, nor Spirits, do alſo diſcredit and reject all relations, either ancient, or late, that cannot with any colour of probability, or knack of wit, be reduced to natural cauſes; and that they do not believe Witches and Wizards, ſeldom believe that there be Devils, or Spirits. I might go further, according to the obſervation of many, both ancient and late: but I will ſtop there. However, if not all Atheiſts themſelves (which I have more charity, than to believe) yet it cannot be denied, but the opinion is very apt to promote Atheiſm, and therefore earneſtly promoted and countenanced by them, that are Atheiſts. And indeed, that the denying of Witches, to them that content themſelves in the ſearch of truth with a ſuperficial view, is a very plauſible cauſe; it cannot be denied. For if any thing in the world, (as we know all things in the world are) be liable to fraud, and impoſture, and innocent miſtake, through weakneſs and ſimplicity; this ſubject of Witches and Spirits is. When a man ſhall read, or hear ſuch a ſtory, as Eraſmus in his Colloquium, intituled Spectrum (the thing was acted in England, as I remember) doth relate: Who doth not find in himſelf a diſpoſition, for a while, to abſolute Incredulity in ſuch things? And the world is full of ſuch ſtories; ſome, it may be, deviſed of purpoſe, either for ſport, or of deſign, to advance the opinion, in favour of Atheiſm: but very many ſo atteſted, that he muſt be an infidel, as can make any queſtion of the truth. How ordinary is it to miſtake natural melancholy (not to ſpeak of other diſeaſes) for a Devil? And how much, too frequently, is both the diſeaſe increaſed, or made incurable; and the miſtake confirmed, by many ignorant Miniſters, who take every wild motion, or phanſie, for a ſuggeſtion of the Devil? Whereas, in ſuch a caſe, it ſhould be the care of wiſe friends, to apply themſelves to the Phyſician of the body, and not to entertain the other, (I ſpeak it of natural melancholy) who probably may do more hurt, than good; but as the learned Naturaliſt doth allow, and adviſe? Excellent is the advice and counſel in this kind, of the Author of the book de morbo Sacro attributed to Hippocrates, which I could wiſh all men were bound to read, before they take upon them to viſit ſick folks, that are troubled with melancholy diſeaſes. But on the other ſide, it cannot be denied, becauſe I ſee learned Phyſicians are of that opinion, and viſible effects do evince it; but that the Devil doth immiſcere ſe, in ſeveral diſeaſes: whereof Sir Theodore Mayerne, (whom I think for ſtrange and even miraculous cures, I may call the Aeſculapius of his time, and do no body wrong) gave me a notable inſtance, concerning a maid in his houſe, that had been bitten by a mad Dog, which alſo died of it: to whom when he came in a morning, with a Looking-glaſs (to make trial of what he had read, but not yet experienced himſelf) under his gown; before he was in the room, ſhe began to cry out, and told him what it was he had about him. But I leave a further account of it to his own learned and voluminous Obſervations, which I hope they that have inherited that vaſt eſtate, will not envy to poſterity. Yet I know there be Phyſicians too, that would make us believe, that bare melancholy, will make men, or women propheſie, and ſpeak ſtrange languages, as Latine, Greek, Hebrew; (of all which there be ſundry unqueſtionable inſtances) but ſuch are looked upon, by others of their profeſſion, the far greater, and every way, much more conſiderable number, as Hereticks in that point. But becauſe the matter is liable to miſtakes, and impoſture, hence to infer and conclude, there is no ſuch thing, as either Witches, or Spirits; there is no truth, but may be denied upon the ſame ground, ſince it is certain, there is no truth, no nor vertue, but is attended with a counterfeit, often miſtaken for the true; as by divers Ancients, both Hiſtorians, and Philoſophers, is obſerved, and by ſundry pregnant inſtances confirmed; whereof I have given a further account in my Latine notes upon Antoninus, the Roman Emperor, his incomparable (I muſt except thoſe of our late Gracious Sovereign, and Gods glorious Martyr) moral Meditations.

NOW whereas I ſaid but now, they that did not believe there be Witches, or Spirits, did generally diſcredit, and reject ſuch relations, either ancient or late, as cannot with any colour of probability or knack of wit, be reduced to natural cauſes: it is true, generally they do. But ſee the contradictions, and confuſions of a falſe opinion, and affected ſingularity. For ſome of them of a more tender mould, being convicted by frequent experience, of the truth of thoſe operations, by others accounted ſupernatural, or diabolical, and yet, it ſeems, not willing to recant their error of the non-exiſtence of Witches and Spirits, which perchance had got them (the thing, certainly, that divers aim at) the reputation of diſcerning able men, above the ordinary rate of men; to maintain their reputation, they deviſed a way, how not to recede from their former opinion, and yet not deny that, which they thought (it is their own acknowledgment) could not be denied, but by mad-men; that is, ſupernatural (generally ſo called) operations. How ſo? Why, they tell us, that all men, good or bad, learned and unlearned; by the very conſtitution of their ſoul, and the power and efficacy of a natural faith, or confidence, may work all thoſe things, that we call miracles, or ſupernatural operations. This was the opinion of one Ferrerius, a later, and learned Phyſician in France, whom I have had occaſion, but upon this very ſubject, elſewhere to ſpeak of. How many more beſides him, did eſpouſe the ſame opinion, (for he was a man of great credit, as by Thuanus his relation doth appear) I know not. Now becauſe I never heard, neither is it alledged by any other, that I have read, that this man, or any that were of his opinion, did ever attempt to do miracles, which certainly they would have done, had they had any confidence in their opinion; May not any man probably conclude from thence, that they maintained, what they knew in their own conſcience to be falſe: or by Gods juſt judgment, for not ſubmitting their reaſon to his Revealed Word, and the ordinary maxims of Religion, were ſuffered to entertain ſuch opinions, as muſt needs argue ſome kind of deliration and infatuation?

BUT if the Reader will have the patience of a ſhort digreſſion, I will tell him a ſtory, concerning this Au[•]erius, or, as Bodin writes him, Ogerius, which may be worth his hearing; not becauſe it is ſtrange, which is not my buſineſs, properly, but becauſe it is not impertinent to what we drive at, truth. There was, it ſeems, at Tholouſe in France, where this man lived and died, a fair houſe, in a convenient place, which was haunted, and for that reaſon, to be hired for a very ſmall rent. This houſe, Augerius (as once Athenodorus, the Philoſopher, did at Athens) not giving perchance any great credit to the report, did adventure upon. But finding it more troubleſome, than he did expect, and hearing of a Portugal Scholar in the town, who in the nail of a young boy, (it is a kind of Divination, we ſhall ſpeak of, in due place) could ſhew hidden things, agreed with him. A young girle was to look. She told, ſhe ſaw a woman curiouſly clad, with precious chains, and gold: which ſtood at a certain piller in the Cellar, (the place, it ſeems, chiefly haunted) having a Torch in her hand. Hereupon the Portugal's advice to the Phyſician, was, he ſhould have the ground digged, juſt in that place; for that, certainly there was ſome treaſure there. The Phyſician had ſo much faith, it ſeems, as to believe him, and preſently takes care for the execution. But when they were even come to the treaſure, as they thought, or whatever it was; a ſudden whirle-wind puts out the Candles, and going out of the Chimney, (ſpiraculum cellae, the Latine Tranſlation calls it: which may be underſtood of a Store-houſe, in any part of the Houſe, or a Cellar, or Vault: I live in a Houſe built upon a Vault, which once had a Chimney) battered ſome 14 foot of battlement in the next houſe, whereof part fell upon the porch of the houſe; part upon the ſaid Chimney, and part upon a ſtone-pitcher, or water-pot, that was carried by a woman, and brake it. From that time, all annoyance of Spirits, ceaſed in that houſe. When the Portugal was told, what had happened, he ſaid, The Devil had carried away the treaſure, and that he wondred the Phyſician had no hurt. Bodinus, my Author, ſaith, The Phyſician himſelf told him the ſtory, two days after; who preſently after (Bodinus, I mean) went to ſee the ruines, and found it as he was told. And this, ſaith he, happened in a very clear calm day, as at the beſt time of the year, though it was the 15 December, 1558. By the Dedicatory Epiſtle, in my Edition, Bodinus firſt ſet out his book 1579: Augerius died, 1588. There aroſe ſome difference, it ſeems, between Bodinus, and this Augerius, before he died, as Thuanus doth tell us. But whether friends, or foes, (though here, Augerius is ſtiled by him, Medicus Doctiſſimus; and a little before, where he ſpeaks of his opinion, vir doctus) no man, I think, can rationally have the leaſt ſuſpition, that Bodinus, upon the very place, where the thing happened, which could not be long concealed from publick knowledge, durſt, or could relate it in any particular, otherwiſe, than as it was generally known in all the Town, to have happened, and Augerius himſelf had made relation to him. And this was the man, who not able otherwiſe to avoid Spirits and ſupernatural operations, which as to the matter of fact, he doth acknowledge, and thinks it a kind of madneſs to deny them; did take upon him to deviſe and maintain, that all men naturally, learned and unlearned, were in a capacity to do miracles by their faith, I wiſh the Reader would take the pains to peruſe that whole Chapter of his, De Homerica Curatione, as he doth call it, to ſee, how that learned man doth labour miſerably to come off, with any probability, with his mad project; which yet, he profeſſeth, he did not haſtily, or unadviſedly fall upon; but, cùm toto animo ac ſtudio omni [in eam cogitationem] incumberem, as himſelf ſpeaketh. A good caveat, I think, to others, how they entertain new opinions. Yet, I cannot abſolutely ſay, that he was the firſt Author of this mad device. The Enthuſiaſtick Arabs long before, (we have given an account of them, elſewhere) did broach ſome ſuch thing; which by Cornelius Agrippa, is largely explained and maintained in his books, De occulta Philoſophia: but neither by the Arabs, nor by Cornelius, is this power given to all men in general, learned, and unlearned; but to them only, who by conſtant ſtudy and ſpeculation in theſe myſtical arts, (in very truth, Diabolical, and ſo acknowledged, in effect, by Cornelius himſelf, in his ſolemn recantation in his books, De Vanitate Scientiarum; though not believed by all men, to have been ſo ſincere, as it ſhould have been) have refined their Souls to ſuch a degree of perfection, as much exceeds the bounds of ordinary humanity. But, neither were theſe ever famed for wonders, or miracles done by them, that I remember, whether Arabs, or others. Ancient Magicians, as Porphyrius, Iamblicus, and the reſt; did profeſs to deal by Spirits: So later Magicians, Agrippa and others; and Trithemius, in his anſwers to the queſtions, propoſed unto him, as the man then in Europe, beſt able to reſolve him, by Maximilian, the Emperor, concerning the power of Witches, &c. doth much inveigh againſt the malice, wickedneſs, and fraudulency of thoſe Spirits. And thoſe few ſet aſide, as Agrippa, Trithemius, and ſome others (of whoſe great acts nevertheleſs, I find but little recorded) it is well known, that ſuch as we call ſupernatural, not Divine operations, have in all ages, ſince thoſe ancienter Magicians, been wrought by men and women, who were altogether illiterate, and for their lives, moſt infamous.

AS for them, who allow and acknowledge ſupernatural operations by Devils and Spirits, as Wierius; who tells as many ſtrange ſtories of them, and as incredible, as are to be found in any book; but ſtick at the buſineſs of Witches only, whom they would not have thought the Authors of thoſe miſchiefs, that are uſually laid to their charge, but the Devil only; though this opinion may ſeem to ſome, to have more of charity, than Incredulity; yet the contrary will eaſily appear to them, that ſhall look into it more carefully; as by that little we ſhall ſay of it afterwards, any indifferent man may be ſatisfied. And though it is much, that he doth grant, and no ſmall part of what we drive at, when he doth acknowledge ſupernatural operations, by Devils and Spririts, as we ſaid before: and that he had not the confidence, though his project of acquitting Witches from all crime, might tempt him to oppoſe himſelf to the belief (grounded upon daily experience) of all ages, of all men, ſome few excepted; nevertheleſs, I cannot but look upon the opinion he doth maintain, as groſs, and notorious incredulity; and of very pernicious conſequence; and therefore, think my ſelf bound to enquire into it a little further, before I proceed to other matter.

MY firſt argument, or obſervation ſhall be, concenſus generis humani. For, that ſome few here and there diſſent, if any ſhould object them againſt the univerſal conſent of men; he may as well object, that the earth is not round, becauſe there be many hills, and valleys in moſt part of the world. Now this reaſon from the generality of mens belief all the world over, muſt be of great weight to engage ours, except there be manifeſt reaſon to the contrary. Ariſtotle doth acknowledge it, a man otherwiſe not over-credulous, or addicted to popular opinions; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], ſaith he; What all men believe, we may ſay, is truth. And what uſe hath been made by ancient Heathens and others, of this general conſent of mankind, to prove that there is a God, is well known. It is very uſual with many, when they have ſome ſtrange opinion to broach, to tell us of ſome erroneous perſwaſion, which hath long prevailed among men; as, that thread bare example of the Antipodes, which once to believe, was hereſie; to which ſome others may be added. But in this particular, how impertinent ſuch allegations are, who doth not ſee? For it is one thing by ſome authority of man, or probability of reaſon, to be miſled into an opinion, determinable more by ſpeculation, than experience; or, if by experience, yet rare, and difficult, and wherein few men are concerned, as to matter of life: In ſuch a caſe, if the error be never ſo general, it is no wonder. But in a caſe of this nature, as Witches (to which we add, Spirits, in general, and ſupernatural operations) which doth moſtly depend, eſpecially where learning is not of daily experience, and wherein mens lives and fortunes are ſo much concerned: to be miſled in this, and from age to age, to continue in the error, is a ſtrange thing indeed, if not a meer impoſſibility. The world is much wider now (as to Knowledge) than it hath been formerly: and therefore the conſent of it ſo much the more conſiderable. I have (as all men, I think have that are any thing curious) read ſeveral relations of all the known parts of the world, written by men of ſeveral Nations, and Profeſſions, learned and unlearned, in divers languages: by men of ſeveral ages, ancient and late: I do ſcarce remember any ſhort, or long, but doth afford ſomewhat to the confirmation of this truth; but in moſt, I remember well to have met with very particular accounts and relations of Witches and Sorcerers; ſtrange divinations, predictions, operations, whereof the relators, many of them, men of ſeveral Nations and profeſſions, Papiſts and Proteſtants, who probably never heard of one another, profeſs themſelves to have been eye-witneſſes.

NOW if we confine our ſelves to this one part of the world, which we call Europe, to which one part all learning ſeemeth now to be in a manner confined; which, within this hundred, or two hundred years, hath produced ſo many able men of all profeſſions; Divines, Lawyers, Phyſicians, and Philoſophers; Papiſts and Proteſtants; thoſe few men excepted, who may ſoon be named all, known by their writing, to have diſſented; Who is there among them all, who hath not, pro re nata, and as occaſion ſerved, born teſtimony to this truth, or cauſe? But how many are there, of moſt Kingdoms, Germanes, High and Low, French, Engliſh, Spaniſh; not to ſeek further; of all profeſſions that have written of this ſubject, pleaded it, by reaſon and experience, and all kind of proofs; anſwered all objections, and pretenſions: ſome whereof, learned and grave, have had the examination of perſons, men and women accuſed for thoſe wicked practices in great number. Nicholaus Remigius, a man both pious and learned, (I wiſh covetous Printers had not bereaved us of his excellent Poetry, in many Editions) in his books of Demonolatrie, doth profeſs, within the ſpace of ſixteen years, to have had the examination of near 2000, whereof 900 were condemned to death. We may ſay the ſame, or there-abouts, I think, of Grillandus, not to mention others. That ſo many, wiſe and diſcreet, well verſed in that ſubject, could be ſo horribly deceived, againſt their wills; or ſo impious, ſo cruel, as wilfully to have a hand in the condemnation of ſo many Innocents; or again, wilfully, in the face of the Sun, and in defiance to God, by ſo many falſe relations, to abuſe all men, preſent, and future; what man can believe. Their chiefeſt evaſion, who are, or would ſeem to be of a contrary opinion is, what a ſtrange thing a depraved fancy, or imagination is; how eaſily it may repreſent to it ſelf Devils, and Spirits; Sorceries and inchantments, and, God knows what: which things, commonly talked of, among ordinary people, eſpecially, as many other things are; though they have no real being, yet may make great impreſſions in the brain, and offer themſelves in ſleep, or when the brain is ſick, and out of temper, by melancholy eſpecially. Or, if they be of Wierius his opinion, what advantage the Devil may make of a ſick brain, to make ſilly poor women believe, that they have done things, which they never did, nor could. And this, when they have proved by two or three examples (or ſay twenty, or more; for it is no hard buſineſs) they think they have done much. But what reaſon have they, to think this ſuch a myſtery, that none of thoſe, that have had to do with Witches, and Sorcerers, ever heard of any ſuch thing; and would not well conſider it, before they paſſed any judgment? But what if more than one, ten, or twenty perchance, (it hath been ſo ſometimes) have been actors, or acceſſories in ſome one execrable buſineſs, and, upon ſuſpition, being ſeverally examined, are found to agree in one tale; to have been thus and thus incouraged, aſſiſted, by Spirits; to have acted ſuch and ſuch things; met in ſuch places, at ſuch times; which things, accompanied with notable circumſtances, are found upon examination to be true, in all points and particulars? What if others, men and women, be convicted by the depoſition of ſundry creditable witneſſes, upon ſome ſudden quarrel, or old grudge; To have curſed, and threatned, thus and thus; men or cattle; and that it hath happened accordingly: Strange deaths, ſtrange diſeaſes, ſtrange unnatural, unuſual accidents, have enſued: can all this be, the effects of a depraved fancy? Or what, when ſuch a houſe, ſuch a pariſh hath been troubled with ſuch unuſual accidents; if all thoſe accidents, immediately ceaſe, upon the arraignment and execution of ſome, that are ſuſpected, and have confeſſed, (though it doth not always ſo fall out, that they confeſs, which may be ſome argument of their repentance, which, I fear, is not very uſual) ſhall we impute all this to a depraved fancy, or imagination: or ſay, with Wierius, that all this is done by the Devil only, to bring poor innocent women to deſtruction. And that God doth ſuffer theſe things, to puniſh (but more of that by and by) the credulity of men? Truly, as I can believe, that ſome men, innocently, for want of experience and good information, may hold ſuch an opinion, which of the two, they conceive moſt charitable; ſo, that any man of ordinary capacity, that hath taken pains to inform himſelf, can really, without ſome great and ſecret judgment of God, perſiſt in it, is to me almoſt incredible; or not leſs ſtrange than any of theſe ſupernatural operations, which ordinarily cauſe moſt admiration.

THEN, if a man conſider, what kind of men, for the moſt part, they have been, who have taken upon them, to oppoſe the belief of mankind, or univerſality of men, concerning Witches, &c. ſome notorious Atheiſts, as Pomponatius, Vaninius, &c. others, confident, illiterate wretches, as one of this Country, Reginald Scot, and the like; he will think certainly, that if the cauſe be no better, than the Patrons, it cannot be very good, nor ſee any reaſon at all to embrace it. But I muſt not let Reginald Scot paſs ſo, without a further account, for their ſakes (if any) that have a better opinion of him, though otherwiſe, a very inconſiderable man. His book, I muſt confeſs, I never had, nor ever read; but as I have found it by chance, where I have been, in friends houſes, or Book-ſellers ſhops; and, as the manner is, caſt my eyes, here and there; by which perſunctory kind of taſte, I am ſure, I had no temptation to read much of him. I do not, therefore, take upon me to judge of him, by what I have read of him my ſelf, which being ſo little, might deceive me; but by what I have read of him, in others, whom I know to have been learned, and judicious, and of great moderation and candor, in judging, even of enemies. This, I hope, I may ſpeak without offence, or contradiction, of one, whoſe ſurname, notwithſtanding the vaſt difference of their worth, comes ſomewhat near (for I know, that obſervations have been made, even upon names to the others chriſtian-name; and that is, Doctor R[•]ynolds, when he lived, as I take it, Regius Profeſſor of Divinity, in the Univerſity of Oxford: who it ſeems upon the report the man had got among the vulgar, had the curioſity (a right helluo librorum, as any was in his time) to read him. He doth mention him more than once, or twice, in thoſe learned, and elaborate Praelectiones of his upon the Apocrypha; and not only name him, but takes notice of many particular paſſages, and confutes them; or rather, makes himſelf and his Auditors (now Readers) ſport with them, but always admiring the unparallel'd boldneſs, and impertinence of the man. Of all the books he doth mention, in thoſe large and elaborate Prelections, I do not remember any whom he doth cenſure with more ſcorn and indignation. Neither is Dr. Reynolds the only man I have read, that doth cenſure him: I could name two or three more, if it were tanti, or worth the while. And what might not we expect from a man, who reckons Plutarch, and Pliny (ſo I find him quoted) among the Fathers of the Church: and Leonardum Vairum, a late Spaniard, who hath written three books, De faſcino, or Incantatione, (I have him not, but in French) and ſtiles himſelf Beneventanum, Ordinis Sancti Benedictini, & Priorem Abbatiae ejuſdem, in Italia: makes him, I ſay, either a Proteſtant, or an ancient Father: But theſe things we may laugh at, if theſe were his greateſt errors; concerning which, they that deſire to know more, may find enough in that learned piece before mentioned.

AS I was upon this, and had even written, or rather, (for I had ended this firſt part, and was now writing it out, as faſt as my weak condition would give me leave) written out ſo far: a worthy learned friend, whoſe judgment and communication in all kind of literature, wherein he is very expert, I much value, brought me a book entituled, A Philoſophical endeavour, in the defence of the being of Witches and Apparitions, againſt Drollery & Atheiſm, 1668. Glad was I, to ſee the book, who am a ſtranger to all new books, except it be by ſome chance, theſe many years; and I was not long, before I had run it over. I was glad to find, that we agree ſo well in our account, both in this particular of Reginald Scots, and of Witches in general, though in different ways. He Philoſophically, and ſubtilly: I, more popularly and plainly; yet I hope, not leſs uſefully. As for his particular opinions, or conjectures, we may take further time to conſider of them. His zeal againſt the Scoffers and Drollers of the time, as he doth call them; that is, againſt Atheiſm, which now paſſeth commonly, but moſt falſely, and among them only, who want true wit, and ſolidity; for wit and gallantry, I do much applaud. So much of it, (the book I mean) if not to ſatisfie others, yet my friend, who did help me to the ſight of it.

BUT Wierius was a learned man, a Phyſician by his profeſſion, who neither wanted wit, nor experience. They that have read his other book, De lamiis, (which I never ſaw) lay to his charge, that he is not conſtant in his opinion: ſure I am, in his book De praeſtigiis, &c. he doth ſhew much inconſiſtency: and ſometimes, no ſmall conflict and repugnancy, as a man that is much put to it, and doth not know what to ſay. For example, where he doth argue, whether men or women, Sorcerers and Witches, may become unſenſible to any torments, inflicted by Magiſtrates; at firſt, he doth deliver it affirmatively, that they may; and wickedly, or unadviſedly, (as elſewhere frequently, for which he is much condemned, and cenſured by ſome, to have written more in favour of Spirits, than women) doth ſet down ſome charms, that (he ſaith, or may be ſo underſtood) will do it. But then immediately, he doth propoſe ſome things to the end, that what he hath delivered before as true and certain, might be queſtioned and deemed rather ridiculous and falſe, than true, or credible. For (ſaith he, as though any man, acquainted with the world, or the Scriptures, could not have anſwered it) all powers are of God: it is not likely, that God will give ſo much power to Devils, as to hinder the courſe of Juſtice. A great argument indeed, of Gods power, and providence over the world, that though he doth it ſometimes, to make us the more ſenſible, and thankful; yet he doth it not often. Secondly, becauſe God, as he is juſt, will not have wicked actions (a great and invincible argument, that there is a time and place of rewards, beſides this preſent world) to paſs unpuniſhed. Yet for all this, his concluſion at laſt is: (Sed tamen hominum impietate ſic merente, ſaepius haec accidiſſe fateor) that it is ſo nevertheleſs; there be Charms and Spells, which with the Devils help (through the wickedneſs of men) will make men and women unſenſible of any torments, be they never ſo great. This puts me in mind of what I have heard from Sir The[•]dore Mayerne, (though dead many years ago, yet his memory, I hope, is yet freſh and living: I ſhall need to ſay no more) whereof he had been, he ſaid, an eye witneſs; and what courſe was then held in Geneva (which then abounded with ſuch creatures) for the prevention, or redreſs of ſuch Diabolical unſenſibleneſs, in Witches, and Magicians. I could ſay more from him; but I will not, now he is dead, give any man occaſion to queſtion the truth, either of his, or my relation. But to return to Wierius: So much was the man himſelf unſatisfied in his own opinion, that it is no eaſie thing for any man elſe, that reads him, to know what he would have. For, that horrible things are done really, according to the confeſſion of women, accounted Witches; that, he doth not deny: That divers things, by the confeſſion of theſe women, of the time, and place, and manner, and complices, come to be known, which before were not known, and which upon diligent examination are found punctually true, in every circumſtance, according to their confeſſion; he doth not only acknowledge, but doth tell many ſtrange ſtories himſelf to confirm it. What then? The Devil, ſaith he, makes them believe they have done, what himſelf hath been the true author of; nor could indeed be done by any, but himſelf. But did ever any man believe, that which Witches did, they did it by their own power? But that they wilfully, and knowingly, to ſatisfie their own luſt, or deſire of revenge, or other wicked end, make uſe of the Devil, to bring ſuch wicked things to paſs, which are confeſſed to be true and real, and wherein they uſually are inſtrumental themſelves; as by clear manifeſt proofs, and evidences (if any thing be clear and certain in the world, beſides their own confeſſion) doth often appear; this is that which is laid to their charge, and for which they deſervedly ſuffer.

NAY, he doth not deny, but that ſuch as have been bewitched, have been reſtored by thoſe, who were ſuſpected (and convicted, ſome) to have bewitched them: and yet for all this, bare Phanſie the cauſe of all. I beſeech him, What hath he left to us, that we can call truth, if this be but phancy? And ſtill the concluſion is, that God doth ſuffer theſe things, poor innocent women to periſh, for the Credulity of men; becauſe they believe that there be Witches in the world: So that according to him, not thoſe women, who are ſuſpected and convicted by the Devil, upon their earneſt ſeeking to him, to have done ſuch and ſuch things; but they that are ſo credulous, as to believe it, deſerve more (though he doth not ſay it, it doth follow ſo) to bear the puniſhment. And who doth not ſee, that by this doctrine, the greateſt Malefactor, Traitors, Rebels, and the like, may be accounted innocent? If this be not enough, to ſhew that the man was infatuated; then hear him plead, that Witches cannot be, becauſe it is againſt the Goodneſs of God, to ſuffer, that poor old women, oppreſſed with miſery and age, ſhould fall into the worſt of evils, as to become a prey unto the Devil. And again, that if God did give ſuch power to Witches, the world could not ſubſiſt: That if Witches have ſuch power, what need any King, or Prince be at ſuch charge, to raiſe Armies, to defend themſelves, or offend others; when one ſingle Witch may bring the ſame things to paſs, without ſuch trouble, or coſt? Now the ſtrength of theſe arguments doth lye in this; if it be true, firſt, that women are the only object of Gods Providence and Goodneſs, and not men: And ſecondly, becauſe God for reaſons beſt known to him, yet not altogether incomprehenſible to man, doth ſometimes ſuffer (as in Jobs caſe) ſome of theſe things to be, which we may believe, and yet believe that not one hair of our heads can periſh, to our prejudice, without Gods permiſſion: that God, I ſay, becauſe ſometimes, is therefore bound to ſuffer them always, and hath given the Devil abſolute power over the Earth: which things, if ridiculous, and impious; ſo certainly muſt the opinion be, that is grounded upon them. But if all this reaſoning will do nothing▪ yet Wierius hath another refuge; though, we ſee theſe things, (which we think a good argument of truth in moſt other things) yet we muſt not believe them, but rather think that the Devil hath bewitched our eyes to repreſent unto us things, that are not really, than to believe, that women can be ſo cruel. So he profeſſeth of himſelf; Tam enim id exiſtit inhumanum, tetricum, & crudele, & creditu difficile, ut ſi vel meis intuerer haec oculis, &c. Yet of men, he will believe any thing, it ſeems, by thoſe ſad ſtories he tells us of Sorcerers, whom he doth deteſt to the pit of Hell; but of women (S[•]lomon did not find it ſo, nor the Author of Eccleſiaſticus) we muſt not believe any ſuch thing. My opinion, (to end this diſcourſe) concerning the man, is His Prince, and Maſter, whoſe chief Phyſician he was, had been wrought into that belief by ſome, (as always here and there ſome have been of that opinion) before Wierius had any thing to do with him; that it was ſo, and ſo, in the caſe of Witches, juſt as Wierius doth endeavour to make good, in his book: who alſo (his Prince) what he believed, took a pleaſure (if not, pride) to diſcourſe it publickly. All this, I learn from Wierius his dedication, and ſome paſſages of the book: my opinion is, that to gratifie him, was the chief ground of Wierius his undertaking, who probably by what we have obſerved, would not have engaged himſelf into ſuch trouble of ſpirit, and mind, to oppoſe the publick belief, without ſome great provocation. This is a charitable opinion, the Reader will ſay, if he conſider, what is objected unto him by others, to prove, as was intimated before, that what he intended, was not ſo much to favour women, as the Devil himſelf, with whom, it is to be feared, that he was too well acquainted; as (beſides other pregnant arguments) Cornelius Agrippa his diſciple, and boſom friend, according to his own relation and acknowledgment. But enough of him.

TO others, that are of his opinion, or perchance deny Magicians, as well as Witches, I would have them to conſider, that if there be really ſuch, as the world doth believe; who (whether men, or women) by entring into covenant with the publick enemy of mankind, and by the miſchief they do, not to particular men, women, and children only (not to mention dumb creatures, which are made for the ſervice of man) but even (God permitting) to whole Towns, and Countries, by Fires and Peſtilences, and otherwiſe, as the moſt approved Hiſtorians, and Phyſicians of theſe times, who have taken great pains to ſearch into it, and give ſuch reaſons as few, I think, will undertake rationally to refute, do aſſert and maintain: If ſuch, I ſay, really, who for thoſe reaſons, deſerve no leſs than the Devil, to be accounted the enemies of mankind: what may we think of thoſe, (though ſome, I believe, through ignorance, and for want of due information) that become the Patrons of ſuch? And if there be laws againſt calumniators, and falſe witneſſes, and thoſe that go about to take away the good name, even of private men and women; what puniſhment do they deſerve, that dare publickly traduce all the venerable Judges of ſo many Chriſtian Kingdoms, as either ignorant wretches, or wilful murderers?

BUT all this while, we have ſaid nothing, from the authority of Gods Holy Word, by which, beſides ſome pregnant examples of Witches, and witchcraft in the Scriptures, all Sorcerers and Magicians; all Witches and Wizards, with much exactneſs diſtinguiſhed and enumerated, are condemned to death; and their ſin ſet out, as the moſt hainous of ſins, in the eyes of God; and for which more than any other, the wrath of God comes upon the children of men, to the utter deſtruction of whole Kingdoms and Countries. This indeed I ſhould have begun with, and might have contented my ſelf with ſuch authority, had I to do with Chriſtians only. But I know what times we live in: we may thank theſe late confuſions, the fruit of Rebellion, and a pretended Reformation, for a great part of it. But they that are true Chriſtians, need no other proof, I am ſure. Others, if rational, and not too far ingaged into Atheiſm, have ſomewhat alſo to conſider of, if they pleaſe.

I THINK I have ſpoken of moſt of thoſe general heads, under the Mathematicks (as by the reſt, many particulars, which I do not mention) comprehending the Opticks, and all manner of glaſſes, by which ſtrange things are performed: moſt of thoſe general heads, I ſay, natural, and ſupernatural, which uſually cauſe admiration among men; and thereby become objects of credulity and incredulity; Civil, and Divine only, which we refer to their proper places, excepted. I ſhall now in the next place give ſome Inſtances, firſt in things meerly natural, as generally underſtood; then in things ſupernatural; or, in Trallianus, and other ancient Phyſicians, their ſenſe and notion, which we have followed in the Title; natural too, but as natural is oppoſed to rational: which things, intended for inſtances, ſhall be ſuch, which I, upon grounds of reaſon, as I conceive, profeſs to believe; though by many, who ſuſpect the relations, not credited, or thought impoſſible. After which inſtances, I ſhall annex ſome directions, or obſervations; with ſome examples of ſome things, which but lately generally credited, have proved falſe, which I think may be uſeful.

MY firſt Inſtance ſhall be concerning thoſe men and women, who have been reported to have lived ſome years without either meat or drink: except air ſhould be accounted meat, as to Chamelions, and ſome other creatures it is generally (though denied by ſome, I know) ſuppoſed to be. The truth is, that having had occaſion ſometimes, not otherwiſe very forward to tell ſtrange things, though never ſo true, in ordinary diſcourſe, yet upon occaſion, ſuppoſing this to be no ſuch ſtrange thing, becauſe I had read ſo much of it, but might be believed; I did once adventure, in very good company, a learned Phyſician being then preſent, to mention ſuch a thing: but I perceived it was entertained, as a thing not credible; eſpecially, after the Phyſician, in very deed an able man, whom I did not deſire to oppoſe in a thing more properly belonging to his cognizance; had paſſed his verdict upon it, that it could not be. Yet now, I will ſay, upon the credit of ſo many good Authors, and the particular relations of ſo many examples, delivered with ſo many circumſtances, wherein no miſtake, or impoſture can rationally be ſuſpected; that I do believe it, that divers men, and women, but more women, than men, have lived divers years, (ſome to their lives end, others for ſome years only, and then returned to eating) without any bodily food, ordinary or extraordinary, liquid or ſolid; yea, I believe it, as I believe that I my ſelf, with ordinary food, and Gods bleſſing, have ſo many years above 60. lived hitherto.

BUT here, before I proceed, leſt any, now that mocking and ſcoffing at Religion, and the Scriptures, is ſo much in faſhion, ſhould take any advantage, to ſlight and deride Religious, or miraculous faſts, ſuch as are recorded in the Scripture: I muſt profeſs, and declare in the firſt place, that I never met with any relation, true or falſe, of any man or woman, that ever did, or could, by any art, or ſtudy; (though, by the Devil, I think, ſuch a thing might, God permitting without any prejudice to religious and miraculous faſts) bring their bodies to any ſuch thing. But ſo many, as I have read of, were ſuch, who either after ſome great and tedious diſeaſe, or ſome natural operation of a proper temperament, or conſtitution of body, not voluntarily, but againſt their wills, came to this ſtrange paſs. The want of which right information might make ſome, whom Joubertus doth mention, and ſtile, men for their ſimplicity, and piety (except he ſpeak it ironically) venerable; to diſcredit, what otherwiſe, upon ſuch evidences, they would have believed. I remember well, that when I was a young Student in the Univerſity of Oxford, I had often a book in Quarto (as we call them) in my hands, which alſo had the picture of the party cut to the life, which did contain a very particular relation of one of theſe: which becauſe I never did meet with ſince, (it was in one of the Bookſellers ſhops, not in any Library) I make this mention of it here, ſo far as I can remember. But divers others have written of it: among others, Joubertus, before mentioned, a French Phyſician; againſt whom one Harvy appeared, to ſhew the impoſſibility, in point of nature; who, by more than one, I believe, (for Raphael Thorius, Doctor of Phyſick, whom I may not mention, without honour, both for his worth, and for particular obligations; lent me a little French book in defence of this ſubject, which he accounted a very ſolid piece, by which this ſecret of nature came firſt to my knowledge) by more therefore than one, I believe, but by one, who was moſt taken notice of, Franciſcus Citeſius, the then French King, and Cardinal Richel[•]w's Phyſician; a very learned man was anſwered: who alſo wrote the ſtory of one of theſe foodleſs, or if we may ſo call them, Aerial Spiritual creatures, which he calls, Abſtinans Conſolontanea: the book Printed in Paris, 1639. But beſides him, I have alſo one, Paulus Lentulus, a learned Profeſſor, he was then, Bernae Helvetiorum, who hath written the Hiſtory of one himſelf, and collected ſeveral relations, moſt, by men of note, as Langius, Hildanus, and others, (not omitting Citeſius before ſpoken of, but contracted) concerning others, not a few, in other Countries. This book hath the atteſtation and Encomium's of many learned men prefixed: and hath the picture of one of them alſo; yet I cannot believe, that it is the book I ſaw in Oxford, which, as I remember, gave account of one only, and was, I think, a thicker book. Truly, it would be hard, if not proud and inſolent, (Saint Auguſtine, in the like caſe, ſaith impudent) to queſtion the faith, or judgment of ſo many credible men, (ſome, of eminent fame) of divers Nations and profeſſions. But that which makes the caſe indiſputable, is, that ſome of theſe, whoſe ſtory is exhibited, have been long, or long enough to find the truth, kept and obſerved by Divines, Phyſicians, Magiſtrates: one, by Maximilian the Emperor, his great care, and particular appointment, (whoſe ſtory is written by more than one) to ſee, whether there could be any fraud, or impoſture. And beſides, the very ſight of ſome of them, might have converted, or ſilenced at leaſt, the moſt incredulous obſtinate creature in the world; their ſtomack, and bellies, whereof nature had no further uſe, being found ſo ſhrunk, that it was impoſſible to think, that meat and drink could there find a receptacle.

I WAS once kindly entertained at a place, (in England, but where, or by whom, except I had the conſent of them, to whom I profeſs to owe much reſpect for their kindneſs, the Reader muſt excuſe me) where after I had been ſome days, upon ſome information concerning a Gentlewoman, that had ſome relation to the houſe, though not then in the houſe, who was ſaid to live without meat; I made bold to ask my friend, (a noble Knight) the Maſter of the houſe, what he knew of it. His anſwer was, that ſhe had been his houſe-keeper, one month, he ſaid, as I remember, and ſat at his table every day, but had never ſeen her eat. This did ſet an edge upon my deſire, and curioſity, to enquire further. This Gentlewoman had married one of his Sons, who lived and kept houſe by himſelf (there alſo have I been kindly entertained more than once) not many miles off. He was a Scholar, and a very ingenuous Gentleman, and one, who himſelf was as curious to underſtand as much of nature, as by ordinary ſtudy and curioſity can be attained. His anſwer was, that ever ſince (ſome years, I am ſure) ſhe had been his wife, he never did obſerve her to eat otherwiſe, than that ſometimes, once in a week perchance, in handling of diſhes, ſhe would ſeize haſtily upon ſome one bit, which her phancy more, than her ſtomack, was tempted with. I make no queſtion, but if faithful obſervations were duly made, which was the way in ancient times, of all that hapneth extraordinarily in this one Country of England, we ſhould not need be beholding to ſtrangers ſo much, or at leaſt, would find leſs cauſe, in many things, to reject and contemn their relations, as incredible and fabulous. Sure, I am in moſt books that I have read, to underſtand what is not ordinary in the cauſe of nature; I find England often named, where I can find or hear of no Engliſh-man, to atteſt. In this very particular I am now upon, I have read of ſome, I am ſure, reported to have lived in England without either meat or drink; I know not how long, of whom I have read nothing in Engliſh Hiſtories. But I ſhall not trouble my ſelf to find where, having ſaid enough to ſatisfie them, who have not, by ſome ſolemn vow or reſolution, made themſelves impenetrable to reaſon. Yet, the ſtory of an Engliſh-woman or maid, that lived, I think, twenty years without eating, written by Roger Bacon, the Reader may find, if he pleaſe, in the Collection before mentioned, for the truth whereof; though I doubt not the poſſibility, except otherwiſe confirmed, I will not engage. But whereas he doth fetch the cauſe from Heaven, or Heavenly influences, if he be in the right in that, this example will not ſo properly concern us, who pretend in this particular to nothing, but natural cauſes. I know there be alſo who aſcribe it to the Devil; neither will I deny the poſſibility of ſuch a thing. However, when natural cauſes may clear the buſineſs, except ſome unnatural circumſtances, as ſometimes it doth happen, perſwade to the contrary; much better it is to let the Devil alone, than to fly to him for ſatisfaction.

BUT to return to our relations: I have ſaid it before, and ſay it again: No man I think that will take the pains to read the books I have mentioned, with all the particulars which they contain, but will, what ever opinion he was of before, acknowledge himſelf ſatisfied of the truth, as to matter of fact. As to poſſibility in point of nature, I will not be ſo peremptory, though I acknowledge my ſelf very fully ſatisfied, by thoſe learned Tractates that have been ſet out about it, that it may be. Now that any (women moſt, to whom this hath happened) ſhould after long ſickneſs fall to this, and ſo continue, dull, heavy, conſumptive in their bodies, and ſome without motion; and ſo, after ſome years, die; though ſtrange even ſo, yet I do not ſee much to admire, but that it ſhould ſo happen unto any; who nevertheleſs for ſome years have continued freſh and vigorous, with a good colour, and without any abatement of fleſh without, or any other notable alteration; and have returned in time, to eating and drinking again, as other folks; as I think it happened to her, that was kept by Maximilian's order; is that I moſt wonder at, and wherein we might with more probability ſuſpect a ſupernatural cauſe, though herein alſo, I ſubmit to better judgments, and believe as they do, that it may be, naturally. The matter is fully diſcuſſed by Sennertus alſo, a man of ſo much authority with me, and with all men, I think, whom new diſcoveries have not ſo beſotted, as to think nothing right, but what is new; that he alone might go a great way to perſwade me. Marcellus Donatus alſo, De Med. Hiſt. mirab. lib. 4. c. 12. is very full upon it: and hath many inſtances: this among the reſt: That a certain Prieſt did live 40. years in Rome with Air only, as by the keeping of Pope Leo, and divers Princes, and the Narration and Teſtimony of Hermol. Barbarus, is moſt certain.

HOWEVER, I am not ſo addicted to any cauſe, that I would allow of any indirect ways, to maintain it. To prove the poſſibility, among other arguments and inſtances, that are uſed, I ſhall here take notice of one, and what I have to except againſt it: not hence to infer againſt the cauſe it ſelf, any thing, for which there is no juſt reaſon, this being but a remote and inconſiderable proof, in compariſon of ſo many more pregnant and direct evidences: but to take this occaſion, by the way, to ſhew, how teſtimonies ſhould be examined, before we yield much to their authority. It is alledged by more than one, that there is a people in the North, about Maſcovia, who conſtantly from ſuch a day in November, to ſuch a day in April following, hide in Caves of the Earth, and continue all that time without any food, but ſleep. Now that this was averr'd to Henry the III. King of France, when in Polonia, by men of great quality, who lived in, or about thoſe Countries, and might eaſily know the certainty, with great aſſeveration; this indeed, I believe, and is of great weight with me, (though I would not, upon no greater evidence, preſs, or perſwade any other) to work ſomewhat towards a belief. Sennertus, I find, dares not peremptorily affirm it, for a truth; or much truſt to it, for an evidence; as having much greater, and more wonderful things, which no man, he ſaith, can queſtion, to prove the poſſibility of living, without eating, or drinking. Yet it doth appear by his words, though he feared it would (multis fabulo ſum videri) by many be ſlighted as a fable, yet that himſelf did much more incline to believe it, than not. And there be other relations of thoſe Northern people, believed, I ſee, by ſundry grave and learned men; which, to be compared, might ſeem every whit as ſtrange and incredible. But becauſe I do not make it my buſineſs here, to undertake for the truth of it, as I before profeſſed; nor have any intention to entertain my Reader with ſtrange relations, more than ſhall be neceſſary to my principal end; I ſhall willingly forbear them, or reſerve them to another place. That which I have to except in the relation of this ſtory is, that two Authors are named, Gnagninus in Muſcoviae deſcriptione; and Sigiſmundus Baro, in Hebeirſten, in itineratio: as two ſeveral Authors, and two ſeveral teſtimonies; whereas if we examine thoſe Authors, they will appear in this, but one, not only by the words, which they borrow the one from the other; almoſt the ſame, in both: but alſo by Gnagninus, who at the end of his Deſcription, doth make honourable mention of Sigiſmundus; whereby it doth appear that he had read him, and borrowed of him. But, what is worſe, upon further examination, it will appear, that this Sigiſmundus Baro, ſaith no ſuch thing at all himſelf, but hath that paſſage verbatim, out of an Itinerarie of a nameleſs Author, written in the Ruthenick-tongue: tranſlated, or part of it, by himſelf, and inſerted in his own Commentaries: and moreover, that he had, with all poſſible diligence (as he profeſſeth, Page 89. of the Antwerp Edition, Anno Dom. 1557.) inquired of thoſe huminibus mutis, and other, morientibus & reviviſcentibus; thoſe ſleepers in Caves of the Earth before ſpoken of; yet profeſſeth he could never meet with any, that could ſay he had ſeen it himſelf, but only heard it from others: and therefore ſaith he, ( Ʋt aliis ampliorem quaerendi occaſionem praeberem) to the end, that others might further enquire, not as believing it himſelf, or commending it to others for a truth; he was willing to let them know, what he had found in the Itinerary. It is almoſt incredible, what a wrong to truth this manner of citing of witneſſes and teſtimonies hath been in all ages, when three or four, ſometimes four or five, or more, are cited, as ſeveral witneſſes, who upon examination, prove but one, and perchance, not ſo much as one, good, or clear witneſs. But I have done with my firſt inſtance or example: which concerned things natural, as ordinarily taken; and though ſtore of ſuch offer themſelves to me; yet, becauſe I have reaſon to make what haſt I can, being every day, by much weakneſs ſummoned, or put in mind; I will proceed to inſtances in things ſupernatural, which will better fit my deſign.

MY ſecond inſtance therefore ſhall be out of Seneca, who in his fourth book of Natural Queſtions, which doth treat of Snow, Hail and Rain: in his ſixth Chapter, relates rather as a tale, than a truth, (ſo he doth profeſs, at the beginning) what he found recorded, and believed by ſome others, to wit, that there were men in ſome places, who by obſerving of the clouds, were able and skilful to foreſee and foretel, when a ſtorm of Hail was approaching. Cleonis was the place, by him named; which was then the name of more places than one: but by what he ſaith of it, it ſhould be a Town of the Peloponneſus (now Morea, under the Turk) of no very great fame, or name. But it ſeems, whether by the nature of the Climat, or ſomewhat elſe, natural or ſupernatural; very ſubject to ſtorms of Hail, by which the fruits of the ground very commonly deſtroyed. It did ſo trouble them, that after many endeavours, it ſhould ſeem, to prevent their loſs, they at laſt found a ſtrange remedy. Firſt, it muſt be believed, according to the relation, that by diligent obſervation of the clouds and other temper of the skies, in ſuch ſtorms, which, to their great grief and damage, were ſo frequent among them; ſome men had attained to that skill, that they could, as was ſaid before, foretel a ſtorm. Of theſe men, ſome were choſen and appointed, as publick officers, (therefore called [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]; that is, obſervers of the Hail) to give warning to the people, who upon that warning did haſten to kill, ſome a Lamb; others, according to their abilities, Pullum: ſome young thing or other: probably, a Chick: the bloud whereof was offered, as a Sacrifice. But if any were ſo poor, or by chance, ſo deſtitute at that time, that he had neither agnum or pullum: why, then his way was to prick one of his fingers with ſome bodkin, or writing-ſteel (as the faſhion was then) that had a good point, and that bloud was accepted for other; and ſo the ſtorm certainly diverted. In the relation of this, Seneca doth uſe ſome merry words, which have deceived many, (which hath made me the more willing to take them into conſideration) as though it were far from him, to believe ſuch an abſurd and impoſſible thing. Grant, ſaith he, there were ſuch men, that could foreſee and foretel a ſtorm: what relation have the clouds to bloud; or, how can ſuch a little quantity of bloud, as a Chicken, or a prickt-finger can afford, ſo ſuddenly penetrate ſo high, as the skies, to work ſuch an effect? Yet if a man doth well obſerve his words, it will appear, that Seneca did more incline himſelf to believe it, and ſo doth propoſe it to us, rather as a thing true, than otherwiſe. For after he had ſaid, that men in the examination of the cauſe, were divided; ſome, as became very wiſe men (that is his word) abſolutely denying, that any ſuch thing could be, that men ſhould covenant with the Snow, and with ſmall preſents pacifie tempeſts, (though, ſaith he, It is well known, that the Gods themſelves are overcome with gifts: for, to what end elſe, are all their ſacrifices?) Others thinking, that there was in bloud, naturally, ſome kind of efficacy to repel, and avert a cloud; he doth further add, what he knew would be objected by others; but how can, in ſo little bloud, be ſo great force, as to pierce the clouds, and to make them ſenſible of its power? After this, knowing, and tacitly grounding, there was no arguing the poſſibility of a thing by reaſon, againſt certain evidence; for which in this caſe there was ſo much to be ſaid: How much more ſafe, and ready would it be, (ſaith he) barely to ſay, It is a lye, an arrant lye; it cannot be. And then go on: But at Cleonis, they were wont to puniſh them ſeverely, who had charge to prevent the tempeſt, if through their negligence, either their Vines, or their Corn had ſuffered. In our XII. Tables alſo, (the old Roman-law) there was a law againſt them, who ſhould by any kind of inchantment, hurt, or deſtroy other mens Corn. To what end all this, think we, but to make it appear, that if evidence would carry it, there was enough to perſwade us, the report of Cleonis was true enough. Yet after all this, fearing he had gone too far, to expoſe himſelf to the ludibrium, or deriſion of thoſe ſapientiſſimi, or wonderful wiſe men, who would believe nothing to be true, (the clear profeſſion of the Epicuraeans of thoſe days) the cauſe whereof they could not underſtand; to make ſome amends, he ends his diſcourſe in the reproof, as it were, of rude ignorant antiquity, that could believe ſuch things, as that there were Charms or Spells for the Rain, to be procured, or put back: which, ſaith he, is ſo clearly impoſſible, that we need not go to Philoſophers, to know their opinion.

AS for Seneca's meaning, whether I be in the right, or no, I ſhall not think my ſelf much concerned; let every man after diligent peruſing of his words, judge as he pleaſeth. Though this more, to make my interpretation of his words, more probable, I have to ſay, that it doth appear by other places, how fearful he was to utter any thing in this kind, that was not generally believed, though himſelf, in all probability, made little or no queſtion of the truth. See but immediately before, how tenderly he doth propoſe, and not without an Apology for himſelf, leſt he might be thought ſeriouſly to believe it, (which alſo made Ovid ſo fearful, though himſelf an eye-witneſs, to write it) that the Northern Seas are wont to freez, or to congeal, in the Wintertime. Let alſo Pliny's words be conſidered, concerning this very thing; not the place, but the thing: There be Spells againſt Hail, ſaith he, and Diſeaſes, and (ambuſta, which he alſo calls, ambuſtiones: that is, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) burnings: ſome of which have been tried: (or, by experience, approved true) Sed prodendo, obſtat ingens verecundia: that is, but to ſet down particularly, a marvellous ſhame (or fear) doth hinder me, as well knowing the different opinions of men. Let every man therefore think of theſe things, as himſelf pleaſeth. So Pliny: whereby doth appear, that he durſt not ſpeak what he thought, and believed, leſt he ſhould undergo the reproach (thoſe wonderful wiſe Epicuraeans; Pliny himſelf, a great favourer of their Sect; being very numerous, and in great credit in thoſe times) of a writer of tales. But, as I ſaid before, let Seneca's meaning be what it will; as to the thing it ſelf, though I will not undertake for the truth of it, according to every circumſtance of Seneca's relation, partly becauſe I never ſaw the Records of that City my ſelf, which haply Seneca did; and partly becauſe Plutarch, who doth mention thoſe, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or obſervers of Hail, doth not name any place, and inſtead of the bloud of a Lamb or Chick, doth mention another kind of bloud: yet that there is no ſuch impoſſibility in the relation, but that it might be very true; ſo far I dare undertake, and I hope to make it good. Neither will it appear incredible to any man, who inſtead of a natural, will but allow us a ſupernatural cauſe. But firſt let us ſee what we can ſay, for the truth, or probability of the fact, or thing; and then let the Reader judge, what may probably be the cauſe. It ſeemeth that very anciently, ſuch an opinion hath been among men, Romans and Grecians, that by ſome Magick or ſupernatural art, (for the Devil was not ſo well known, in thoſe days, though Daemons, which was an ambiguous word, as elſewhere I have ſhewed, were) ſtrange things might be wrought, as in the air, ſo upon the land, to further or hinder the fruits of the Earth. Empedocles, anciently, a notorious Magician, became very famous for his skill in that kind, ever ſince he helped the Athenians, when by unſeaſonable winds, all their Corn was like to miſcarry; as Laertius, and others, bear witneſs: from which time and thing, he got the title of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or wind-ſtiller. Among other things, it was very generally believed, that Witches and Magicians had a power, or an art, to transfer both the crop and fertility of one field to another. Meſſes hac atque illac transferunt diris tempeſtabibus, omneſque fructus, paucorum improbitas capit; ſaith the Author of that Poem, or Comedy, ancient and elegant, commonly called Q[•]erel[•]u: quite different from that in Plautus. And Tibullus long before, to the ſame purpoſe; Cantus vicinis fruges traducit ab agris. One Caius Furius Creſinus, a Roman of a mean fortune, whoſe grounds were obſerved to thrive ſo beyond meaſure, that he did reap more ex agello, or a little field, than his rich neighbours did, of ſundry large ones; was accuſed, that he did fruges alienas pellicere veneficiis; that is, that by witchcraft he did rob other grounds, to enrich his own. It came to a trial, but he came of with great honour. Pliny is my Author.

BUT, by the way, it will, I hope, be no digreſſion, to take notice of another ſtory of his, which will not be impertinent to our preſent diſcourſe, concerning this anciently believed tranſlation of the fruits of the Earth, from one ground to another; and very pertinent to our main ſubject, of Credulity and Incredulity, of which Pliny doth afford more examples, than any other Author I know; and is very often wronged, and cenſured by men, through Incredulity, grounded upon ignorance. Many fabulous relations he hath, I know, from all kind of Authors, which himſelf made no other account of, for the moſt part. Nay, I am ſure, he doth ſometimes reject that for fabulous, which upon better conſideration, will appear true enough. We may therefore think our ſelves beholding to him for the knowledge of many true things, which, if becauſe accounted by him fabulous, he had taken no notice of in his Obſervations; we had never known. But, however thoſe things may prove, or be judged, which he had from others; it can hardly be ſhewed, that he records any thing of his own time, or upon his own knowledge, that can be proved a lye: & it is well known, that being a man of great wealth, and dignity, wilfully and willingly he did adventure his life (and loſt it, we know, in that adventure) the better to learn the truth, and, if poſſible, to diſcover the cauſe of ſome ſtrange things: So heartily was he addicted to the ſtudy of Nature, and therefore more unlikely, he would wilfully, do the truth of Nature ſo much wrong, as to violate and defile it (willingly and wittingly) with fabulous narrations. But now to the ſtory which himſelf doth call, (Prodigium ſuper omnia, quae unquam credita ſunt:) A prodigie beyond all prodigies, that ever were believed; and yet delivered by him, as a true ſtory. In Nero's time, he ſaith, it ſo happened, that a whole Olive-field was transferred, or carried to the other ſide of the high way, and the ploughed ground, that ſtood before in the adverſe ſide, ſet in the room. He doth not aſcribe it to any witchcraft: though; it be ſo apprehended by ſome, that tell this ſtory after him: as Lodovicus Vives by name, for one. It is much more likely, that it happened, if true, (as I think very reaſonable to believe) by ſome ſtrange Earthquake, or motion of the ground, in thoſe parts, occaſioned by ſubterraneous winds, and vapours. Who hath not heard of Trees, and Rivers, removed from their proper place, and placed elſewhere, by Earthquakes? But if any be ſo incredulous, as not to believe Pliny in this: what will they ſay to Machiavil, an Hiſtorian without exception, that I know of, whatever his religion was; who tells us of a ſtorm in Italy, by which, beſides many other wonders, (I have not the original Italian) Tecta, quae templis inaedificata erant; the roofs of Churches, (he names two) integrâ compagine, ultra milliare inde conſedere: were removed whole and entire, above an Italian mile: l. 6. p. 3478. He doth indeed leave it free to the Reader, whether he will impute this ſtrange accident to a natural or ſupernatural cauſe; and to us, and our purpoſe, whether natural or ſupernatural, is indifferent. So much to give ſome light to that part of Seneca, that mentioneth, according to the phraſe of the XII. Tables, the inchanting of grounds, or fruits of the ground.

NOW to return where we begun; Extraordinary ſtorms of Hail; very prejudicial to the fruits of the Earth, which ſeemed ſupernatural; in theſe days Seneca ſpeaketh of happening very frequently: (I am much deceived, if Geneva, which in Calvins time was much infeſted with Witches, hath not formerly known ſuch accidents) Country people ſought for remedy to ſuch, as did deal in thoſe things; by whom they were taught Rites and Sacrifices; as alſo Spells and Charms, which proved very helpful, and therefore uſed very frequently. In ſo much, as they that did write of agriculture, or, De re ruſtica in thoſe days, did not think they did acquit themſelves of what they promiſed ſufficiently, if ſilent in theſe things: as particularly may appear by Columella, (not to mention others) not inferior unto any that hath written of that ſubject, either ancient or late; in his Tenth book, whereof he hath ſome receipts, not much unlike this in Seneca. Certain it is▪ that Spells and Charms were in ſuch credit in thoſe days for ſuch uſes, that even Conſtantine the Great, a Chriſtian Emperor, when he made Laws againſt inchantments; he doth except thoſe, that were for the preſervation of the fruits of the Earth, and thoſe that were made, or uſed againſt Hail, particularly: Cod. l. 9. tit. 18. inſcribed, De Maleſicis, & Mathematicis; which, according to the ſtile of thoſe days, was as much as magis. In the fourth Chapter, or Paragraph, De magia; theſe words are; Nullis vero criminationibus implicanda ſunt remedia, humanis quaeſita corporibus, aut in agreſtibus locis, innocenter adhibita ſuffragia: (Some might by that word perchance, underſtand Eccleſiaſtical prayers; but here of neceſſity, Magical Spells and Charms, muſt be underſtood, which he doth excuſe only, for the good that they do) ne maturis vindemiis metuerentur imbres, aut venti, grandiniſque lapidatione quaterentur: quibus non cujuſquam ſalus aut aeſtimatio laederetur, ſed quorum proficerent actus, ne divina munera, & labores hominum ſternerentur. I think I ſhall not need to Engliſh this, becauſe the ſubſtance of it is already expreſſed. Neither did this Law die with Conſtantine; for it was renewed by ſome Emperors after him, though at laſt, as it well deſerved, repealed and abrogated. And God forbid, any ſuch thing ſhould ever be allowed in any place, that pretends to Chriſtianity. For beſides that we muſt not do evil that good may come of it; where ſuch wicked practices are ſuffered, though ſome preſent benefit may be reaped for a while, yet the curſe of God will be found, ſooner or later, to light upon the place; and for ſome benefit, unjuſtly purchaſed, many miſchiefs, (if not utter deſtruction, through Gods juſt judgment) will enſue. However, that the opinion of miſchief, done by Witches and Magicians, by ſtorms of Hail particularly, did continue long after Conſtantine's law was repealed, may appear by laws made againſt them in after ages: as particularly by Lodovicus, King of France, and Emperor of Germany, his Additions to the Capitula made by him, and his father Charles the Great, Add. II. c. 18. de diverſis malorum (ſo printed, but Magorum certainly is the right) flagitiis.

I THINK by this that hath been ſaid, it will not ſeem ſtrange, that any Town, in thoſe Heatheniſh times, ſhould have ſuch officers, as from their office ſhould be called [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or Hail obſervers; eſpecially, when Seneca doth in a manner appeal to publick records. But that ſuch a device, the bloud of a Lamb, of a Chick, or a prickt-finger, ſhould have ſuch operation, as to prevent the danger, may be a wonder indeed, yea, an incredible thing to them that do not know, or believe there be ſuch creatures, as Devils and Spirits in the world; whoſe delight is, to abuſe mankind with ſuch fopperies, that whileſt men aſcribe the efficacy to ſome outward things, they may leſs ſuſpect themſelves, or be ſuſpected by others, to work by unlawful means, and get an ill name, if no other puniſhment for it.

LEONARD Vair, in his book of Charms, hath a relation of a ſtrange cuſtom, in ſome places, very well known to him, it ſeems; for he ſpeaks of it with much indignation; (in Spain or Italy, we may be ſure) which cuſtom is; when Country-people will drive Graſhoppers, or any ſuch hurtful Vermin (frequent in that Country, probably) out of their grounds; they hire a Conjurer for Judge, and two Advocates; the one to plead the cauſe of the Vermin, the other of the people, which ſolemnly performed, at laſt, ſentence of Excommunication is pronounced againſt the Vermin. Thus the Devil, by his inſtruments, Conjurers and Sectaries, doth endeavour to bring the moſt ſolemn Ceremonies of the Church, even the Sacraments (whereof examples in books of this argument are very obvious) into contempt. Vair doth not tell us, with what ſucceſs: but by what we ſhall obſerve in due place, as occaſion doth offer it ſelf; the Reader will yield it very probable, that it is not, ſometimes at leaſt, without ſucceſs; and how little reaſon any man hath to be ſcandalized at ſuch things, ſhall be fully argued, before we end this firſt part. But it would pleaſe ſome, better perchance, to hear of ſomewhat meerly natural, that ſhould have, or be reported to have the ſame effect, which we aſcribe to the power of Devils and Spirits. I have ſome Authors for it, but believe it who will, (though I profeſs to believe much of the vertues of Plants and Minerals, if Coral may be reckoned among them) that red Corals have the ſame property: and that in Germany, many husbandmen, upon approved experience, will after ſowing, here and there, but eſpecially in the borders of their grounds, ſcatter ſome little broken pieces of red Coral; and by that means preſerve their own from all hurt, when their neighbours grounds, round about, are much annoyed by the violence of either Hail or Thunder. My Author, as I take it, is a German himſelf: he might eaſily have known the truth. He makes himſelf a great peregrinator, to ſatisfie his Curioſity, or improve his knowledge in natural things. Such a thing as this, me-thinks, had he had any hopes to find it true, might have been worth his labour, though he had rode many miles, and he might have had the thanks and bleſſings of many for ſuch a diſcovery, had it been certain. This makes me very much to ſuſpect, if not affirm, that it is but a tale. I have read of women too, ſomewhere, who upon ſuch occaſions, uſe to caſt up ſalt in the air, which is more probable: but with what ſucceſs, or upon what ground, I can give no account.

BUT if after all this, not yet fully ſatisfied with ſuch inſtances, as the old known world hath afforded, we will take the pains, to ſearch the Records of the new world, there we ſhall meet with Seneca's caſe very punctually; the bloud of men offered unto Devils (their Gods) to preſerve their Corn, and other fruits, from Hail-ſtorms, and Tempeſts. Witneſs Petrus Martyr Mediolanenſis, De Inſulis nuper inventis; whoſe teſtimony, not to ſeek further, we may reſt upon, as a very credible witneſs.

BUT to proceed, and ſo to end this particular, which Seneca gave us the occaſion of; That Devils can raiſe ſtorms and tempeſts (if God permit) by their own power and ſkill, when they pleaſe; they that believe the Hiſtory of Job, will make no great queſtion: and if Devils; Witches alſo by his power; as all that have written of Witches, who believe there be ſuch, averr, and give many inſtances. As for rain, mentioned by Seneca, (though his words ſound otherwiſe to me, than to any by whom I find him quoted: let the Reader judge by what I have ſaid of it before) as, the dotage of antiquity; as of Hail, ſo of Rain, I find none that have written of Witches, and believe them, but determine it affirmatively, that the Devil hath the power of that alſo, God permitting, when he will. To paſs by ordinary inſtances: Dion Caſſius, a very ſerious Hiſtorian, hath a relation of plenty of rain, in time of greateſt neceſſity, by which a Roman Army, was as it were, miraculouſly preſerved; procured by Magick. Which, with Baronius, I ſhould be very inclinable to believe to have been done by the prayers of Chriſtians, as under Aurelius Antoninus; acknowledged even by Heathen writers; it once happened: But that the Chronology will not, I doubt, agree: Chriſtianity was not ſo ancient in thoſe parts, I believe. We have now gone through all the particulars of Seneca's relation: I ſhall only add, I do not believe, that Cleonae (for the word is differently written) by the ſcituation of the place, was more ſubject to Hail, than any other place; but the Devil by ſome chance of opportunity, having once got this ſuperſtition there eſtabliſhed, he would be ſure they ſhould not want occaſion to continue it; which muſt be, by frequent Hail threatned; and probably he did ſo order it, of purpoſe, in the air, that they might eaſily ſee, without any Conjuring for it, when a ſtorm was coming.

IN the next place, I ſhall take notice of a relation in Philoſtratus, (an Author, though fabulous in thoſe things, that concerned his main deſign, to make a God, of a Magician; yet for ſome ſtrange relations, once ſuppoſed falſe, now approved true, well deſerving to be read) and his conceit, or Comment upon the relation. The Relation is this, how Apollonius being in Priſon by Domitian's command, and one of his legs fettered; Damis that attended him, began to be much out of heart, and doubtful of the iſſue. Whereupon Apollonius, to revive him, ſhewed him his leg out of the fetters: and when Damis had ſufficiently viewed it, looſe, and free; of his own accord he put it into the fetters, or ſtocks ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) again. Whereupon Damis doth infer, that ſurely, becauſe he did it with ſuch eaſe, without any previous prayer or ſacrifice, that he muſt be more than a man. Now, that this might probably be done by Apollonius, we may believe, ſince he did much more afterwards, which by Chriſtian Fathers, and Hiſtorians is acknowledged, when being brought out of priſon, as a criminal, to the Court-hall, or place of Judgment, Domitian being preſent, he vaniſhed out of ſight, and was at the ſame time ſeen far from the place, but not in priſon any more. The relation then admitted, or ſuppoſed: what is Philoſtratus his deſcant upon it? The ſimpler ſort, ſaith he, aſcribe ſuch things [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], to Witchcraft or Magick: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, (not as the Latin interpreter, though not much amiſs to the ſenſe, Quas ad plurimas rerum humanarum proficere arbitrantur) and ſo they judge of many other things, that happen in the world among men. He goes on: The publick wreſtlers and fencers, out of a greedineſs to be victorious, they have a recourſe unto this: (Witchcraft or Magick) but the truth is, they are not at all the better for it, when they have done: but if by chance (or providence: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], ſo is the word often taken, as I have ſhewed elſewhere by ſome examples, to which many more may be added) they happen to prevail, wretched men ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) bereaving themſelves of the praiſe, aſcribe it to the arts. And in caſe they be worſted, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: what that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] makes here, I do not underſtand: till ſome body tell me, I ſhall make bold to read, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) yet will they not miſtruſt the art. Fool, will they ſay: for had I but offered ſuch a ſacrifice, or burnt ſuch incenſe, I could not have miſſed of the victory. And ſo he goes on, that it is ſo with Merchants and Lovers: and how they ſuffer themſelves to be cheated by theſe Sophiſters, as he calls them. They that will read this Author, may not truſt to the Latin Tranſlation; no, nor to the Greek Text, as now printed. I wiſh ſome body had undertaken the printing of it, in my time; they might have had it more correct and intelligible, in many places, than it is, in any Edition I have ſeen. But, to the buſineſs. He would not have it thought, that Spells and Charms can do any thing: there was a reaſon for it. He knew, Apollonius did deal in ſuch things, as could not be aſcribed to natural cauſes: ſo that he could not avoid the ſuſpition of a Magician, if there were any ſuch thing as Magick. Now, if once granted, that all, who pretended to ſuch things, were but impoſtors, and could do nothing, really; then it muſt of neceſſity follow, that Apollonius, what he did, did by the finger of God, and was a divine man. Though we deny not, but there have always been, and are now; in England, I believe, not a few; London eſpecially; Morlins, and others, who have a way to cheat and abuſe ſilly people; (whether rich or poor, I call them ſo, that are ſo eaſily caught) making them believe, they can do great things, whereas, in very deed, all they do, (except they deal by the Devil, as Apollonius did) is but cozenage and deluſion: yet this diſcourſe of Philoſtratus notwithſtanding, if we ſearch the Records of Antiquity, we ſhall find, that in thoſe days, and before, as it was very ordinary for them, who did ſtrive for victories publickly, either in the Circus, by racing, or any way elſe, by any kind of game or exerciſe; to apply themſelves to Witches and Magicians, that by their help, they might be ſure of the game; ſo, not unuſual alſo, for men to prevail, by thoſe arts. Which gave occaſion to Conſtantius's law, De maleficis comprehendendis; where learned Gothofred his note is; Agitatores equorum plerique, &c. that is, Moſt horſe-racers of thoſe times, by magical arts, at times, did hinder their adverſaries horſes, and made their own ſw[•]fter, as St. Jerome in the life of St. Hilarion; Arnobius, contra Gentes, and Caſſiodore in the third of his Varia, bear witneſs. So he. We ſhall have a proper place afterwards, to conſider of St. Jeromes words here cited, which are very pregnant, and appoſite to prove the thing; but otherwiſe, might cauſe further doubt and wonder, and therefore muſt not be paſſed over in ſilence. But beſides thoſe quoted by Gothofred, there be others of as great, or greater antiquity, and authority, that bear witneſs to the ſame truth. Ammianus Macellinus, in his 26. Hiſtory, doth record, that one Hilarius, a horſe-racer, was put to death by Apronianus, then Governour of Rome, a man, he ſaith, of equal integrity and ſeverity; for being convicted, to have ſent his ſon to a Magician, to be taught by him, (ſecretiora quaedam legibus interdicta) certain ſecret Spells and Charms (ſo I take it) by which without any mans knowledge, he might be aſſiſted, and enabled to compaſs his deſires, in the way of his profeſſion. St. Auguſtine alſo writeth of himſelf, that at a time, when he prepared to make a party in a ſinging-prize or match, upon the Theater, (nor then, a Prieſt, or in Orders, you may be ſure) an aruſpex (or Magician: ſo taken ſometimes▪) offered him for a good reward, to make him victor: which he profeſſeth he did abhor, and deteſt. But I muſt not conceal from the Reader, that Galen whoſe judgment, in ſuch a caſe, muſt needs be very conſiderable, ſeems to deride ſuch things, and particularly, that by ſuch devices any man ſhould be enabled, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], &c.) to confound his enemy, in publ[•]ck Courts and places of Judicature, and to ſtop their mouths, that they ſhall not be able to ſpeak. He doth indeed, but then it was, when in general he denied all Magical or Supernatural operations, and, as a rational Phyſician, and Naturaliſt, in which profeſſion he was accounted the wonder of his age, he thought himſelf bound to deny, whatſoever had not, as he ſpeaks in more than one place, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: a probable reaſon to ſatisfie a rational man. Yet the ſame man afterwards, upon further experience, and better conſideration, fearing alſo (probably) the reproach and deriſion of men, for his obſtinate incredulity, did nobly recant, and acknowledge his error, as we ſhall ſhew afterwards.

BUT to go on as we began: we read beſides, that at the Olympick games, the greateſt and moſt ſolemn conflux of mankind, that hath been known, either before or ſince; and the records whereof, were accounted moſt authentick; a certain Mileſian of known valour or ability, being to wreſtle with an Epheſian, he could do nothing, becauſe the Epheſian had about him, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], that is, certain Spells or Charms, ſo called, The Epheſian letters: which being ſuſpected, and taken from him, he was thrown by his adverſary, no leſs than thirty times. So Euſtathius upon the 19. Odiſſie. Suidas hath the ſame relation; but there, the Text both, and the Tranſlation had need to be corrected: a little will do it, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) that ſenſe may be made of it. That there be, even now, Spells and Charms, when God is pleaſed to give way, (which in all things, wrought by the Devil, muſt always be underſtood) to make men invulnerable, no man, I think, upon the atteſtation of ſo many creditable witneſſes, can rationally doubt. Learned Sennertus, in his book De vulneribus, begins his 24. Chapter thus; Cum nihil hodie, &c. that is, Whereas there is nothing more ordinary, now adays, among Souldiers, than by certain Pentacula, and Seals, and Characters, to fence themſelves, and to make themſelves inviolable againſt all kind of arms, and muſquet-bullets, &c. and ſo far was he from ſuſpecting, that any body that knew any thing of the world, would make a queſtion of the truth of it, that omitting that diſquiſition, as needleſs and ridiculous, he preſently falls upon that▪ whereof only he thought queſtion could be made; An liceat Chriſtiano, &c. Whether it be lawful for a Chriſtian by certain Amulets, or Seals, faſtned to the body, or the like, to make himſelf inviolable to any kind of arms. Some take upon them to limit, how far the Devils power, in point of reaſon, may extend in this kind; as I remember a learned man doth, who hath written the life of Monſieur de la Nove, a French Gentleman of great fame. So doth Sennertus too: he tells of many particular caſes, for which no reaſon can be given, but experience; wherein, and whereby the power of thoſe Spells is eluded or fruſtrated. But I think the trueſt limitation, is, ſo far as God will permit, or give leave. For I doubt not, but the Devil can do much more, as he is a Spirit, by his own skill and power, than to preſerve a ſingle man, even from Canon-ſhot. It is much more ſtrange, which yet I believe true, that whole Armies of men, (God then, not without good cauſe certainly, permitting) have been defeated by his power, as by ſeveral Hiſtorians and others, the relation whereof, becauſe obvious enough, I ſhall here omit, is averred: and ſome others made victorious as ſtrangely: in all which things, though ſet on work by men alſo, I look upon him, but as Gods executioner; without whoſe leave and permiſſion, whatever his power be, by his nature, he cannot hurt the meaneſt man. They that deſire to be further ſatisfied in this particular, may read Delrio, the Jeſuite, if they pleaſe; in his Magical Diſquiſitions. Yet I will not ſay, that I believe every thing, that he doth propoſe as true: it may be his faith, doth in ſome things extend much further than mine: but I would have the quality of his witneſſes well conſidered; and if they will not (I think they do) avail to a certainty in this point; there be others that may be conſulted, whom no man, that I know, hath gone about to contradict, or challenged of falſhood, except it be in the way of thoſe incredulous wiſe men, of whom Seneca ſpeaketh, (Mendacium eſt: fabula eſt) it is a lye: it is a lye. I will not believe it. But I name him before any other, becauſe every where to be had.

I HAVE already gone further than I needed, to make good my cenſure of Philoſtratus, or Damis, in Philoſtratus, his falſe and deceitful judgment, concerning the power of Magick, to offend, or to defend, in ſeveral caſes, which hath occaſioned us, all this diſcourſe. The Reader I hope will acknowledge himſelf ſatisfied, that he was in the wrong, if he did think ſo, really.

NOW as I have hitherto argued againſt Incredulity, in this particular; ſo will I alſo give ſome examples of too much Credulity, in the ſame buſineſs, as I conceive, and why I think ſo. A learned man that hath written, De Idololatria Magica; Photius, ſaith he, in Olympiodoro narrat. No, not ſo, but, Olympiodorus, in Pholio: it is not Photius, that is the Author of the tale; he ſaith nothing of it; but Olympiodorus, barely; whoſe words about that, and divers other things, he doth, as out of other Authors, only tranſcribe. Well, what ſaith Olympiodorus? That in Rhegium, over againſt Sicily, there was a Magick-Statue, or a Statue made by Art-Magick, to avert the burnings of Mount Aetna in Sicily, and to keep the Iſlands from the invaſion of barbarous Nations: which Statue being broken by one Aeſculapius, Governor of it under Conſtantius, the Emperor; the Iſland was grievouſly annoyed by both; thoſe burnings, and the Barbares. As much is ſaid by the ſame Author, of three other Statues, to ſecure the Empire from the eruption of the Barbares. That the ſaid learned man gave ſome credit to this, as that ſuch Statues were made, and that they were effectual to that end, may be gathered by his words. Poſtea Diabolus, &c. But I will not much ſtand upon that: it may be he did not intend it. Before I paſs my judgment, concerning the thing, as to the efficacy of ſuch Statues: I muſt acknowledge, that I eaſily grant, that ſuch Statues made by Art Magick, and to ſuch ends, have been anciently. For beſides what is here related by Olympiodorus; Gregorius Turonenſis, Biſhop of the ſame Town, in his Hiſtory, lib. 8. Cap. 33. where he deſcribes a general conflagration of the City of Paris, (but not comparable to that of the City of London, of freſh and horrible memory) which happened in his time; at the end of that Chapter, he hath theſe words, Aiebant hanc urbem conſecratam fuiſſe antiquitus, &c. that is, It was reported, that this Town had formerly been conſecrated, that no fire ſhould prevail in it, no ſerpent, no glis, (a Dormouſe properly; but I take it here for a Rat; I have ſome reaſon for it; but I will not ſtand upon it) ſhould be ſeen. But now lately, when a Vault belonging to the Bridge, was cleanſed, and the ſullage, that filled it was carried away; a braſs Serpent, and a braſs Rat were found in it: which being taken away, both Serpents and Rats, without number, have appeared; neither hath it been free from the violence of fire. So he beſides: Leo Affricanus in his Ninth book, of the deſcription of Africa, where he treats of the River Nilus; out of ancient writers of thoſe parts, doth relate, that in ſuch a year of the Hegira, ſuch and ſuch being Governours; there was in the rubbiſh of an Aegyptian Temple, found a Statue of Lead, of the bigneſs (and form, I ſuppoſe) of a Crocodile, graven with Hieroglyphick letters, and by certain conſtellations contrived againſt Crocodiles, which being broken in pieces by command of the Governour, Crocodiles began to lay wait for men. But again: the Author of the Geography, commonly known by the name of Geographia Nubienſis; in high credit with all men, that are ſtudious of the Arabick-tongue, in his fifth part of the third Climat, (for ſo he doth divide his book) Of the Country Hems, ſaith he, the Metropolitan Town is Hems, (whether Emiſſa or Hemeſa, of the Ancients, I am not now at leiſure to conſider) which by witchcraft and inchantment is ſo fenced, that no Serpents, or Scorpions can have entrance, and in caſe any be brought to the Gates, they die preſently. Then he tells us of a horſe-mans Statue, ſet upon a high arch in the middle of the Town, turning every way according to the wind: and of the picture of a Scorpion, in one of the ſtones of the arch: to which painted, or carved Scorpion, if any man, bitten by a Scorpion or Serpent, apply dirt or morter, and afterwards, that dirt or morter, to his wound or bitten place; he is preſently cured. But this is beyond my ſcope, as well as my belief. But of the horſe-mans Statue, or picture of Scorpion, in the wall; being ſo confirmed by other parallel ſtories, I think it may be believed. Had we any certainty of the Ancient Palladium of Troy, I ſhould have begun there. But out of all queſtion, we may conclude, that ſuch Magical Statues have been found in more than one place: and not improbable, that the Devil, as he is a great emulator of Gods works, but not his holineſs, might have a reſpect to the brazen-Serpent, ſet up in the wilderneſs by Gods appointment. But of the efficacy of thoſe Statues, according to relations, we may very well make a queſtion: neither will Hiſtory make good, if well examined, all that is written of them. Neither is it probable, that the Devil, who can do nothing to annoy or protect men, without permiſſion, can warrant any ſuch things, as are reported, for the time to come, except he could beforehand by ſome natural or ſupernatural obſervations of his own (as in many propheſies of his, concerning things to come) find out the mind, or counſel of God in thoſe particulars; or that God, or ſome good Angels ſubordinate to God, and privy to his will and determination in thoſe things, had revealed it unto him; neither of which is very likely. And that which makes it more unlikely, is, that even thoſe, who to become invulnerable, have had recourſe to the Devil, or his agents, and have enjoyed the benefit of their purchaſe for ſome time, even to admiration; yet have found themſelves, on a ſudden deſtitute of it, to their great aſtoniſhment, and have miſerably periſhed in their confidence, as is obſerved by more than one, who have written of that ſubject. How then ſhould he be able to warrant any Town or City, and make his promiſe good for many ages?

WHAT I intended, to wit, a full conſideration, or refutation rather of Philoſtratus his aſſertion, is, I hope, ſufficiently performed.

OUR next inſtance ſhall be from Joſephus, the Jewiſh Hiſtorian, highly eſteemed, both by Romans and Grecians, and by one that could judge of good books, as well as any man of this, or former ages, ſtiled, Diligentiſſimus, & [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] omnium Scriptorum: The moſt diligent and greateſt lover of truth of all writers; ſacred always excepted, we muſt underſtand. This Joſephus in his Eight book of Jewiſh Antiquities, and ſecond Chapter, where he treats of Solomon's wiſdom, and exquiſite knowledge of Nature; following the tradition of the Jews of thoſe days, who becauſe they were great exorciſts themſelves, and dealed much in Spells and Charms of all kinds, (ſo that from them the Heathens received divers, extant in their books to this day) to countenance their unlawful practices, did perſwade men, that Solomon was the founder of what they falſly called, Natural Magick: to magnifie this Art, and the power of it, Ioſephus doth there produce a notable inſtance, which is this: How, that on a time, himſelf being preſent, one Eleazer, before Veſpaſian, and his Sons (or Children) and the chiefeſt Officers of the Army, did caſt out Devils from ſeveral that were poſſeſt; and to ſatisfie the company, there was no jugling in the buſineſs, commanded the Devils, as they went out, to do ſomewhat, which might witneſs the preſence of a ſupernatural power. To bring this to paſs, this diſpoſſeſſion I mean, beſides words, there was ſome other myſtical action: that was, the applying of a certain ring to the noſe of the poſſeſſed, under the ſeal of which ring, a piece of root was incloſed, which was believed (ſo reported, at leaſt) to be of ſingular efficacy to drive out Devils. The name of the root is not there ſet down by Ioſephus; but in another book, De bello Iudaico, lib. 7. Cap. 23. he doth name it, Baaras, and withal doth tell ſtrange things of it, what danger it is, to pull it out of the Earth, except ſuch and ſuch ceremonies and cautions, which I forbear here, be uſed. Now that in all this Ioſephus, though his report, to ſome may ſeem, both ridiculous and incredible, and is, I know, by ſome rejected as meerly fabulous, which made me pitch upon it the rather; yet that in all this, he doth deal bona fide, truly and ſincerely: as I believe my ſelf, ſo I hope to give good and convincing reaſons, why others alſo, who pretend to reaſon, as the trial of truth, ſhould believe. Firſt, that ſuch a thing was really done before Veſpaſian, the Roman Emperor, as he relates it; they that know that Joſephus was a man as nobly born; ſo of great credit at the Court, and in great favour with Veſpaſian himſelf; how can they rationally doubt? He muſt be ſuppoſed more than a mad man, that durſt write ſuch a forged ſtory, and atteſt perſons of that quality for the truth; had it been a thing of his own deviſing, nay had he lyed in any circumſtance of it. As for that he writes of that root or herb, that it hath ſuch properties, ſuch vertues, how to be pull'd out of the earth, and where to be found, &c. whether true or no, muſt not be laid upon his account, as I conceive, becauſe in that, truſting the relation of men, whom he took to be real honeſt men in their profeſſion, and to work by natural means, himſelf profeſſing no skill or inſight in that art; it is enough that in all he ſaith of it, there is nothing, but what was generally believed, or at leaſt reported and famed, not among the Jews only, but Grecians alſo, and others that were Gentiles. The name of the herb, he ſaith, was Baaras: and what is that, (from [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: I need not tell them, that have any skill in the tongue) but [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in Greek: which herb is acknowledged by all, or moſt that write of herbs. Joſephus ſaith of it, it will with ſome adjurations, expel Devils: Pliny ſaith, or Democritus rather, in Pliny it is a Magical herb, which Negromancers or Magicians uſe to raiſe the Gods: that is, in the phraſe of our times, Spirits. Joſephus ſaith, there is great danger in the pulling up of it. One way he doth mention, is, by uncovering the root ſo far, that it may have but little hold in the ground, and then tying a dog to it, ſo that the dog may eaſily draw it out with him, when he thinks to follow his Maſter going away, as he followed him thither. But if the report be true, the dog comes ſhort of his reckoning, or rather doth much more than what he thinks he doth. For when he thinks to follow him, he doth his Maſter a better ſervice; he dieth for him, who otherwiſe (if the report be true, as before) could not have out-lived the boldneſs of his attempt. A ſtrange ſtory, but not of Joſephus's contriving, nor by Joſephus only believed. The very ſame, as to the ſubſtance, is recorded by Aelianus alſo: De Hiſtor. animal. lib. 14. cap. 27. more fully, and, as his manner is, with ſtudied elegancy. He doth alſo give it another name, taken from this very ceremony, or action, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], that is, dog-drawn. The Latin interpreter doth ſomewhat contract the relation, for which I do not, ſeeing he hath all the ſubſtance, much blame him, it being almoſt impoſſible to expreſs all in another tongue without an unpleaſing redundancy, except the ſweetneſs (next unto ſweet muſick, to curious ears) of the collocution (a grand myſtery of the ſo much admired Sophiſters or Orators of thoſe times, their Rhetorick, as elſewhere I have declared at large) could have been exhibited alſo. But again, Joſephus ſaith, the herb grew in Judea: Democritus, in Pliny ſaith, in Arabia: but this is eaſily reconciled, and is done very fully, by learned men: and had Democritus ſaid in Aegypt or Aethiopia, there is enough beſides, to ſatisfie any man, that Baaras was a known herb, to thoſe effects by him mentioned, among men of that profeſſion, whom Joſephus, (a learned pious man, but herein too credulous, but not the firſt or only pious and learned, that hath been deceived in ſuch) accounted holy religious men, but in very truth, no better, (as how many at this day) than cheaters, and impoſtors, to what they pretended; by ſome others, of thoſe times, who had conſidered of it better than Joſephus, rightly called, praeſtigiatores and magi. Now Joſephus ſo far acquitted, that he had no intention to deceive, but was deceived himſelf by others; if any will be ſo curious, as to know what truth there is, or then was, for the reports concerning that herb; that there is ſuch an herb, which for ſome kind of reſplendency, may be called Aglaophotis, is by all Botanicks, or Herbariſts I have ſeen, acknowledged. And if it be a kind of Peony, as is averred by divers, which againſt the falling-ſickneſs is known to be of excellent vertue, it is leſs to be wondred, that for this very reaſon, it was firſt ſuppoſed to be of ſome vertue againſt Devils and Daemons, the nature of this diſeaſe being ſomewhat extraordinary, and by ſome formerly ſuppoſed to proceed from ſome extraordinary cauſe; for which reaſon it was alſo called, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or, morbus ſacer, the ſacred diſeaſe; and not only ſuppoſed to proceed, but alſo certainly known ſometimes to be accompanied with extraordinary ſupernatural effects; yea pla[••]y, Diabolical: whereof I have given ſome inſtances in my Treatiſe of Enthuſiaſm. So far the miſtake then might be tolerable: but for the reſt, the danger of plucking it out of the ground with the root, and the means uſed to prevent it, this by the experience of beſt Herbariſts of theſe days, being found falſe, and fictitious; we muſt look upon it, as the meer invention of Magicians and Impoſtors to inhance the credit of their Drugs, and to ſerve the Devil by the increaſe of ſuperſtition; whereof examples are ſo obvious (in great Towns, as London eſpecially) as no man needs to wonder at it.

BUT yet let us ſee, what may be ſaid, even for that, not altogether improbable perchance; ſo they that are not ſo much experienced, will the better know by this example, how to examine the truth of things, and to diſtinguiſh between certainty, and probability, or poſſibility. Do not we to this day find things, which they call Empirica and Specifica, in the writings of very ſober Phyſicians, that may ſeem as ſtrange? As for example▪ The rindes of the root of Elder, pull'd off from the upper part, ſhall purge by vomit: from the lower, by ſtools. The brain of a Ram, with ſome other ingredients, a good medicine againſt madneſs; provided that the Ram be a virgin Ram (virginity, an ordinary caution, in diabolical exploits, to blind the world, as afterwards ſhall be obſerved) and that his head be cut off at one blow. I find this in Sennertus: the other in Anatomia Sambuci, printed in London: where the Author thinks, but doth not affirm, that this happily may be aſcribed to ſome Idioſyncracy, either of the body of the patient, or of the humor, that cauſeth the diſeaſe; or perchance, to the ſtrength of imagination. And even Galen, ſuch an hater of all that reſented of any ſuperſtition, and rigid exacter of reaſon; he recanted afterwards, we ſhall ſhew; but even whileſt he was ſo, in his Tenth book, De compoſitione Pharmacorum, where among others, he doth ſet down a remedy againſt the ſtone in the bladder; This remedy, ſaith he, muſt be prepared with a kind of religious obſervation: For the ingredients muſt be beaten, or bruiſed in a wooden-morter with a woodden-peſtle; and he that beats, muſt not have any Iron about him, either in his fingers, or ſhooes. And this he calls a myſtery, which he ſaith he learned from a Ruſtick. But ſhould I here take notice of thoſe ſtrange things, and wonderful effects of herbs, which no leſs a man than Matthiolus tells of, in his Dedicatory Epiſtle to his Herbal for truth; what hath been written of the herb Baaras, would be acknowledged very credible, in compariſon, I dare ſay. Yet I believe our modern Herbariſts, that experience doth teach them the contrary. Well, but doth it follow neceſſarily, that if it be not found ſo, now: therefore it was never ſo? Yes, if we ſtick to the true reall nature, or natural effects of the Herb. But who knows, but that the Devil might abuſe the Magicians of thoſe days, in that kind, making them believe, that thoſe ſtrange effects (for of that I make no queſtion) did proceed from the natural properties of the very herb, thus and thus obſerved; which doth not hold at this day; as I dare ſay there be many ſuperſtitions about Herbs and Plants, now in force among men of that wicked profeſſion, which were not known in former times. There is nothing in all this, but is very poſſible; and if I ſaid probable, it might be juſtified. But conſidering how many things in this kind, are to be found in the books of old Magicians, as Democritus, and others, which upon trial, even in thoſe days, were found falſe; and becauſe we would not multiply wonders, where there is no neceſſity, that when there is, as we conceive, we may ſpeak with more authority, and be believed; I ſhall rather ſtick to my former judgment, that it was but a fiction of the Magicians of thoſe days, to add credit and reverence to their art.

BUT now I turn to the men of theſe times; the wits, as they call themſelves, and by ſome others, for want of real wit, and good learning, are ſo called; who becauſe they believe nothing but what is palpable and viſible, deny therefore Spirits and all ſupernatural effects; and conſequently the truth of all relations, wherein ſupernatural cauſes are ingaged; what will theſe men ſay, to this of Joſephus? That he did invent what he recordeth to have been done, before ſuch witneſſes? What reaſon can they give, for ſuch a ſenſeleſs ſuppoſition? Or that the eyes of ſo many were deceived, who thought they ſaw, what was not truly and really to be ſeen? But then how deceived; by what means, natural or ſupernatural? It poſeth me to think what they can pretend, why we ſhould not believe. Yet I will ſuppoſe that ſomewhat they will ſay; if nothing elſe, yet this, that it is an old ſtory, and therefore they are not bound to believe it. A worthy anſwer for men that pretend to reaſon. But I will ſee, if I can fit them with a later, to the ſame purpoſe, and as irrefragable, as I account that old.

ANDREAS Laurentius, a late and learned Phyſician, well known to the world by his writings, in his book De Strumis, or Kings Evil, printed in Paris, Anno Dom. 1609, and dedicated to Henry the Fourth, of late Glorious memory; in his firſt book, ninth Chap. where he treateth of the power of the Devil, to cauſe, or to heal diſeaſes, at large; he hath there this ſtory: The moſt Chriſtian King, ſaith he, (the very ſame to whom the book is dedicated) did ſee a Ruſtick (or Country Clown) who by the incenſe, or ſmoak of a certain herb, in a moment, as it were, would cure all that were ſick of the Kings Evil. He made them vomit, ſo that they did caſt much pituitous ſtuff, and with it certain little creatures, which he ſaid were the (germina) buddings (or ſeminaries perchance) of the diſeaſe. This I have heard more than once from the Kings own mouth, when he did enquire the reaſon from me. Beſides the King, Monſieur de Lominie, one of the Kings Privy Council: Monſieur de Frontenae: Francis Martell, chief Chyrurgion to the King, and divers others of the Kings bed Chamber, did ſee the ſame. I always was of opinion, that it was done by the Devil. Neither was I deceived in it: for this Ruſtick ſome few days after vaniſhed, and from that time, though by his friends, and thoſe of his houſe, ſought far and near, was never heard of. So he. Good, and unqueſtionable witneſſes I hope, the King, and ſo many others of his Court, men of credit, and of all men (the Chyrurgion, at leaſt) beſt able to judge.

LET this be compared with Joſephus his relation: which ſhall we ſ[•]y is the ſtrangeſt? This I think. What then ſhall we ſay, is there any ſuch thing in the world, as Truth: or ſuch a thing in the Heavens Firmament, as a Sun? If ſo, then let us account, though ſtrange, yet not prod[•]gious thoſe things, which are known ſo often to happen: but thoſe men not ſo ſtrange, as prodigious, who what all men ſee, would make us believe they do not ſee, or though they ſee, yet will not believe.

BUT now we are upon it I will run through ſome other inſtances: I ſhall not be long upon them; but they ſhall be choſen inſtances, that nothing may be left for the cure of thoſe men (a hard cure I muſt confeſs) who love their diſeaſe, nay are proud of it, for the moſt part, as knowing they owe the reputation they have (among the vulgar) of wiſe men, unto it, more than they do, or have cauſe to do, unto any thing elſe. I ſpeak this of the moſt. If any truly diſcreet and wiſe, and learned I muſt add, be of the ſame opinion too, we muſt needs look upon it, either as a judgment, or ſome natural diſtemper of the brain; for which I have the warrant of a learned Phyſician before ſpoken of, and one of their own ſect in part; who though he did not believe Devils, becauſe he did not ſee them; yet what he ſaw, and had often ſeen, or had been often ſeen by many others, whom he believed, (what we call ſupernatural operations) he pronounceth them mad, that did not believe. It may be the number of inſtances and teſtimonies of ſeveral men, of ſeveral nations, in caſes or diſeaſes of a ſeveral nature, may do what any one ſingle or double evidence, though never ſo clear, could not.

ANTONIƲS Benevenius, what I have ſeen of him is but very little in bulk, but very conſiderable; and I ſee he is in good credit with all Phyſicians, for he is often cited by them with good reſpect. Nay, if I be not miſtaken in Sennertus, lib. 1. Part. II. cap. 31. where he treats of the Epilepſie, he hath been ſet out with the Scholia's of learned Dodoneus, which muſt be no ſmall honour unto his book. I have been beholding to it elſewhere: and therefore ſhall give him here the firſt place. Well, in that little book of his, De abditis nonnullis ac mirandis, &c. in the 26. Chapter he hath this ſtory. A Souldier had an arrow ſhot through the left part of his breaſt, ſo that the iron of it ſtuck to the very bone of his right ſhoulder. Great endeavours were uſed to get it out, but to no purpoſe. Benevenius doth ſhew, that it was not feaſible without preſent death. The man ſeeing himſelf forſaken by Phyſicians and Chyrurgions, ſends for a noted Ariolus, or Conjurer: who ſetting but his two fingers upon the wound, with ſome Charms he uſed, commanded the iron to come out, which preſently without any pain of the patient, came forth, and the man was preſently healed. Vidimus, he ſaith: we did ſee it: but I do not approve of his cenſure at the end, that two were damned (the Patient and the Conjurer) for this Act. It was poſſible, the Patient was not ſo well inſtructed, how unlawful it was to ſeek to the Devil for help; how much better for a Chriſtian, though he ſuffer never ſo much, whereby he is made ſo much the more conformable to Chriſt his Saviour, to die. Or perchance not ſufficiently inſtructed, that ſuch a cure could not be wrought by ſuch means, without the Devil. There be ſtrange things written of the herb Dictamnus, which if he had read, or were told, he might think the man had the right way to uſe it, which all men perchance have not; nay, we need no perchance, if all that I have read of it, both in ancient and late Authors, be true. Beſides, God might be ſo merciful unto him, that he might heartily and with many tears repent of what he had done in the extremity of his pain. The Conjurer alſo, who can abſolutely ſay, that he never repented? Not in the ordinary way of the world only, with a ſimple Lord have mercy upon me, when he was at the laſt; but time enough to make his repentance real, and ſincere? Though I muſt needs ſay, I think it is very ſeldom, that God doth grant true repentance unto ſuch, who wilfully and deliberately have put themſelves into the hands of the Devil, and either directly (as many do) or tacitly, which muſt be ſuppoſed, have abjured any right, or pretention to Gods mercy.

MY next inſtance ſhall be out of Zacutus Luſitanus his Praxis Medicinae admiranda; a book of great credit with all I have met with, but thoſe who will admit of nothing for truth, (an effect of their ignorance many times more than incredulity) but what their little reading, and ſcanty experience hath commended unto them for truth. Which, I doubt, is the caſe of not a few in theſe days; who to avoid labour, and to cover their ignorance, would gladly reduce all medicine to ſome few, whether true or pretended, and by moſt believed true, revelations of theſe later times. Galen and Hippocrates, (I have heard it my ſelf) what ſhould they do with them? The courſe of Phyſick is now altered, by late diſcoveries: there is no more need of them. Ignorant wretches, and unhappy they, that fall into ſuch hands. But I have done. Zacutus his relation is this: A young Gentleman, of a comely ſhape, and of excellent parts, was ſo paſſionately in love with a fair maid, of a noble parentage, about eighteen years old; that he had no reſt, neither night nor day, very near unto diſtraction. But when by reaſon of the inequality of their birth, he found nothing at her hands, but contempt and ſcorn; enraged, he applies himſelf to Witches for revenge. They according to art, make a picture or image rather, of her, in wax, which when pricked, with ſome Charms, and imprecations; at the ſame time the party was ſeiſed with ſuch horrible torments in all parts of her body, that ſhe thought her ſelf pierced, or run through with ſome ſharp weapon. It was not long before divers Phyſicians (the beſt that could be had, we may preſume) were ſent for, who at firſt thought thoſe horrible accidents muſt proceed from ſome diſtemper of the womb. But after they had obſerved, that all remedies they had applied made her worſe, rather than better, they abſolutely pronounced her diſeaſe, to be no natural diſeaſe, and that ſhe was either actually poſſeſt by ſome evil Spirit, or infeſted and infected by ſome of their creatures. In which judgment, ſee God would have it to prevent the contradiction of ſome confidents, which in all places are to be found; when ſhe began to caſt out of her body lumps of hair, (tribulorum faſciculum, I know what it may ſignifie beſides, but I would not make the matter more ſtrange than it muſt needs) others of thiſtles, needles; then a black lump in the form of an egge, out of which, when diſſected, came flying Ants, which did cauſe ſuch a noiſom ſtink, that no body was able to abide the room: they were much confirmed. But at laſt, reduced to great extremity, and at the point of death, with much difficulty, being in a ſyncope, ſhe vomited a certain creature, of the bigneſs of an ordinary fiſt, of a black colour, long tail, hairy all the body over, like a mouſe; which being fallen to the ground, did with great ſwiftneſs run to and fro the room, and then died. The Parents aſtoniſhed with this horrible caſe, and ſeeing their child forſaken by Phyſicians, they have recourſe to all the Witches, Sorcerers and Magicians the Town or Country yielded. Among all theſe, one was found, who did with no ſmall confidence, upon condition of a good reward, undertake to make her well, if they ſent for him, when ſhe was in a fit. It was agreed: being in a fierce ſit, he is called: who, (Zacutus then preſent, he ſaith of himſelf) after he had applied a very white paper to her pole, in which two letters only (T. M.) were written, and an Aſſes hoof half burned, and chanted to her ears ſome words, (Zacutus did not hear them it ſeems) ſhe was preſently free from all evil, and ſo continued for the time to come. Morbi ergo trans naturam, &c. that is, Diſeaſes therefore beſides nature, as after Fernelius, Carrerius upon Galen de locis aff. diſp. 37. doth vigorouſly argue muſt be cured by remedies that are not natural. So Zacutus concludes, as he did begin, making that, by his title, the very drift and purpoſe of his narration. I hope he did mean well, but wiſh, he had ſpoken more warily. For firſt, were ſuch cures never ſo certain and ordinary, yet are they impious, and unlawful; as not Divines only, the moſt and beſt approved, but alſo learned Phyſicians well determine and conclude. True it is, there is a ſtory of a Diſpenſation granted by Pope Nicolaus the V. to a Biſhop very dear unto him, which may ſeem to croſs what we ſay, if Popes might not erre, and do wickedly, as well as other men. For the Biſhop having been bewitched unto a grievous diſeaſe, of which he could not after many endeavours be cured by any natural means; a Witch offered her ſelf, and upon condition ſhe might be allowed to bewitch her, that had bewitched the Biſhop unto death, (which ſhe ſaid was in her power to do) undertook to cure him. Whereupon the Pope being ſued unto for a Diſpenſation, he granted it, and the buſineſs was done, the firſt Witch died, and the Biſhop was reſtored. Sprengerus as I take it, who was an Inquiſitor for all ſuch buſineſſes at Rome, was the firſt that made it publickly known. Scarce any body that writes of this ſubject of Witches, and their power, but takes notice of it from him. And as yet, I have not found it contradicted by any, that I can remember. Neither do I remember that Delrio, in that bulky book of his Diſquiſitions, takes notice of it any where; which we may be ſure he would not have omitted, to vindicate the Pope, had he known how to excuſe it with a good conſcience, or how to cenſure it without offence. But the truth is, though he take no direct notice, and durſt not apparently juſtifie it, yet that it made him write more favourably of ſuch caſes, than otherwiſe he would have done; for which he is juſtly blamed, and as ſolidly refuted by learned Sennertus. lib. 6. p. 9. cap. 8. I cannot but ſuſpect. Yet as to this particular caſe, what he thought of it, he doth, without any particular mention, tell us freely enough, when he doth limit his licenſe or diſpenſation (which he doth allow) with this proviſo, that if help be required, or admitted from ſuch; yet of no other than the very Witch or party, that hath done the miſchief. For which, though he gives a very good reaſon, yet he concludes but timorouſly, Quare raro admodum, &c. It muſt be therefore but very ſeldom, if ever, lawful, to require the help of another Sorcerer, [or Sorcerers] but only from him [or her] who is the actor of the miſchief. But ſeldom, if ever. Now here, in the Biſhops caſe, it was required by the Biſhop, and indulged by the Pope, that a Witch, by bewitching her to death, that had done the miſchief, might do the cure. Was not this example, think we, in the mind of Delrio, when he ſo wrote; and was not he put to it ſhrewdly, between fear on the one ſide, and conſcience on the other? But how more they, between ſuch manifeſt evidences on the one ſide, and an obſtinate and reſolved incredulity on the other, who after all this will tell us, dare tell us, there is no ſuch thing, as Witches or Sorcerers in the world? Well, it was ſo it ſeems in this particular: the Witch that had done the hurt muſt periſh, or the Biſhop could not be cured: but leſt the Reader ſhould miſtake, that it is always ſo, he may learn by another inſtance.

LEONARD Vair in his book of Charms, before mentioned, hath a ſtory of a woman, which though ſhe paſſionately loved her husband, yet when he came to approach her as her husband, ſhe was affrighted with ſuch horrid phancies and apparitions; and if much urged, ſuffered in her body ſuch ſtrange ſymptoms or accidents, that ſhe became an object of no leſs horror, than pity, to all that ſaw and heard her. Her husband was one, that this Leonard (no mean man, for his worldly eſtate and credit in the world) had a great affection for: and was not wanting to him, in the beſt advice, or aſſiſtance he could give him. But all to no purpoſe. They continued in this forced kind of continence, from the firſt of their legal matrimony, three whole years: at the end of which, the Witch that had out of meer envy and malice bewitched the woman to this unuſual kind of affliction; whether procured, or of her own accord I know not, becauſe my Author doth not tell me, came to the houſe, abſolved her; and from that time they lovingly and comfortably enjoyed one another. My Author doth not ſay he ſaw it, the woman, I mean, in her fits: neither was it ſit he ſhould be admitted to ſee; which himſelf, I dare ſay, (a pious honeſt man, his book ſpeaks him) would have refuſed, had he been deſired. But how every thing did paſs, he did not want good information, we find by the account he doth give us, and the circumſtances of fact, as he doth relate them, fitter to be read in him, than related by me, in the judgment of any indifferent Reader, may amount to a Vidimus. It will be found in his third book of the ſaid Treatiſe, of my French Tranſlation, Page 502, &c.

BUT ſecondly, curantur, Zacutus ſaith, as if it were very certainly feaſible, at any time, which is moſt falſe; and though his words ſeem to imply ſo much, yet I hope and believe it was not his meaning. For though God, for ſome reaſons permit ſuch things ſome times; and one reaſon certainly is, that men generally ſo inclinable to Atheiſm, might certainly know, if not wilfully blind, that there is ſomewhat beſides fleſh and bloud, and what may be ſeen with bodily eyes (that is, ordinary nature) to be thought on; yet I am very confident, that not one in a hundred, nor a thouſand perchance, that ſeek to Devils and Witches, doth ſpeed, or obtain what he doth deſire; not becauſe the Devil doth want power, or will, but becauſe God doth not permit. Nay, many certainly, when they have done what they can or could, to be acquainted with Devils, yet have miſſed of their deſires, which might be a juſt judgment of God, ſo to harden them the more in their Athieſm, and other wickedneſs; or an act of his providence perchance, to prevent the miſchief that they would do, had they ſuch an aſſiſtant. Whereof we have a notable example in that monſter, Nero, who as Pliny relateth, having with care and great longing, applied himſelf to the beſt Magicians of his time; yet God would not permit (Pliny was not ſo well perſwaded of the gods of his time, as to ſay ſo) but would not, I ſay, permit, that they could do any thing before him, for the credit of their profeſſion; whereby Nero grew very confident, and upon that very ground, many were then, and have been ſince, that there is no ſuch thing as Magick; and that all that profeſſed it, were but cheaters, and impoſtors. We might alſo ſay ſomewhat of Julian the Apoſtate, one of the greateſt followers of Magicians, when Magick and N[•]cromancy was in higheſt requeſt, that ever was; as all writers, Chriſtians, and others acknowledge. Yet for all that, how long he reigned, and how he died, we know. But yet more particularly, we have heard of one Biſhop, who ſped (as to this world, wretched man) in the hands, or by the hands of a Witch: But Bodinus will tell us of another Biſhop, whom he names, with all his titles and dignities; and he ſaith he was preſent with one Faber, a learned Phyſician: when one of that profeſſion did take upon him to cure him of a Quartan Ague; which nevertheleſs, for all his confidence, he could not do. But this is but one for another, becauſe it offered it ſelf ſo opportunely: but I believe, as I ſaid before, that many more, without number, miſcarry, either ſeeking to no purpoſe, or when they have found whom to treat with, finding themſelves cheated and fruſtrated.

BUT to return to the relation it ſelf, wherein I would leave nothing diſputable; I obſerve in it an Image or picture of the party to be tormented, made of wax. I obſerve it, becauſe I know ſome, who queſtion not the power of Devils or Witches; yet in this particular are not ſatisfied, how ſuch a thing can be. For there is no relation or ſympathy in nature, (ſaith one, who hath written not many years ago) between a man and his effigies, that upon the pricking of the one, the other ſhould grow ſick. It is upon another occaſion that he ſpeaks it; but his exception reacheth this example equally. A wonder to me, he ſhould ſo argue, who in many things hath very well confuted the incredulity of others, though in ſome things too credulous himſelf. If we muſt believe nothing but what we can reduce to natural, or, to ſpeak more properly (for I my ſelf believe the Devil doth very little, but by nature, though to us unknown) manifeſt cauſes, he doth overthrow his own grounds, and leaves us but very little of magical operations to believe. But of all men, Cardan had leaſt reaſon to except againſt this kind of Magick, as ridiculous or incredible, who himſelf is ſo full of incredible ſtories in that kind, upon his own credit alone, that they had need to be of very eaſie belief, that believe him; eſpecially when they know (whereof more afterwards) what manner of man he was. But I dare ſay, that from Plato's time, who among other appurtenances of Magick doth mention theſe, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, as Ovid doth call them, Simulachra cerea, or as Horace, cereas imagines, (who alſo in another place more particularly deſcribes them) there is not any particular rite, belonging to that art, more fully atteſted by Hiſtories of all ages, than that is. Beſides, who doth not know, that it is the Devils faſhion (we ſhall meet with it afterwards again) to amuſe his ſervants and vaſſals with many rites and ceremonies, which have certainly no ground in nature, no relation or ſympathy to the thing, as for other reaſons, ſo to make them believe, they have a great hand in the production of ſuch and ſuch effects; when, God knows, many times all that they do, though taught and inſtructed by him, is nothing at all to the purpoſe, and he in very deed is the only agent, by means, which he doth give them no account of. Bodinus in his Preface to his Daemonology, relateth, that three waxen-Images, whereof one of Queen Elizabeths, of glorious memory, and two other, Reginae proximorum, of two Courtiers, of greateſt authority under the Queen, were found in the houſe of a Prieſt at Iſlington, a Magician, or ſo reputed; to take away their lives. This he doth repeat again in his ſecond book, Chap. 8. but more particularly that it was in the year of the Lord 1578. and that Legatus Angliae, and many French-men, did divulge it ſo; but withal, in both places he doth add, that the buſineſs was then under trial, & not yet perfectly known. I do not truſt my memory: I know my age, and my infirmities. Cambden, I am ſure, I have read and read again: but neither in him, nor in Biſhop Carletons thankful remembrancer, do I remember any ſuch thing. Others may perchance. Yet in the year 1576. I read in both, of ſome pictures, repreſenting ſome, that would have kill'd that glorious Queen with a Motto, Quorſum haec, alio properantibus! which pictures were made by ſome of the conſpiracy for their incouragement; but intercepted, and ſhewed, they ſay, to the Queen. Did the time agree, it is poſſible theſe pictures might be the ground of thoſe miſtaken, if miſtaken, waxen Images, which I deſire to be taught by others, who can give a better account.

MY next and laſt inſtance, in this kind, or matter of Cures, ſhall be out of the Obſervationes Medicae, of Henricus ab Heers, Domeſtick Phyſician, not many years ago, to the Elector of Colen: a man of no ſmall credit in thoſe parts among the better ſort, eſpecially; but no friend to Empericks, among whom he reckoned Van Helmont as one of the chief. But I ſhall not interpoſe my judgment in that. Of Heers, I dare ſay in general, not to meddle with thoſe things that properly belong unto a Phyſician to judge of; that he doth write as a ſober, learned, and (which is the Crown of all) pious man. The ſubject of his eighth obſervation, is a very ſtrange ſtory of a young maid, that was bewitched by one of that wicked crew; which being found by the conſequents of the preſence, or abſence of the Witch; ſhe was laid hold of, arraigned and convicted; and for that, and many other things of the ſame nature done by her, as ſhe confeſſed, deſervedly put to death. But with the Witch, (as ſhe her ſelf at her death, had foretold it would be) the pains of the miſerable girle did not expire, but continued at leaſt one year after. So long is expreſſed, how much longer I know not. Heers had the keeping of her a good part of the time. In the mean time, ſuch ſtrange things happened unto her, and ſuch ſtrange things came out of her, that her keeper did verily believe, and did endeavour to perſwade divers others, who were admitted daily ſpectators, (Scholars and Philoſophers, or Naturaliſts, among the reſt) that not the maid really in her body, did ſuffer thoſe things that did appear unto them, but that their faſcinated eyes (as it doth happen ſometimes) did falſly repreſent unto them things which had no real being. But did not long continue in that opinion, being convicted by manifeſt experience, as he doth relate, to the contrary. The particulars are ſo many, that I muſt deſire the Reader, if ſo curious, to take them from the Author himſelf: who in the relation is ſo put to it, to proteſt and to apologize for himſelf, that I doubt he had not been much acquainted with ſuch caſes, by his own experience, or read much in others, that write of them. Quae tunc viderim, audiverim, &c. What I then ſaw, heard, handled, becauſe I know there be many that will not believe, &c. So God bleſs me, I ſhall write nothing, but what I have ſeen. And again, I do moſt conſcienciouſly, (or, by what is moſt ſacred) and all my domeſticks are ready with me moſt ſolemnly to take their oaths, &c. But yet of all particulars, the laſt of all ſeemeth to me moſt obſervable, and that is, a natural receipt, commended and approved by more than one before, men of credit and learning, which he will tell you, it was a long time, though he did uſe all poſſible endeavours, before he could procure to remove or cure ſuch kind of witchcraft: but at laſt he got it, and it wrought the deſired effect. For the maid, he ſaith, with the uſe of it, perfectly recovered. He doth make us believe, he hath given us the receipt clearly expreſſed, which to underſtand he was long puzled. If ſo, he hath deſerved well of poſterity, and deſerves the thanks of the preſent age. However, it is very poſſible that what he found effectual, and ſome others before him, to ſuch a purpoſe, may fail ſometimes; which in things of ſuch an abſtruſe nature, and which depend of many circumſtances, it is no great wonder that it ſhould be ſo, when we ſee that ordinary Phyſick doth not always produce the ſame effects in all bodies; no, nor in the ſame ſometimes.

NOW of theſe receipts (this, upon this occaſion, to direct the belief of others, not much verſed in ſuch things) that pretend to ſome hidden, but natural vertue; therefore, as we had it before by ſome called, natural, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or eminently: ſuch as keep to things meerly natural, as herbs, roots, ſtones, and the like; and are not accompanied with any words, or ſpells, pronounced or written; nor contain rites and ceremonies, as many are; I know not, if we allow, as all ſober men muſt, of occult qualities, I know not, I ſay, why we ſhould ſuſpect our ſelves, or make others ſcrupulous of ſuch: eſpecially when commended unto us by perſons, that are not at all ſuſpected, and that they are known to have been effectual, I will not ſay always, but ſometimes. I am not therefore of their opinion, I muſt confeſs, who confine us to thoſe things, for which a probable reaſon may be given, from the nature of the ingredients, or ſimple materials. But on the other ſide, where there is any juſt ground of ſuſpition, it muſt be conſidered alſo, that it may be the craft of the Devil, or his inſtruments (Witches and Magicians) to aſcribe cures to things natural, as the means, to draw us on by degrees; when thoſe natural things ſignifie nothing at all really; and all the operation doth proceed from a more myſtical and concealed cauſe. But again, no queſtion, I think, is to be made, but that the Devil and thoſe that work by him, to inhance the credit of their art, or power, where they are allowed, diſguiſe ſometimes the operations of things meerly natural, of purpoſe, with ſuperſtitious rites and ceremonies, which of themſelves do nothing; though probably without them, thoſe natural things would not prove efficacious in the hands of them, that had them from ſuch maſters; nor yet in the hands of others perchance, through the ignorance or omiſſion of ſome ſmall circumſtance, which in point of very nature, may much alter the caſe. However, in proceſs of time, it is likely that ſuch and ſuch things came more generally, (as many of thoſe naturalia or ſpecifica are) to be known to be efficacious to ſuch ends, which were at firſt as great ſecrets, preſcribed by thoſe maſters, to them that did apply themſelves to them. For otherwiſe, how they ſhould come to the knowledge of men, (though ſome, by ſome caſualty might, I confeſs) were hard to gueſs. Of this nature I ſuſpect ſomething may be found in Trallianus, than whom, I think, no man (thoſe that profeſs ſuch things under the Devil their Maſter excepted) hath more of theſe Naturalia or Specifica, for all kind of diſeaſes. A ſtrange thing, that a man in his profeſſion, and the rational way, ſo learned and uſeful, as I have heard ſome eminent Phyſicians atteſt, beſides what Fererius and others write, ſhould give credit to ſo many tales, as he that reads muſt needs ſuſpect, or rather abſolutely pronounce of many, or moſt of them. Yet is he not content to ſet them down barely, to ſatisfie the curioſity of ſome, as he doth ſometimes profeſs; but many times doth commend them, as approved by certain experience. Other ancient Phyſicians have, I know, ſome; but ſo many as Trallianus hath, and ſo confidently propoſed, I think not any. Yet that he was a Magician, or did work at all by the Devil, of whoſe nature, and properties probably he knew little or nothing, I do not believe: but if his naturalia did prove ſo effectual, as he would make us believe, I muſt ſuſpect nevertheleſs that the Devil had a hand in the operation of many of them. And ſhould any man, acquainted with the myſteries of our faith & the Scriptures, go the ſame way, to advance the credit of ſuch remedies. I ſhould believe him either a Magician, or as bad as a Magician. But even among Chriſtians, (profeſt Chriſtians at leaſt) as elſewhere, ſo in England, there be I doubt too many, that are not ſo tender-conſcienced, as to ſtick at thoſe things, or enquire after the lawfulneſs of the means, (through ignorance, and want of good information, ſome, probably) may they but compaſs their deſire, either of profit, or of eaſe. A very good friend of mine, a ſerious man, and a good Preacher, told me this ſtory, as very well known to him. A friend of his, he ſaid, having been long troubled with an Ague, and probably tried many means without ſucceſs, either went to, or lighted upon an Apothecary (he named him, and the place of his abode) who undertook to cure him, and to that end, delivered unto him ſix very ſmall rouls of paper, rouled up very cloſe, and bid him eat them. But he before he did execute what was injoyned, had ſo much curioſity or boldneſs, as to look into one of them firſt, then into another, and laſtly, into a third; in all which, he found no more, than this written, Do well, or, All is well: ſo reported unto me, uncertainly; but one of the two, certainly. Having ſatisfied his curioſity, and happily thinking there could be no Magick in this, he did what he was bid, that is, eat them. Whereupon he was ſurpriſed with great pains, the like whereof he had not felt before, for a while: but afterwards, was altogether free of his diſeaſe. Whereof having given an account to his friend, or Phyſician, what he had ſuffered firſt, and how free afterwards; Then I will warrant you, ſaid he preſently, you did open ſome of the papers; and ſo many papers, as you opened, ſo many fits you had, I believe, of thoſe pains, which his friend told him, was very true. At the ſame time, one that was preſent, but not ſo well known to me, told a ſtory, that had much affinity, and I am much deceived, if I have not read ſomewhat printed that hath more: but one will ſerve our turn of this kind. For though I may perchance believe my friend, as he believed his, that it is true; yet to commend it to the Reader, as an abſolute truth, I dare not, but upon a probable ſuppoſition of the truth, the opening of the papers, and what enſued excepted, I ſhould not much wonder at the poſſibility of the thing, in point of nature. For a ſtrong confidence, if the Apothecary did well act his part, or imagination may do much: it is a common obſervation, and examples every where are obvious.

NOW to proceed, I have given, I think, a ſufficient account of the power of Magick in point of Cures, which by ſome, beſides them that deny all ſupernatural operations, is not believed, but more, I believe, for want of diligent enquiring into the thing, then through meer incredulity. I have made choice of ſuch inſtances, againſt which what rationally can be excepted, I cannot ſo much as imagine. But I will yet oppoſe incredulity, in another kind of ſupernatural operations, by inſtances as irrefragable as the former; and to them that think themſelves concerned in the true ſenſe of the Scriptures, more conſiderable. Pſalm 58. verſe 4. and 5. it is written: They are like the deaf Adder, that ſtoppeth her ear: which will not hearken to the voice of the charmers, charming never ſo wiſely. Beſides, Eccleſiaſtes the 10. verſe the 11. Surely the Serpent will bite without enchantment, and a babler is no better: and again, Jeremy the 8. and the 17. verſe: For behold I will ſend Serpents, Cockatrices among you, which will not be charmed, and they ſhall bite you ſaith the Lord. For the firſt place, it were no hard matter to interpret the words of the Pſalmiſt, as ſpoken proverbially, without any conſequence of a ſuppoſition of the truth, or reality of the thing, in matter of fact. For many things are thus ſpoken proverbially, which they that ſpeak have no intention to aſſert as true, or perchance know, or believe at laſt, to be moſt falſe. So Cygnea cantio: Sirenum cantus, and the like; for which perchance ſomewhat may be ſaid, but not believed I am ſure, by all that uſe the ſpeech. Or if I compare a woman to a Circe, or a man to Proteus, or to aggravate any burden, ſay it is heavier than that of Atlas; no rational man will hence conclude, that I believe that ſuch have been really. But the two other places are more poſitive, and cannot ſo well be evaded. Yet Valeſius, not to name others, a very learned Spaniard, in his books, De Sacra Philoſophia, hath taken great pains to perſwade men, that theſe things were ſpoken not proverbially, but myſtically, and allegorically; and though he deny not ſupernatural operations by Devils and Spirits, whom he doth not at all doubt of: yet as to this particular, of inchanting by magical words, he doth altogether deny, as poſſible, and whatſoever is alledged by any ancient or late writer to that purpoſe, he doth reject, as meerly fabulous. It ſeems by Pliny, that learned men of old, have been very much divided in their opinions about this matter; inſomuch, that he dares not take upon him to decide it, but leaves it free to every man to believe as they ſhall ſee cauſe: His words, elſewhere produced by me, in a proper place, very notable and applicable to many occaſions, are, Maximae queſtionis, & ſemper incertae eſt, valeantne aliquid verba & incantamenta carminum; and again more particularly, Varia circa haec opinio, ex ingenio cujuſque vel caſu, mulceri alloquio foras: quippe ubi etiam Serpentes extrahi, cantu cogique in poenas, verum falſumne ſit vita non decreverit. So he. We ſhall give light to thoſe words, cogique in poenas, afterwards: We have given the ſubſtance of the reſt before. Now for my part, partly upon what I have ſeen my ſelf, but much more upon the teſtimony of others, who profeſs to have ſeen it, and give a particular account of every circumſtance; men all generally well accounted of; I do profeſs that I know not what to believe in the world, which I cannot ſay I have ſeen my ſelf; if I may not believe this, and commend unto others, for a truth. If any thing, I ſay, which I cannot ſay, I have ſeen my ſelf: which would be a ſtrange kind of Incredulity, and worthy to make a man unworthy of the ſociety of men, of whom, even the beſt, and moſt creditable, he can entertain ſo baſe an opinion: Neither can it, I think, enter into the heart of any man, to be ſo miſtruſtful, but theirs only who are conſcious unto themſelves of their own baſeneſs, and make no other difference between lying and ſpeaking truth, but as either beſt fits their preſent occaſion. As for Valeſius his opinion, though a learned man, and for ought I know, pious and wiſe; yet it is no wonder to me, that any one man, though pious and learned, ſhould fall into an opinion very paradoxical, and contrary to moſt other mens belief: eſpecially in a thing of this nature, which moſt depends of experience. Pliny hath ſufficiently warned us againſt this ſcandal, or exception, when in this very caſe, he tells us, that men are apt to believe and frame their opinions, according as they have found; or, by their particular experience: an excellent obſervation, and, as I ſaid before, applicable to many things of good moment, whereof I have given examples elſewhere. I am very confident, that it was not Valeſius his luck, to meet with any man (much leſs two or three, or more) whom he accounted pious and judicious withal, that could ſay, he had ſeen the thing done, with his own eyes, and in the preſence of many others: but more probable, that he had met with, or heard of ſome cheaters and impoſtors in this very caſe, whereof it were no very hard thing, I believe, to find inſtances & examples: and when a man hath once framed to himſelf an opinion, and pleaſed himſelf (as we are too apt) in his invention; it is no eaſie thing, (ſuch is the infirmity, even of the beſt of men) to get him out of it. But Valeſius hath been, and his reaſons fully anſwered and confuted by more it may be, but by one I know, very learned and judicious; and with ſo much reſpect and moderation, as that Valeſius, I think himſelf, would have thought himſelf, had he read him, rather beholding to him, than otherwiſe, of whom alſo I ſhould not be afraid, or think it any diſcredit (ſuch an opinion I have of his real worth and learning) to borrow ſome inſtances, in ſuch a caſe, more to be reſolved by inſtances, that is experience, than any thing elſe. But that my curioſity hath been ſuch in this particular, that I think (without pride or bragging (be it ſpoken) I could have furniſhed him. Which I may ſay alſo of what he hath written of, and upon Joſephus his place, before examined, very accurately and learnedly: let the Reader, upon comparing, judge, as he ſhall pleaſe▪ But I have not yet, though before I have, upon another occaſion, named the man: It is Doctor Reynolds, Royal Profeſſor in Oxford, when he lived: and the book his learned Praelectiones, before named alſo. A pity it is, as he doth complain himſelf more than once, that the condition of thoſe Praelectiones was ſuch, that he was forced oftentimes to repeat the ſame things, which is able to make thoſe, that have not patience, nor know how to value ſuch ware, to be ſoon weary. His chiefeſt inſtances, beſides Fernelius and Matthiolus, their opinions in the caſe, upon certain proof and experience are, the firſt, Baptiſta Mantuanus, a known Phyſician, in his notes, or obſervations upon Avicen, which he doth call Lectiones: whoſe words are; Ego mihi credite, vidi meis oculis, &c. that is: My ſelf with mine eyes, you may believe me, have ſeen it, a certain man who when he had made a circle (cumque ſignaret) and drawn ſome characters about it, and uttered ſome words, he did call together above a hundred Serpents. So he. This indeed Montanus doth not relate to the ſame end that I do, to prove that there be ſupernatural operations by the intervention of Devils and Spirits; but he, to prove the ſtrength of imagination. For he was, it ſeems, of the opinion of ſome Enthuſiaſts Arabs, as Avicenna and ſome others, embraced by ſome profeſſing Chriſtianity alſo; who did aſcribe ſo much to the ſtrength of imagination, as if Rain, and Thunder, and even Earthquakes might be cauſed by it. Certainly, they that did believe this, really, had a very ſtrong imagination. How comes it to paſs, they never did none of thoſe miracles? But for a further reſolution, or refutation of this, if any deſire it, I refer them to learned Fyenus his excellent Treatiſe, De viribus Imaginationis, well worth the reading, written in the old Ariſtotelean way; though he do Ariſtotle ſome wrong, unwillingly I believe, when he doth ſay, that Ariſtotle he believeth, did write of the ſtrength of the imagination, no were, but Problem. l. 10. c. 12. a great miſtake. But to our purpoſe. Remigius his relation, which is not in Reynolds, is more ſtrange, and not leſs credible, I think. I have ſeen a man, ſaith he, who from all the neighbourhood (or confines) would draw Serpents into the fire, which was incloſed within a Magical Circle; and when one of them, bigger than the reſt, would not be brought in, upon repetition of the Charms before uſed, he was forced, and ſo into the fire he did yield himſelf with the reſt, and with it was compaſſed. So Remigius. By this, what Pliny meant, by his cogique in poenas, may be underſtood. But I muſt conceal nothing from my Reader. They that ſhould ſee my Remigius would eaſily believe that I have read him over, more than once, by my noting and ſcribling in moſt pages of it. Yet at this time, I muſt confeſs, I could not find this paſſage, where I thought it moſt probable it would be found. And that which makes me ſomewhat ſuſpitious is, that I find much of this relation, ſet out with more floriſh, as acted elſewhere: which I confeſs is very poſſible, that what the Devil hath done in one place, he may do in another. And this I find in an Author, who profeſſeth to have travelled the greateſt part of Europe, to ſatisfie his curioſity: and to ſpeak truth, for the bigneſs, I have not read ſtranger things in all kinds in any book: but this of Serpents, he doth relate from others, of what credit I know not; he doth not ſay he did ſee them himſelf. And therefore the Reader may ſuſpend his belief, as to this particular relation; if he pleaſe, till he or I have found it in Remigius. Yet withal I muſt ſay, that the ſame Author, but now ſpoken of, though he doth not atteſt this relation of Serpents as a thing ſeen by himſelf; yet another he doth, (Vidimus) his word, which in point of the creatures charmed, is as different, as Serpents, are from Flies; in all other things have much affinity: Hercules [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], is the title of the book: one Joh. Exneſtus Burggravius, the Author: theſe two particulars of Serpents and Flies, page 68. and 77. My Author for Remigius, is one that calls himſelf Philippus Ludwigus Elich, in his Daemonomagia: who is very full of quotations, out of good books, I confeſs, but otherwiſe, whether ſober or no, when he wrote; he is ſo full of extravagancies, I do not know. But again, Remigius and Burggravius, their relations agree very well; but that they do not agree in the place, which is no argument againſt the truth; ſome may think it a confirmation of their relations, becauſe as I ſaid before, it is very poſſible the ſame thing in ſubſtance might be acted, as moſt other things are, in different places: But Delrio, in whom though diligent and copious enough, I find none of theſe, nor a word of Valeſius, he hath an example which he calls celebre exemplum, as known unto all men, that ſeek after theſe things, and uncontrollable; ſo I underſtand him; but of a quite contrary event: for there the Magician was kill'd by the Serpent, who laſt appeared, who probably might be the Devil himſelf: but enough of this.

MY next inſtance (in Reynolds alſo) or teſtimony, is of Andreas Maſius, that excellent Commentator, and learned Divine, who being intreated by Wierius, to explain unto him the true notions of the Hebrew words, wherewith all kind of Witchcraft is expreſſed in the Scriptures, when he comes to the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], which properly ſignifieth incantare, or to inchant; he doth add: Et ego vidi, &c. I alſo have ſeen them, who with words (or charms) could ſtop wild beaſts, and force them to await the ſtroak of the dart: who alſo could force that domeſtick beaſtly creature, which we call a Rat, as ſoon as ſeen, amazed and aſtoniſhed to ſtand ſtill, as it were immovable, until not by any deceit or ambuſhes, but only ſtretching their hands they had taken them, and ſtrangled them. So learned Maſius. Some Reader it may be that is not incredulous, for want of due conſideration, will be aſtoniſhed at theſe things, that ſuch power ſhould be given unto man, or Devil. But they ſhould rather make this uſe of it, that if ſuch power even Spirits have, that are Gods creatures, and ſervants; which both good and bad are, though againſt their wills; what may his power be, who is the Creator of all things; and how inexcuſable they, who in ſome articles of our faith, ſtick at ſome things, as impoſſible to God? And if they believe, (they do, if true Chriſtians) that one Angel, at Gods command, deſtroyed in one night, one hundred fourſcore and five thouſand men, why, a wonder unto any, that a man, by the help of the Devil, who is a rebel-Angel, ſhould have ſuch power (God not hindring) upon dumb creatures, whether fierce or tame? The German Piper, I think, there be but few, but ſometime or other have heard of, who having agreed with the Town, or Village, at a certain rate, to deſtroy all the Rats, which did much annoy the place, and after performance, was denied, and laughed at: drew by his muſick all, or moſt Children of the Pariſh, or place, after him; who (if a true tale) were never heard of. It is related by many for a truth, and ſaid by ſome, to be left upon the records of the place or Country. But I will not trouble my ſelf to ſeek my books or papers for it, at this time. Enough hath been produced of later times, which I think unqueſtionable, and I have yet more to the ſame purpoſe. I remember well, that many years ago, Sir Henry Wootton, being then Provoſt of Eaton-Colledge, he did tell me, that ſome body, whether Engliſh or Outlandiſh, did offer unto him to deſtroy all the Moles of the Country for I know not what compaſs of ground: but this, not by any charm, or incantation, he ſaid, but by a ſecret of nature; becauſe the Moles, at a certain time of the year, it was their nature and cuſtom, to gather together in one place, and then, what to be done, I know not: he told me more, but this is all I remember. But I have a ſtory of a later date, which though for ſome reaſons I am ſomewhat ſhye to come to: Yet, becauſe in two ſeveral places in my Notes and Obſervations upon Diogenes Laertius lately ſet out, and in thoſe Obſervations upon the Pſalms, and Proverbs, the importunity of Printers, when I was not very well furniſhed, either with books or leiſure; but worſt of all, of will, (when nothing could be expected to be acceptable, and welcome, but what reliſhed of ſchiſm and rebellion) extorted from me: but becauſe in thoſe two ſeveral places I have touched upon it, I deſire I may have the liberty to relate it here at large.

IN the year of our Lord 1648. I then lived in Suſſex, ſome three miles from Chicheſter, under the protection, not out of any love to me, who was looked upon as a deſperate malignant; but out of a reſpect to my wife, between whom, and his wife, there was ſome relation of kindred; but under his protection, whom I dare not name; but a man of very great power, at that time; I wiſh he had made better uſe of it, than generally he did: though I never heard that he did much inrich himſelf by it, which many others did, who had leſs power, but were more covetous. I muſt acknowledge, not knowing at that time, where to diſpoſe my ſelf more commodiouſly, I was much beholding to him: and it did much conduce to my peace and quietneſs, as being of that profeſſion and party, then ſufficiently hated and perſecuted; that he would do me the favour, and honour ſometimes, as to come to my houſe. One time (I can tell the very day, it was the 11. of February) he came, and brought with him a Gentleman, his wives own father, and of kin to mine, who had been not long before Sheriff, as I remember, of Sommerſet-ſhire, and ſuffered much by the times, for his loyalty. They came on horſeback, with divers ſervants, among whom, becauſe the chiefeſt of the company had lately bought a Barbary-horſe, to whom he did not think convenient, as yet, altogether to truſt himſelf; was one John Young, a known horſe-courſer of that Country. Whileſt we were above, in the beſt Room I had, and the Servants in the Kitchin by the fire; my ſon (the only I then had, or ſince have had; ſome 12. or 13. years of age) comes in, with his Maſtiff, which he was very fond of, as the Maſtiff was of him: John Young, to make himſelf and the company ſport; What will you ſay, Sir, ſaith he, if I make your dog, without touching of him, lie down, that he ſhall not ſtir? Or to that effect. My ſon, for it was a Maſtiff of great ſtrength, and courage, which he was not a little proud of; defied him. He preſently to pipe, and the Maſtiff (at a diſtance) to reel: which when the boy ſaw, aſtoniſhed and amazed, he began to cry out. But the man, fearing ſome diſturbance in the houſe, changed his tune, or forbare further piping, (I know not which) and the dog ſuddenly became as well and as vigorous as before. Of this I knew nothing, till the company was gone. Then a maid of the houſe obſerving that I much wondred at it, and wiſhed I had ſeen it: O Maſter, ſaid ſhe, do you wonder at it? This man doth it familiarly, and more than that, the fierceſt horſe, or bull that is, if he ſpeak but a word or two in their ears, they become preſently tame, ſo that they may be led with a ſtring; and he doth uſe to ride them, in the ſight of all people. This made me the more impatient; and ſo it was, that being invited thither to dinner againſt the next day, I thought long till the time was come, and had not (the next day) been long there, but told the Maſter of the houſe, before much company, that were then preſent, what I had heard of the man, and how deſirous I was to be further ſatisfied; That ſhall you ſoon be, replied he: and preſently ſent one for him. But anſwer was brought he was gone abroad, but they thought he would not be long away. This very delay, though but for ſo ſhort a time, troubled me, which whether obſerved or no; Well, well, ſaith the Maſter of the houſe, I will give you ſome ſatisfaction, in the mean time, by one ſtory I ſhall tell you. This man, ſaid he, was once in company, and being in the mood (or to that effect) began to brag, what he could do to any dog, were he never ſo great or ſo fierce. It hapned, that a Tanner, who had a very fierce Maſtiff, who all the day was kept in chains, or muſled, was in the company, who preſently (not without an oath perchance, it is too uſual; good laws againſt it, and well executed would well become a Chriſtian Common-wealth) offered to lay with him ten pounds he could not do it to the ſaid dog: that was, without any force or uſe of hands to lay him flat upon the ground, take him into his arms, and to lay him upon a table. Young hapned to be ſo well furniſhed at that time, that he preſently pull'd out of his pocket (I think I was told) ten ſhillings. The Tanner accepts; the money on both ſides laid into the hands of ſome one of the company, and the time ſet. At which time, to the no ſmall admiration, certainly, of them that had not ſeen it before, but to the great aſtoniſhment, and greater indignation of him, that had laid the wager; with a little piping the party did punctually perform what he had undertaken. But inſtead of the ten pounds he expected, being paid only with oaths and execrations, as a Devil, a Magician: after ſome expectation, a ſuit was threatned or commenced. The concluſion was, that the buſineſs being on both ſides referred to arbitration, and this very Gentleman that told me the ſtory, choſen and agreed upon for one; of ten pounds, five (if my memory fail me not in any particular circumſtance, as in the main, I am confident it doth not) were given him, and there was an end. Then they began to tell ſome other of that company, beſides horſes, what he had done to fierceſt bulls, before great company, and ſome perſons of quality: but withal, what one bull, more refractory than the reſt, had done to him; carried him, againſt his will, into a deep pond, where he was in ſome danger, but at laſt, had his will of him alſo, as well as of the reſt. Whileſt they were ſpeaking, in comes John Young. John, ſaith the Maſter of the houſe, here is a Gentleman, at whoſe houſe you were yeſterday: he is very deſirous (to ſatisfie his curioſity, and to no other end) to ſee ſome of your feats. I was ſitting by the fire, (it was cold, and I was not very well) but turned and fixed my eyes upon him, and he his, as earneſtly upon me. I told him what I had heard of him, and that it would much ſatisfie me, to ſee that done with mine eyes, which, I knew, by ſome was thought impoſſible. Whereupon the man, ſtill earneſtly looking upon me, began a diſcourſe, how that all creatures were made by God for the uſe of man, and to be ſubject unto him; and that if men did uſe their power rightly, any man might do what he did. I muſt confeſs, I did wonder not a little to hear a man, whom by his profeſſion, and his countenance, you would hardly have thought able to read (and whether he was, I do not know) to ſpeak ſo Philoſophically; eſpecially after. I remembred what I had read in Cornelius Agrippa, that famous, but learned Magician, to the ſame purpoſe, De occulta Philoſophia lib. 3. cap. 40. Quod unicuique homini impreſſus eſt character, &c. where he begins: It is approved by good experience, that man naturally hath an inbred power in him of binding and commanding, &c. and yet, it is far from my thoughts to think, that ever the man heard ſo much as of the name. But after I had heard him a-while, I did adventure to deſire him, that I might hear ſome of his piping. He, as one that made very ſlight of it, took a little ſtick out of the Chimney, moſt of the company being buſie in diſcourſe, one with another, not regarding what paſſed between him and me; and did begin to make ſome kind of noiſe, wherein I did not think there was much muſick. But this I obſerved, (the Reader may laugh, and I know it might be a chance) that whileſt he was piping, which was not long, a Cat that was in the Chimney-corner, came towards him, and looked upon him, in that poſture of body, that I could not but take notice of it. But, by this, Dinner was brought in, and the room with gueſts and ſervants, prety full. The man promiſed me he would come to my houſe, and I to him, he ſhould not loſe his labour. I truſted to it, and forbare any further mention of him, whileſt I was in the houſe. But when returned to my own, I expected, day after day, and no news of him. I ſent, as opportunity offered it ſelf, meſſages unto him: promiſes were returned, but no performance followed. At laſt, after I began to ſuſpect the man avoided me, I made two journeys to Medhurſt, ſome ſeven miles from mine own houſe, where I was told, or not far off, he did live; but for ought I could do, I never had the ſight of the man ever ſince, and I think he died before, or ſoon after I left the Country. Upon enquiry, all that I could learn is, that he had learned it of his father, who they ſaid, drove the ſame trade before him.

IF the Reader have received any ſatisfaction from this ſtory, I am glad of it. If not, to make him amends, I will tell him another, I cannot ſay more true; but he will perchance, becauſe better atteſted, and from the place, and occaſion more noble; whereof a Bull is a conſiderable part. And this, not becauſe I deſire to pleaſe his ears, (which is far from me) but to vindicate a truth of ſuch conſequence, which cannot (except Scripture authority will be thought ſufficient, which in this particular ſeems to ſome doubtful) be better vindicated, than by experience. After the death of Pope Leo the Tenth, and before Adrian the ſixth, his ſucceſſor, was choſen, (being then abſent) and come to Rome, there was, it ſeems, beſides other confuſion, by ſtrife and diviſions, a grievous Plague at Rome: which did ſo amaze the people, being otherwiſe, by other evils, much annoyed and perplexed; that having tried other uſual means to no purpoſe; at laſt, they had recourſe to one Demetrius, a Grecian, and noted Magician, who was ſaid, and atteſted by ſome, to have done wonders in that kind, in other places. The man, with much confidence, undertook the buſineſs, promiſing to clear the City, not for the preſent only, but for the time to come alſo. This to bring to paſs, (for a good reward, we may be ſure) he requires a bull to be brought to him: a black bull it muſt be▪ and a very fierce one, they ſay it was: but he after ſome charms, made him gentle and patient enough, ſo that he ſuffered his horns to be cut off, without any reſiſtance. What I chiefly aimed at, is at an end: but if the Reader deſire to know ſomewhat of the iſſue, truly I am at a ſtand in that. Quercetanus, de peſte, relates it out of Paulus Jovius, whom I have not; Peſtem Romae graſſantem, ſedatam fuiſſe incantationibus cujuſdam Demetrii, &c. that is, That the Plague, raging in Rome, was aſſwaged by the inchantments of one Demetrius, &c. Delrio, the Jeſuit, out of Grillandus, ſaith nothing of the Plague, (Delrio doth not, whether Grillandus doth, I know not; I have him not at this time) but only of the Bull (which he calls, ferociſſimum taurum) how he was calmed by Magick-art, and led by a ſtring, hundreds of people following, and for this very act, Demetrius, as a notorious inchanter, caſt into priſon. But Gilbertus cognatus, (him I have) who very largely doth tell the ſtory, and by ſome prayers I have of his in another book, ſeems to have been a very religious man, and was then at Rome, as I take it: by him, indeed the Plague is mentioned, a very ſad Plague, and the confuſions of the City at that time fully ſet out: the Magician alſo hired, the Bull required and tamed: all this he hath at large: but not that the Plague was thereupon aſſwaged or removed: though it ſeems the people of the City, had ſo good an opinion of the man, after he had done his feats, that when caſt in priſon, by authority, as a Magician; he was violently delivered by them, and ſet at liberty. And Cognatus doth add, that from thence, he went into a certain place, where the Plague was, and that it was ſaid, he had, by his art cleared it; but, ſaid only: whether truly or falſly, he doth not tell us. Onuphrius, in the life of Adrian the ſixth, doth mention the Plague, but nothing elſe: neither indeed was it for the credit of the place, or people, he ſhould. For Cognatus writing to his friend about it, begins, De Graeca illâ (the Magician that was imployed was a Grecian, I told you before) ſuperſtitione, quae Romam, Anno 1522. invecta fuit, ſcribere volens, vereor, &c. that is, Purpoſing to write of that Greek ſuperſtition, which was acted at Rome, in the year 1522. I have reaſon to fear, that neither I ſhall acquit my ſelf, as I ought, and that both to you, and other Readers, the thing will ſeem incredible. For ſuch is the indignity of the thing, &c.

WELL, I think we may take it for granted, if certain and approved experience, can make any think indubitable, that by charms and inchantments many ſupernatural operations, are brought to paſs: and if ſuch approved teſtimonies of freſh memory were wanting, yet to me, as to many others I ſuppoſe, the teſtimony of ſo many ages, grounded upon common experience, would be a ſufficient evidence. After the Scriptures, Homer for his antiquity, of all Authors now extant, is moſt conſiderable; whoſe teſtimony is ordinarily produced, as indeed very pertinent and emphatical: So is Plato's, in more than one place: So Pindarus, and divers others, whom I paſs by, becauſe every where to be found. Phyſicians and Philoſophers, if not all, yet not a few, did allow of them; and the laws of Princes ſometimes did, and ſometimes not; but thoſe that did not, and were moſt ſevere, but not unjuſt againſt them, (as indeed they were, ſometimes) they are as good evidence, in our cauſe, to prove that ſuch things were practiſed, and found available, as thoſe laws, that did favour them. Ammianus Marcellinus, whoſe judgment we need not much ſtand upon, as long as his teſtimony, for the matter of fact, is good: in his Hiſtory of thoſe times, when himſelf lived, doth record it, as an example of great cruelty, that ſome were proceeded againſt in his time, as great malefactors, becauſe they had made uſe of anile incantamentum, ad leviendum dolorem; and in another place, that a certain Magiſtrate, (anum quandam ſimplicem, &c.) that is, Did put to death a ſimple (or innocent) old woman, which was wont with ſmooth (or harmleſs) inchantments, to cure intermitting Fevers, (or Agues) after that the ſame being ſent for, had healed his own daughter. A cruel thing indeed, that he ſhould uſe her help, or art, to cure his own daughter, and afterwards put her to death, for curing others, and making a practice of it: except we underſtand it ſo, that this man in authority, not fully ſatisfied that ſuch a thing could be; that is, that charms and inchantments were of that power, and having ſuch an opportunity to know the truth, having a daughter ſick in the houſe, he made uſe of her; and finding that ſhe was a Witch, indeed, and dealt in thoſe things, which by the laws of thoſe times were ſtrictly inhibited under pain of death; ſo he put her to death, notwithſtanding that (againſt his expectation perchance) his daughter had reaped the benefit of her unlawful profeſſion. And yet let us obſerve by the way, that if he did it of purpoſe, to make trial, and to know the truth; beſides that he made himſelf obnoxious to the law, for treſpaſſing againſt it, under pretence of trial, and finding of tranſgreſſors; which I believe the law did not allow: he might alſo have miſſed of his end. For it was poſſible, that ſhe that had cured many by thoſe unlawful courſes, might not cure all, though ſhe uſed the ſame means. For ſtill we muſt preſuppoſe the concurrence of Gods will and permiſſion, without which nothing lawful or unlawful can be done: beſides, what may alſo be alledged from natural hidden cauſes: and there be ſtore of inſtances to that purpoſe, that effectual charms, in, and by the ſame hands are not always effectual. But again, Wierius would ſay, that the Devil, to miſchief a poor innocent old woman, did ſo contrive it, that her charms ſhould be effectual at that time, though in very deed, all that ſhe did, did contribute nothing really to the cure, whereof himſelf was the immediate and only author. So far we may admit, that the charms of themſelves were nothing, but as they were made effectual by him. But the woman therefore, that did apply her ſelf to the Devil, and entred into covenant with him to ſuch and ſuch purpoſes; or, ſay ſhe made no direct covenant, yet uſed an indirect way, by the laws of the land ſeverely interdicted; ſhe innocent, and no Witch, but in conceit? Who ſeeth not, I have ſaid it before, and ſay it again, how by this device any malefactor may become innocent? But of Wierius, and his opinion, before ſufficiently.

WHAT Ammianus doth call, anum ſimplicem, I underſtand a white Witch, as in ſome parts of England they are called; that is, ſuch as are generally, by the common people, ſuppoſed to do no hurt, but much good; to diſtinguiſh them from ordinary miſchievous Witches. When I lived in Sommerſet-ſhire, where, as ſoon as by years capable, by the Collation of Lancelot Andrews, then Biſhop of Wincheſter, (whoſe name will be in honour, and his books in requeſt, as long as good learning, and true piety both, which of late hath ſuffered great detriment, are in credit in England) I had a Living; I became acquainted with a very pious and hoſpitable Gentlewoman, one Miſtreſs Still, the widow of Biſhop Still his eldeſt ſon, as I take it; and by her, with another of the Biſhops ſons, yet living, for ought I know: a Gentleman of excellent parts; but, I think, better known unto moſt, by a ſtrange infirmity he had, for which many that had ſeen him abroad, as I have often ſeen him, and once at my houſe, would have ſworn he had been bewitched; yet natural, and contracted, as I have heard, by ſome hurt in his back-bone, through the unrulineſs of his horſe, when he was upon his back. But this ſtory, now to be told, I had from him. I wiſh I could relate it in his words, for he was an excellent ſpeaker: There was in his fathers time, whileſt a Parſon of ſome Living there, in that Country, ſuch a creature, which for the good ſhe was ſuppoſed to do, and good only, had got the name of a white Witch; and was by many, who were not ſenſible of the hurt ſhe did, by drawing ſo many into condemnation, and the ſnares of the Devil, who did uſe her help; magnified and admired. It ſeems the woman did not want, either tongue or boldneſs, to juſtifie her ſelf, and her proceedings, when occaſion was; and had got the reputation, among many, not only of a cunning, but alſo religious woman. Whereupon Doctor Still was deſired by ſome of better judgment, to admit her to ſome kind of conference, that the people, if poſſible, might be undeluded. But he, for good reaſons, I make no queſtion, refuted it: yet was willing to repair to the Pariſh, where ſhe lived, and publickly out of the Pulpit, declare his opinion concerning ſuch practices, which he hoped, would do as well, or better; which was kindly accepted. The Sunday, or Lords-day (which ſome affect to call the Sabboth-day, but not ſo properly) being come, which he had ſet and promiſed, he went: Any body may ſuppoſe well accompanied, with friends and ſervants. The horſe that he did ride, was his own ordinary Gelding, to which he was accuſtomed. But when near the place, (town or village) the horſe began to riſe, and to caſt, in a ſtrange manner, which he never was known to do before: and his carriage was ſo impetuous, that no body could come near the rider, who was ſuppoſed to be in very great danger, as they were all in great amazement. But at laſt, there being ſome kind of Croſs or Market-place, with a ſtone-aſcent to it, not far of; the horſe carried him up thither, and then ſtood ſtock ſtill. The Doctor had no hurt, but could not for a time, but be very ſenſible of what he had ſuffered by ſuch violent concuſſion (or ſuccuſſion more properly) in his body: and by the ſtrangeneſs and unexpectedneſs of it in his mind; ſo that of neceſſity he was forced to turn back, and they that expected him, were diſappointed. What become of the creature afterwards, either I never knew, or have forgotten. The Doctor, we know, continued in good credit, and became afterwards Biſhop of the place. I have done with my ſtory, which for the ſubſtance, as related unto me, I dare warrant true: but if miſtaken in any circumſtance, I deſire the Reader to conſider, that it is almoſt half a hundred years ſince it was told me. I know there be many, ſo little grounded in the true faith and myſteries of Godlineſs, that at the hearing of this (if they believe it) they will be ready, either to quarrel with God Almighty, for ſuffering; or to interpret this permiſſion of his, as a kind of juſtification of the woman, and her practices. But we ſhall meet with ſuch objections, in another place, before we end this firſt Part. I ſhall ſay no more here, but this: How can they ſo much wonder at this, who know, that God in all ages hath ſuffered, ſometimes, as lately amongſt us, eminently a wicked cauſe to proſper: and Godly men, his faithful Miniſters and Servants; yea godly Kings and Princes (whereof our late moſt pious Soveraign, a rare example) to fall into the hands of the wicked? That the Church of God in general hath been ever ſubject to the oppoſition and perſecution of the Devil and his inſtruments; and more particularly, that St. Paul, though a Saint, ſo dear unto God, met with an Alexander, who greatly withſtood him; and that, when he would have come, once, twice, to the Theſſalonians, who perchance needed him as much, or more, than the Doctor was needed in that place (Town or Village) whether he was going; he was hindred by Satan?

BUT now I am in Sommerſet-ſhire, before I leave it, I beg the liberty of another relation, which though it be not much to my main purpoſe, yet becauſe I have not hitherto, to my beſt remembrance, met with it elſewhere, or not ſo fully as I wiſhed, I would preſerve the memory of it to poſterity. And firſt of all, I will here inſert it, as it came to my father (of bl. m.) from a very good hand, which no man, I dare ſay, will except againſt; then I will perfect it (if not much miſtaken) with ſuch additionals, as I learned in the Country, when I lived there.

[〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: (It was his faſhion ſo to begin almoſt every thing, that he wrote: I hope there is no ſuperſtition in it, the great [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or terriculamentum of this Atheiſt[•]cal age. Ancient Chriſtians, inſtead of it, uſed ordinarily the Croſs: there was no Popery then:) Rem miram mihi narrabat hodie, Dom. Epiſcopus Elienſis, Sanctae pictatis Antiſtes. Dicebat ſe accepiſſe à multis, ſed praecipue à Dom. Epiſcopo Vellenſi nuper mortuo, cui ſucceſſit Dom. Montacutus: eveniſſe ante annos circiter XV. (he did write this in the year of the Lord 1610. or 1611. as I gueſs: for I find no date) in urbe Wella, ſive ea dicenda, Wella, die quadam aeſtiva, ut dum in Eccleſiâ Cathedrali, populus ſacris vacabat, duo, vel tria tonitrua inter plura audirentur, ſupra modum horrenda, ita ut populus univerſus in genua [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], procumberet ad illum ſonum terribilem. Conſtitit, fulmen ſimul cecidiſſe, ſine cujuſquam damno tamen. Atque haec aulgaria. Illud admirandum, quod poſtea eſt obſervatum à multis, repertas eſſe Crucis imagines impreſſas corporibus eorum, qui in aede ſacra tum fuerant. Dicebat Epiſcopus Vellenſis, D. Elienſi, uxorem ſuam (honeſtiſſima ea foemina fuit) veniſſe ad ſe, & ei narraſſe pro grandi miraculo, ſibi in corpore impreſſa † ſigna extare; quod cum riſu exciperet Epiſcopus, uxor nudato corpore, ei probavit verum eſſe, quod dixerat. Deinde ipſe obſervavit ſibi quoque ejuſdem † manifeſtiſſimam imaginem impreſſam eſſe, in brachio, opinor: aliis, in humero, in pectore, in dorſo, aut alia corporis parte. Hoc vir maximus, Dom. Elienſis, ita mihi narrabat, ut vetaret de veritate hiſtoriae ambigere.] Ex. Adverſ. Iſ. Caſauboni N. 4. fol. antepenult.

THE ſumm is, That at ſuch a time (ſome eighty years ago, or thereabouts) a ſtrange thunder, for the terror of the noiſe, hapned in the Cathedral of Wells, in Sommerſet-ſhire, as the people were there at Prayers or Sermon: which made them fall all upon their knees. That afterwards, it was obſerved, that a Croſs was imprinted upon the bodies of all, or moſt there aſſembled; of the Biſhop, and his vertuous wife particularly.

I WILL not take upon me abſolutely to determine, how theſe Croſſes might come: I ſhould not make any great wonder of them, no more than I do of thoſe ſtones, which by the pious and learned compiler of Muſaeum Veronenſe, are called Crucis Lapilli; and fully deſcribed by him: which I do not find adſcribed to any other, but a natural cauſe. Learned Remigius, I remember, hath an obſervation, that very frequently, thoſe bodies, that are ſtruck with Thunder, are found marked with ſigns, reſembling the impreſſion of nails; which they that are ſimple, ſaith he, ſuppoſe to be the Devils claw, whom they believe to have hoofs and nails, not ordinary. But this, as well he might, he doth laugh at, and proceeds to the inquiſition of a natural cauſe, out of Ariſtotle, and others. But I will not tranſcribe, where there is ſuch facile exceſs.

I AM a great admirer, I profeſs it, of a ſtone, which is not very rare. Many call them Thunder-ſtones. I have them of divers forms, (as to the bigneſs, or whole body) which in ſome is perfectly Oval: in ſome more round; in others pointed or pyramidical: ſome for the length, not unlike a helmet; and ſome very flat, which have ſomewhat of the reſemblance of a heart, divided in two. And this is obſervable in ſome of them, that the lines not going through the body of the ſtone, (not viſibly at leaſt but ending ſoon, they repreſent a perfect Star or Aſterick, as uſually painted; curiouſly ſet out in ſeveral rows of little points. But this (the occaſion of this ſhort digreſſion) is eſſential to them all, that are perfect; not broken, I mean, or wore out: They have five double lines, made of two diſtinct rows of pricks, or full-points, as it were; but with great variety. For in ſome, every row is double, very artificially ſet out. The points in moſt, are, as it were, dented in the ſtone: in ſome others, extant, or eminent: but ſtill five, curiouſly drawn from the top, and all (or moſt of them) meeting in one center, which is, as it were, a navel: which navel, as alſo the vertex, or very top, ſeemeth in ſome of them, to be a body by it ſelf, or a different piece, and ſeparable from the reſt; but cloſely joynted, or joyned. I have ſought into them, diligently, that write of ſtones; but hitherto, found but little, that ſatisfies me. They are not of the nature of ordinary ſtones, I am ſure; but, as I conceive, owe their original to ſome kind of generation. Learned Wormius, who hath made a great collection of them; in his Muſaeum Wormianum, doth tell us, it is the opinion of ſome, that they ingender, even whileſt ſtones; which his own obſervation, that he hath ſome, which have other little ones annexed, and as it were proceeding from them, doth make the more probable: to him, at leaſt. Nec certè omninò abnuere p[•]ſſum: he ſaith of himſelf. Moſt, that write of them, tell us, that by Pliny, they are called, Ovum anguinum, or Snakes-egge. It may be ſo; but what reaſon might enduce them, to think ſo, I muſt confeſs, that as yet I am to ſeek. His deſcription is; Vidi equidem id ovum mali orbiculati modici magnitudine cruſta cartilaginis, velut acetabulis brachiorum polypi crebris, inſigne Druidis; which before I take upon me to tranſlate, I muſt underſtand better, than I do. Sure I am, here is no mention of the five lines, or tails, as Geſnerus calls them, the moſt eminent thing in theſe kind of ſtones. Beſides, whether a true ovum anguinum, or no, the trial is, ſaith Pliny, Si contra aquas fluitet, vel auro vinctum: Will theſe ſtones do ſo? I have ſo little belief they will, that I never yet could be ſo idle, as to make trial. But again, he writes of them as ſtones or eggs rather, (for he doth not at all, in all his deſcription, make them to be ſtones, or call them ſo) of great worth and rarity; which, if theſe kind of ſtones be not much rarer in Italy, than they are in England, cannot be true of them. Nor even ſo neither. For England, where they are ſo common, being then in the power of the Romans, they could not be very rare at Rome, if in any requeſt. He tells of many ſtrange, or rather admirable qualities, which the Druids, and Magicians reported of them; but not as believing them. However, if that be true, he ſeems to report in good earneſt, that a Roman Knight, whom he names, was put to death by Claudius, for having one of them about him, when he was in ſuit of law, hoping by the help of it, to become victorious; it will follow, that this Snakes-egge was accounted a magical thing, which will agree well enough with thoſe things, that are written, and by ſome believed, of the vertues of theſe Thunder-ſtones. But this is not much, to perſwade me, that they are the thing intended by Pliny, by ovum anguinum, when ſo many other things are againſt it. Let me add, that the figures of theſe ſtones, ſet out by Wormius and Geſnerus, though they agree ſo well, that a man may ſuſpect, they had them the one from the other; yet not very like, in either of them, to thoſe ſtones that I have. For whereas their figures between the lines, are ſcabrous, or full of little protuberances or eminences, like little warts, as Geſnerus calls them; mine are ſmooth in thoſe interſtices, one or two excepted, which might contract their raggedneſs, from the ground, where they did long lie. I have one ſo ſmooth, that one half of it is perſpicuous or pellucid, and doth repreſent within, ſome kind of circles or tunicles, like Onions-coats; which alſo hath this ſingular, that in one ſide of the circumference, it hath a little round excreſcence, as it were a Wen, or a Wart, but ſmooth. The truth is, the figures in Wormius do not agree with his deſcription. The deſcription tells us, that the lines or tails, ab apice, in baſin: from the top, to the navel, as I call it; or as he, not improperly, (alluding to the modiolus of a wheel, where the radii meet, and are faſtened) modiolum, do excurrere: the figure fetcheth them from the baſis: which is ſo main a difference, that Geſner by that chiefly doth diſtinguiſh them from the true, or ſuppoſed, ovum anguinum, or Snakes-egge: by ſome ſuppoſed to be a Toads, and by others, the egge of a Tortoiſe. And as to the ſtones, which Wormius under one figure, and under one kind, by the name of Brontia, Thunder-ſtone; or ovum anguinum doth deſcribe; Geſner hath the figure of them in another place, (page 166. of my Edition) under no certain name: and Chapter 3. p. 59. &c. under the title of Brontia, Ombria, and Ceraunia: which are the right figures of the ſtones, which (but with much more variety) I have, very well, and fully enough deſcribed by Wormius. But it is time I ſhould end this, occaſioned meerly by the mention of Thunder, & Thunder-marks; and ſome kind of affection I bear unto theſe ſtones, which ſeem to me to promiſe ſomewhat more than ordinary, and worthy to be enquired after. As old as I am, I could be content to be carried a good way, (for go I cannot, I am ſure) to learn ſomewhat of them, not ſo much of their vertues, as of their production, which to me ſeems a great ſecret of nature. Yet when I conſider, that nature doth ſeem to take ſome pleaſure in thoſe kind of figures, which conſiſt of five diviſions, as by the Stella marina, (not to ſpeak of five fingers, and five toes in man: beſides what in divers other creatures is anſwerable to either: five ſenſes, &c. is another thing, becauſe not apparent externally) a Sea-fiſh: ſtella Solis, &c. deſcribed and figured by B[•]ll[•]nius, and others; and by thoſe prety ſtones, ordinarily known (and ſo deſcribed by Geſner, de fig. lap. p. 37. &c.) under the name of aſteriae, aſtroitae, &c. as alſo by the pentaphyllum, whereof there be many kinds and the like: (to all, or any of which, whether the Pythagoreans, by their myſtical quinary, by them called [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], which conſiſted of three triangles, joyned or interlaced into five points, or angles, deſcribed by Lucian, had any reference, I ſhall not now inquire) and again, that ſome Naturaliſts by many pregnant inſtances, do maintain, that neither Sea, nor Land doth produce any thing, but is imitated and repreſented in ſome kind, by ſome kind of foſſile in the bowels of the Earth: (whence ſo many bones of Fiſhes, yea whole Fiſhes, imperfect, as to the form, but perfect ſtone, are found, and digged up out of the Earth, even upon high hills, far from the Sea: ſome my ſelf have, and look upon, when occaſion offers its ſelf, with pleaſure, and admiration) theſe things conſidered, I think it is poſſible, theſe ſtones may be nothing elſe, (but even ſo, well deſerving ſome kind of admiration) but ſome kind of foſſiles; nature aiming by them at the repreſentation of ſomewhat that doth live, or grow, either in the Sea, or upon the Land. But I forget my ſelf.

BUT now to return to our Wells Thunder; the additional of the relation, which I have promiſed, is more ſtrange to me, than any thing in the ſaid relation; if it be true. For ſince no mention of it is made in the exhibited relation, I cannot abſolutely ſatisfie my ſelf, that it is true; much leſs can I warrant it to others. This premiſed, that which came to me, whileſt I lived in that Country, from ſome others, who pretended perfect knowledge of the thing, is this: A certain man, they ſaid▪ had been not long before inducted into a Benefice in that Country, of whom there was a report, (but no proof) that he was addicted to the black Art. This man being ſummoned, as the faſhion is, by authority, to Preach in the Cathedral, took his Text: Thou God of Spirits: (I was told no more, as I remember) out of Numb. 16.22. or 17.16. and whileſt he was in his diſcourſe about Spirits; (of purpoſe it may be, to confirm the opinion of ſome, that he had to do with them, thinking thereby, to be looked upon as an extraordinary man; though perchance no ſuch thing really) this ſtorm of Thunder hapned. Concerning which, I have now, beſides the relation, delivered bona fide, what my memory afforded unto me: which perchance may receive ſome illuſtration from what, not out of my memory, but out of my book, whereof I keep ſuch things, which I have by the relation of others, and would not forget; I have yet to ſay. However, if there be any miſtake, rather than his name ſhould ſuffer, from whom I had it, I will take it upon me: He was one of the Clergy, and a frequent Preacher in this Cathedral, to their very good liking, that could diſtinguiſh (which few do or can) between ſenſe, and ſound: ſolid good matter, I mean, and a plauſible voice and delivery, which hath been treated of at large by me, with an accurate examination of the natural cauſes, in another book. I ſhall not conceal his name to any that have known him: to others, it is needleſs. The account of my book is this: 17. lul. Anno Dom. 1638. of Mr. &c. That about ſome thirty years ago, when he was a young Scholar in Trinity Colledge [in Cambridge] as they were in the Hall, at the Greek Lecture, the Reader then reading upon Ariſtophanes his [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (he thinks) and perticularly treating of the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (that is, Thunder) there came a ſudden clap of Thunder, that ſtruck them all down, and ſome a good ſpace from the place, where they ſtood: aſtoniſhed all, and deaded one, for the ſpace of ſix hours, who alſo continued lame of it, for three months after: and ſplit one of the main rafters of the roof, in two, &c. there being no appearance of any Rain, or Thunder before.

THUS verbatim, as I entred it in my book, how long after, I know not; but probably not long after. However, I cannot promiſe I have exhibited his own words, and therefore if there be any impropriety, or miſtake in the expoſition, I deſire, that may be imputed unto me. Now ſuppoſing this, as I believe it true, I do not propoſe it, as a matter of great admiration: but well worthy of conſideration, and which may give ſome light to ſuch accidents. For, among ſo many daily events or accidents, which have nothing in them, but what is ordinary; what wonder is it, if by meer chance, as in the caſting of many ſtones at random, ſomething happen that is not ordinary? It is poſſible, a blind man, if he ſhoot often, may hit the mark, when an expert ſhooter may miſs, if he ſhoot but once or twice. Such a Thunder, I am ſure, was nothing but uſual enough; eſpecially, if at a ſeaſonable time of the year, as this probably, becauſe nothing obſerved to the contrary. And that at ſuch a time, when ſuch a Lecture was read, which treated of, or mentioned Thunder; if there were no more in it than I have heard, that is, that, not the perſon reading, nor, any then preſent, were juſtly ſuſpected; ſuch a thing ſhould happen, might be a chance. Neither ſhould I make much more of the former relation, if the ſecond part of it, whereof I have no certainty, be not as true.

NOW to enchantments again, the validity whereof, becauſe, of old, ſo controverted, that Pliny, as before obſerved, thought no age would, or could decide it; and of late there have not wanted learned ſober men, who have maintained the contrary opinion, though I have been long upon it, from men to beaſts; not Serpents only, (juſtified by the Scriptures) but horſes, dogs, bulls; and all this by certain undeniable inſtances, ſufficiently proved; I will yet before I end this ſubject, inſtance in ſome other kind, not yet ſpoken of, which, as the humors of men are, may perchance affect ſome Readers as much, or more, than any of the former inſtances.

THE hunting of an inchanted Hare I have read, by an excellent pen: who doth acknowledge never to have ſeen it himſelf, (his hunting was after books, he ſaith of himſelf, not Hares: it was mine too, when I was able) but doth ſet it out upon the credit of divers Huntſmen, as a thing not at all to be doubted of. I wiſh it were not true, but I doubt not, but there be too many in the world, who would make no ſcruple to go to the Devil, not for their profit only, but alſo for their ſport, and meer divertiſement: and that others there be, who to ſatisfie them, who have more conſcience, will deviſe ſomewhat to make them believe it is lawful enough, though done by the Devil, being done but for ſport: or if that will not do it, that ſuch a thing may be contrived, without the Devil. Let a man but once begin to indulge againſt his conſcience, by degrees he will ſtick at nothing. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: it is a juſt judgment of God, whereof this age doth afford many ſad examples. My Author doth ſtile himſelf, Praedicateur du Roy. [Eſſay des merveilles de nature, &c. par Revé Francois, Praedicateur du Roy: à Rouan 1626.] If ſo, me thinks it would have become well a man of that profeſſion, to have ſaid ſomewhat, whereby it might have appeared unto the world, that he did not allow of ſuch practices, as lawful. Truly, one great reaſon that hath moved me to take notice, is, to ſhew my deteſtation, of what my Author doth leave without cenſure. This that follows, is more harmleſs I hope, becauſe I have read of ſtrange things, that dumb creatures, even wild beaſts are capable of, by the induſtry of man: I have read a relation, whereof Julius Scaliger is the Author, of a tame wild-Boar; or if that ſound too much of a contradiction, of a wild Boar, by art and induſtry ſo tamed, and diſciplin'd, that he would hunt with the Dogs, as skilful and obedient as the beſt of them, and do his Maſter very good ſervice. This, to ſome may ſeem incredible: but to them that have not read, what fierceſt beaſts, by art and induſtry (who therefore have been by many ſuppoſed not altogether deſtitute of reaſon) have been brought unto. Yet I would not warrant, but that this fierce Boar, by nature, might return to his nature, ſome time or other; or, at leaſt do ſome acts of a fierce beaſt. But for Agrippa's black Dog, though denied by ſome, who would have us to think well of him, (Agrippa, I mean) becauſe they do, as Wierius and ſome others; yet upon the atteſtation of ſo many others of better credit, I cannot but think of it, as a creature of another nature.

NOTHING now remains, and that too before promiſed, but to conſider of Galen's opinion, and what may rationally be objected from his authority. For that ſuch a man as Galen, a right ingenuous man, a lover of truth, as I always accounted him, who lived to be a very old man, and conſequently not leſs experienced, than he was learned; that he ſhould in all thoſe books of his, now extant, as often as occaſion offered it ſelf, declare himſelf as one who gave no credit at all to ſuch things, and made no better account of them, than arrant jugling; I look upon it I muſt confeſs, as a weighty objection. To this we might anſwer, that though Galen was a man of great authority, yet he was but one, to whom the authority of many famous Phyſicians in his time, or ſoon after, not to ſpeak of thoſe before▪ might be oppoſed. It is the priviledge, if not affected humor, of ſome great men of real worth; who alſo know themſelves to be ſo, in the opinion of the world, to hold ſome Paradoxes; and perchance being unadviſedly fallen upon them in their younger years, they think it (a great error) againſt their credit to acknowledge it, when they are old. Beſides, what if Galen thought thoſe things, not altogether falſe perchance, yet diſhonourable to his profeſſion, and of evil conſequence to mankind, by reaſon of the increaſe of impoſtors, and impoſtures, if credit were given to the validity of inchantments; in point of cures eſpecially? And that this may not appear a ſuſpition without all ground, doth he not in his books de Compoſ. Medicum, lib. 3. cap. 2. where he treats of the Cures of the Parotides, reject Archi[•]enes his advice, of anointing the place infected with the bloud of a muſtela, upon this very ground, becauſe ſuch preſcriptions, if received, would be prejudicial to the art, as though ſo defective in thoſe caſes, that without ſuch helps it could not work a cure: profeſſing, that for this very reaſon, he had forborn to make trial, and therefore could not tell, whether it would or not? The Reader may remember, what was ſaid of Valeſius before. But all this will not need, if we ſtick to Trallianus (who is conceived to have lived in Theodoſius his time, not many ages after Galen) his anſwer, which is, that whatever his opinion hath been formerly, yet in his latter years, convinced by manifeſt and frequent experience, he did recant and acknowledge his error. Galen his words, as he doth exhibit them out of his book, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], in Greek are; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], &c. that is: There be, I know, who think of Charms no better than of old womens tales. And ſo did I for a long time: but at laſt, by the evidence of thoſe things that did clearly appear unto me, I am perſwaded that they are efficacious. For in their caſe that are bitten by a Scorpion, I have found them uſeful. And and in their caſe who had bones that ſtuck in their throats, which they did preſently caſt out by the help of Incantation. And many noble atchievements in every kind of diſeaſe are wrought by it, when it doth not miſſe of its end. Or if you will, with the Latine interpreter; At multa praeclara ſingulae habent incantationes, cum inſtitutum conſequuntur. Either way, Galen doth acknowledge that they are not always effectual: which to believe, or to maintain, were very abſurd, and contrary to providence, and to the courſe of nature in general. But of that, enough hath been ſaid before. Hereupon Trallianus doth conclude; If then divine Galen, and moſt of the ancients with him, &c. But where ſhall we find this in Galen, or where this book of Galens? In the Latine Edition indeed of his works, there is a book of that ſubject to be found, but not worthy Galen's name, moſt are of opinion: However, though not extant at this time, nor mentioned by Galen in the Catalogue of his books, after which he might write many books, as we know St. Auſtin did ſome, which are not mentioned in his Retractations; yet it is not likely that Trallianus, whoſe love to the truth, made him not to ſpare his ſo much admired Galen, when he ſaw juſt cauſe, as himſelf in his fifth book (not to mention other places) doth abundantly declare; durſt mention ſuch a book, except ſuch a one had been then extant in Galen's name, or could be miſtaken in his judgment concerning the Author, whom he had read ſo diligently, as by his writings doth appear. So that even Valeſius, though he doth write againſt the opinion maintained by Trallianus; yet he doth, upon his authority, yield it, as unqueſtionable, that ſuch a book was then extant, written by Galen. As he, ſo Fererius, who hath written a Chapter of that argument, and entituled it, as Galen had his Treatiſe.

NOW becauſe in thoſe times moſt incantations, uſed, not only by the Jews, but by Gentiles alſo; as by Trallianus, by Lucian, by Origen, and by others may appear, had the name of Dominus Sabaoth, as a chief ingredient; it is obſervable, that ſome godly Fathers, who knew Chriſtians had more right to that name, than either Gentiles or Jews of thoſe times had; thought it no ſuperſtition, to commend unto them the nomination of the Lord of Sabaoth upon ſuch occaſions, not as an inchantment, but a lawful prayer. So doth Cyrillus Alexandrinus, in his book, De Adoratione Spirituali, lib. 6. whoſe words perchance ſome might interpret, as though he allowed thoſe words to them that have faith, as a lawful charm. But what he writes in that very place againſt all kind of inchantments, as unlawful, and forbidden by God; may ſufficiently acquit him from any ſuch intention. But I cannot acquit Origen, neither is it much material, except I could acquit him of ſo many other peſtilent errors, wherewith he ſtands charged in the Eccleſiaſtical ſtory, and his books yet extant, though much purged by Ruffinus, the Latine interpreter, proclaim him guilty of. In his 20. Homily, upon Joſuah, part of which, in Greek, is preſerved in that Philocalia, collected out of his works; he doth very erroniouſly aſcribe power to the very words and letters of ordinary charms; for which he doth appeal to common experience; and conſequently would have the very letters, or words of the Scripture in any language, though not underſtood, if but read and pronounced, to be of great power and efficacy; which as it is againſt the very principles of Natural Philoſophy, ſo againſt the determination of all ſober Philoſophers, Phyſicians, and Divines.

YET as there is nothing ſo uncouth or abſurd, but ſhall meet with a Patron: ſo hath this opinion of the efficacy of bare ſounds and letters, met with ſome, in our age: as Thomas Bartholinus for one. This Thomas Bartholinus, one of the King of Denmarks Phyſicians, the Author of many curious pieces; if he be not either too credulous ſometimes, or too ambitious, to be the reporter of ſtrange things; in his Centuriae, Hiſtoriarum Anatomicarum rariorum, upon the experience of ſome, to whom he doth give credit, doth maintain, that the Epilepſie may be cured by charms, and thoſe charms upon a natural account of the cauſes not unlawful. His reaſon I will not ſtand to examine. I think they will not perſwade very many, beſides thoſe, who think well enough of charms in general, whatever it be that makes them effectual; but would be glad to find a plauſible pretence.

THIS mention of Bartholinus, puts me in mind of a ſtrange ſtory. I profeſs again ſeriouſly, as I have done before, this Diſcourſe was never undertaken by me, to tell the Reader ſtrange ſtories, though true; which might have made it much more both eaſie and voluminous. Yet the uſe that may be made of this, in point of Credulity or Incredulity; in caſe any ſuch report, as very probably, may occur of any other place or Country; beſides what inferences or experiments may be made upon it, for the publick good, if this be true, makes me take notice of it; and the rather, becauſe having enquired of divers Travellers into thoſe parts, whom I have had the opportunity to conſult about it: I have not, as yet, met with any, that could give me any account. Now the ſtory is this: In Italy, not above twelve leagues (they reckon there by miles ordinarily, but he ſaith, 12. leucis) near a Town or Village, vulgarly known, he ſaith, by the name of Il Saſſo: (in Latin, Braccianum) there is a Cave, commonly called the Cave of Serpents. Serpents at all times, it ſeems, but at ſome time of the year, more certainly, and ſolemnly, frequent it in great number. And then, if any troubled and afflicted with any ordinary diſeaſe, proceeding from a cold cauſe; as the Palſie, Leproſie, Dropſie, &c, come and lie down, immovable; which the better to do ſome take Opium beforehand; Serpents will come about him, and ſuck him, or lick him, till he be well. He tells of more, but of one Cardinal among the reſt, particularly, who being deſperately ill, there recovered. Many other things he tells of it, which, it ſeems, with other company, he went of purpoſe to ſee. This upon the report of the Country people he more delivers of it, which ſounds ſomewhat of a fable, that one of the Serpents, Coronâ inſignitus, adorned with a kind of Crown, as the governor of the reſt uſeth to come out of his hole firſt, and after diligent ſearch, if he finds all things ſafe, gives notice unto the reſt. This, if true, may give light to ſome other ſtory, which, as I ſaid before, made me the more willing to take notice of it.

BY this, I hope, yea and before this, as I have ſaid before; but that I had ſome conſideration of the good uſe, that might be made of what did offer it ſelf over & above; but now again, by this, I hope, it will be granted by all, that do not profeſs wilful incredulity, and contradiction; that many things happen ſupernaturally, which are above the ſphere and activity of the believed, and beloved atomes, and can be referred to no other cauſe, but the operations of Daemons, or evil Spirits: which once ſecured; Atheiſm hath loſt its greateſt prop, and the mockers and ſcoffers of the time, the chiefeſt object of their confidence and boaſting; which though not our immediate ſubject, yet of purpoſe, as before ſaid, did we make choice of ſuch inſtances of Credulity and Incredulity, that we might, una fidelia (as they ſay) duos parietes; and yet ſtill according to my Title, in this Firſt Part, have I kept within the bounds of things Natural, which by many, according to the genius of the times, are laid for a foundation of Atheiſm; or at leaſt for the undermining of Chriſtianity: which they that profeſs, & yet ſecretly endeavour to undermine, deſerve to be accounted the worſt of Atheiſts. I have now but a word or two concerning Divination and Prodigies, in general, becauſe in all ages a main object of Credulity ▪ and Incredulity, to add; and then we ſhall ſee what obſervations more we can draw from the premiſed inſtances, and ſo conclude; which I begin to be weary of, as much as any Reader can be, this firſt Part.

DIVINATION, as it belongs unto God, more properly; (nay unto God only, if it be true divination; that is, ſuch as hath no dependance from any natural cauſe, according to the courſe of nature, eſtabliſhed by God in Heaven, or in Earth; but the will of God only) we have nothing to do with it here. Of other divination, common to men and Angels, (whether good or bad) but in a different degree, which is grounded upon the knowledge of natural cauſes, long obſervation and experience, and the like: Firſt, Humane, ſo far as may be accounted for by natural cauſes, no man doth doubt of; though many things by men that have a natural ſagacity, improved with long ſtudy and experience, may be done, or foretold upon grounds of reaſon, which by them that are not acquainted with ſuch things, may be thought incredible; of which more afterwards. Secondly, Daemoniacal, whether immediately by themſelves, or by their inſtruments, which they that do not believe the exiſtence of Devils and Spirits, are obliged to deny; is that which we are to conſider of, ſo much as may concern us, to ſettle, or direct the belief of others, who may need it, and are content to hear reaſon. Further than that, we have no intention, or ingagement to meddle with it; which elſewhere we have done more largely, and concerning which, there be ſo many books already extant, as that it would be no ſmall work to find any gleanings, worthy the acceptation of judicious men; as it would be very eaſie, (the work of moſt writers) out of which others have done, to compile whole volumes, Among us, of late writers, Peucerus is moſt known, who hath written a large volume De Divinatione. I wiſh he had left out his Divinity, which fills a great part of the book; I ſhould think better of it: though even ſo, the reſt doth not give me that ſatisfaction, which I might have expected from a learned man. For, approved inſtances, or experiments, (as I may call them) he hath few or none; and what is it, the wit of man can find out in ſuch an abſtruſe ſubject, but what is grounded (beſides the authority of Scripture) upon experience? Raguſeius, a Venetian, Theologus, Medicus & Philoſophus, as he is ſtiled, by himſelf, or by his friends; hath written two very learned Books, De Divinatione; but the greateſt part is againſt Judicial Aſtrology, which he once profeſſed himſelf, and got credit by it, he ſaith himſelf; but was ſo honeſt and conſcientious, that notwithſtanding the credit he got by it, he would be a jugler (his own word) no more; and to make amends to God and the World, for what he had been or done, thought himſelf bound in conſcience, to write againſt it. I think I could reckon half a hundred, or more: but that is not my buſineſs.

THE ſeveral kinds of Divination, that have been uſed anciently, (and are yet moſt of them) and have got a proper appellation, as [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and the like, are ſo many, that even to reckon them, would take ſome time. At the end of Agrippa, De occulta Philoſophia, in that Edition I have, there is a prety full inventory of them. So in Debio, Pucerus, Wierius; and many others. To theſe, if we add thoſe, which by the relation of Travellers are proper almoſt to every Country or Nation, where Chriſt is not known; there being ſcarce any Country, for any other thing ſo wretched and barbarous, but hath attained to ſo much knowledge, (if we may call that knowledge, which doth commonly moſt abound, where brutiſh ignorance and ſavageneſs hath its reign) as to be maſters of ſome kind of Divination or other. Of thoſe many kinds that have anciently been uſed, and of thoſe many that have been ſince deviſed, made known unto us by the relation of Travellers; I ſhall take notice of one or two particularly, and then proceed, with ſubmiſſion to better judgments, to a general concluſion concerning them all.

OF thoſe anciently uſed, which I ſhall take notice of, the firſt (becauſe, where we have the relation of Augerius the Phyſician, his haunted houſe promiſed) ſhall be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or nail-divination, ſaith Delrio is, by anointing the nail of an impolluted boy, with ſome kind of oil, or ſout; and uſing ſome conjuration of words; to ſee things at a far diſtance, and the event of things long before. But of an impolluted boy: why ſo? Let no man think the better of the Devil for that, or of this kind of Divination. It is Porphyrius his obſervation, or admiration rather, long ago, recorded by Euſebius in his own words; and ſince Euſebius, by St. Auguſtine, in Latin; his admiration I ſay, why ſuch maſters of uncleanneſs, in point of life and actions, ſhould nevertheleſs, in their myſteries, ſtand ſo much for cleanneſs, and purity. Porphyrius, who might very well know, as one that had ſerved them a long time, doth but propoſe the queſtion by way of admiration; he doth not anſwer it: any Chriſtian may, who is taught, that the Devil is the author of all evil, all uncleanneſs, and affects nothing more; yet is an impoſtor, withall, and would be thought an Angel of light; and to that end, doth amuſe them that ſerve him, with ſome ſhews of holineſs, in rites and ceremonies of his own inſtitution, that he may be thought to love, what in truth, and ſincerity of life, he doth abhor. And as he, ſo his ſervants, that promote his intereſt in the world by ſects and diviſions. What more riſe in their mouths, and ordinary or external behaviour, than holineſs and purity? I need to ſay no more; the reſt is too well known. But this by the way only. Now to the nail-Divination; Delrio ſaith, he knew a veteran Spaniard, who did practiſe it, and inſtances in ſome particulars of his Divination: moreover obſerves of the ſame, that though he could (he doth atteſt it, it ſeems) by charms and incantations cure the wounds of others; yet neither would cure his own, nor ſuffer them to be cured by others, by the ſame means. Some may miſtake him, as though the man he ſpeaks of, made ſcruple, for ſome hidden reaſon, to have inchantments uſed upon himſelf, although he did not ſcruple to uſe them upon others; which is not impoſſible. But I rather believe his meaning is, though the man with bare words, as apprehended by many, but very erroniouſly could cure other mens bodily diſeaſes; yet the wounds of his ſoul, whileſt he continued in that baſe practice and ſervice, longe graviora, (that is wanting in Delrio, to make his expreſſion full) much more grievous, and much more to be dreaded; the proper cure whereof, are words, (good advice and inſtruction, according to that of Horace, Sunt verba & voces: that is, charms, and by charms, underſtanding, ſermones Philoſophicos; as that which followeth doth evince) he refuſed, miſerable wretch, either to admit, when offered, or to procure from others. What Delrio doth here atteſt of one, Fileſacus, De Magia Idolol. doth atteſt of another, not upon his own knowledge, but upon the report of a man of quality, to him well known: nobili & generoſo, are his words. But enough of this.

ANOTHER kind of Divination is, that they call [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], of which they reckon divers ſpecies. One was, or is, to hang a ring by a thred, and to caſt it, or to hold it over a boul of water, ſo that it touch not the water. But this is nothing without the charm, that belongs unto it. After that, by the knocks of the ring upon one of the ſides, which how many they ſhall be, or how few, to ſignifie ſo and ſo, is before agreed upon; the event (God permitting, as always) is declared. I have known ſomewhat, which in outward appearance may ſeem to have ſome affinity, though to another end: which is, to know the hour of the day. It was my luck once, at an Inne, in very good company, to ſee ſome trial of it. The ring did hit juſt ſo many times againſt one ſide of the glaſs, as the clocks did ſtrike, or had ſtruck-hours, and then ſtood ſtill. I ſaw it, when the ring was in the hands of ſome, that wondred at it, as much as I, and had never ſeen it done before. Yet I am ſure, no charm was uſed, which is the main buſineſs; nor any of the company ſuſpected. Yet the motion of the hand, in ſuch a caſe, not eaſily diſcernable, might deceive them, that look, if the actor had any purpoſe to juggle: which, I am confident, was not the intention of any then preſent: not theirs eſpecially, who wondred at it, and made trial themſelves for better ſatisfaction; which was done then by ſome, who ſound it ſo too. But the ſureſt trial would be, to hang the ring upon a little frame, made gallows-wiſe, and if then alſo, truly I ſhould not ſtick to conclude, that there is ſomewhat in it more than natural; and ſhould adviſe them that profeſs they had often tried it, both by day and by night, as ſome did to me ſince, with great proteſtation, that it never fail'd; earneſtly adviſe them never more to meddle in it.

IN the life of St. Hilarion, written by St. Jerome mentioned before, we have a notable example of Hydromancy ſupernatural, but not Diabolical. The rites indeed, and ceremonies, charming excepted, were much alike; but the efficacy not from the Devil, but God. And probably, God might prompt that holy man to uſe the ſame rites (but without their words) that Magicians did, to convince them that aſcribe much to them, as all Magicians do; that the efficacy was not from the outward viſible rites and ceremonies themſelves, which to that effect were but ridiculous; but from an inviſible cauſe, or agent, whether good or bad; and withal the better to manifeſt his power, who could uſe their own weapons againſt themſelves, that truſted to them; as we ſee he did in the caſe of Balack and Balaam; when Balaam's inchantments intended for a curſe, were, by Gods power, turned into a bleſſing. Upon ſuch extraordinary examples, we can ground no warrant for our imitation, no more than by caſting of rods upon the ground, or ſmiting of the duſt of the earth; we may lawfully attempt to turn rods into Serpents, or, the duſt into Lice, becauſe Moſes did both; for which he had an expreſs command from God, but we none. That Hilarion alſo had a command, or commiſſion for what he did, if pious indeed, and holy, as repreſented unto us by St. Jerome, who might know better than we, I think we are bound to believe.

OF thoſe kinds of Divination uſed at this day (beſides the Ancients) which we have knowledge of, none, I think, either for the certainty, if reports be true, or for the manner, more notable, or conſiderable, than that which is deſcribed by Leo Africanus (a man of no ſmall credit among them, who are well verſed in the Hiſtory of the world) highly eſteemed, and chiefly practiſed in Africa, in Fez (one of the Royal Cities of that part of the world) eſpecially. The particulars of it are there to be ſeen in the Latin tranſlation of it, lib. 3. p. 131. as alſo in the Engliſh, in Purchas his Pilgrimage: (a book of very good worth, with them that know the right uſe, and more valued abroad, than it is at home by many) ſecond Tome, page 796, &c. It is a very perplex and intricate way, and requires great learning: but if as many think, there be nothing of Magick in it, and that it never fails, which ſome, even Chriſtians, have been bold to affirm, well worth the labour. Leo Africanus from the report of others, ſpeaks of it very moderately; he doth not affirm either. He profeſſeth, that being offered the learning of it, by ſome, well able to teach him, he durſt not meddle with it, becauſe it hath ſo much affinity with the black Art. What religion the man was of, when he wrote, I cannot gather certainly by this book of his: but a Mahometan I gueſs, though there be places, that favour of Chriſtianity; as in the deſcription of Nilus: if he did not himſelf alter thoſe places of purpoſe, in his Italian tranſlation of his original Arabick, after he was become a Chriſtian. Erpennius, whom I have reaſon to remember with honour, for the honour he did to me, when very young; but much more, for his noble performances, out of his purſe, (being wealthy) partly; and partly by his excellent knowledge and induſtry, to promote the knowledge ſo difficult before, of the Arabick tongue: he alſo is one of them, that did believe this art, or way of Divination infallible; though, and ſo we muſt excuſe it, he might ſpeak the more favourably of it, out of his love and reſpect to that noble tongue. For my part, I ſhall not ſcruple to conclude it, if not divine, for which there is no ground at all, than fallible, and more than probably, notwithſtanding all pretences to nature, diabolical. Certain enough, were it known infallible, there would be greater reſort to it from all parts of the world; and many more of all Nations would apply themſelves to the ſtudy of it, and that it doth ſo often prove true, as generally believed, is argument enough to me, becauſe not Divine, that it is Diabolical.

I WILL not trouble my ſelf, nor my Reader, with the relation of more kinds of Divination, uſed at this day, in ſeveral Countries, which all ſtories of travels, almoſt, into thoſe parts of the world, where Chriſtianity is not profeſſed, afford examples of, different from thoſe uſed in other Countries. Concerning all which my opinion is, not that they are infallible any one of them, which I know cannot be: but that, really, by all, or moſt of them, where the Relator doth faithfully acquit himſelf, and doth not wilfully counterfeit and impoſe, or ignorantly miſtake, which may eaſily be avoided, where we have variety of relations, from ſeveral Authors, that doe not borrow one from another, to compare; but this caſe excepted, my opinion is, that really by all, or moſt kinds of theſe divinations, even thoſe that may ſeem moſt ridiculous, ſtrange things are foretold. Beſides printed relations, ſo many, in ſeveral languages, of men of all Countries, and profeſſions, in this our Europe: I have heard the depoſitions, or atteſtation of more than one intelligent man, and in their lives and converſations, and in their diſcourſe too, very ſober and ſerious, who proteſted to have been preſent, when ſuch and ſuch things, ſome in one place, ſome in another, were foretold, which hapned accordingly. But ſecondly, to believe that any of thoſe things, that really came to paſs, were foreſeen and foretold by vertue, or by any natural efficacy of thoſe rites and ceremonies, words, or actions, that were uſed, in, or by any of thoſe kindes of Divination, whereof ſome are apparently moſt horrible and abominable; others, as ſottiſh and ridiculous, were, I think, not much leſs ridiculous, or abominable. Neither ſhall I except Judicial Aſtrology; which though apparently, it be more myſterious, and deal in things more ſpecious and ſublime: yet, in very deed, is founded upon meer imaginary ſuppoſitions, and Poetical fictions, words and names, which have no ground at all in nature; as by them that have taken great pains in the ſearch of it, and have ſet out the vanity of it; and even by them, that have done their utmoſt, to uphold the credit of it, otherwiſe; but could never anſwer thoſe things that are oppoſed; is acknowledged. Yet to ſay, that nothing, that hath ſtrangely been foretold by profeſt Aſtrologers, according to the rules and maximes of their Art, ſuch as they are; beſides what may be ſuppoſed to have hapned by meer chance, as in the multitude of predictions, ſome things muſt, and do, were to contradict the experience of all ages, of all places; and to give men ſome ground, to doubt, whether there be any ſuch thing as truth in the world.

AND what ſhall we ſay of the Oracles of the ancient times? That many of thoſe things that went under that name, were meer jugling, and roguery, I grant it: but that they were nothing elſe, I think a man that hath read ancient Authors, and Hiſtories, Greek and Latin, may as well doubt, whether ever really any ſuch men as Socrates, or Caeſar and Pompey; ever any ſuch place as Delphos, and Dodona, and the like; as to doubt of the accompliſhment of many of thoſe things, ſo foretold, as read in the Hiſtories of thoſe times. And to me it is a greater argument of Gods power and providence, that upon the Incarnation of his Son, the long promiſed and expected Oracle of the world, and the propagation of his Goſpel, all thoſe Oracles, attended before with ſo much ſolemnity; ſhould in all places, to the great wonder and amazement of wiſeſt Heathens, as by Plutarch's Treatiſe of that ſubject doth appear, did ceaſe, or begin to ceaſe in all places: than any matter of wonder, or offence, that God ſhould give ſo much power to the Devil, (this always ſuppoſed, that his Providence in all anſwers, that were given, did over-rule, as himſelf pleaſed) in thoſe times of darkneſs and ignorance. For though Divination doth yet, by Gods permiſſion continue; yet all in that kind, is nothing in compariſon of thoſe ancient Oracles, in ſeveral places of the world; which all Nations almoſt of the then known world, did reſort unto, with ſo much ſolemnity. However, even by the account the writers of thoſe times have given us, it doth appear how much Gods power and providence did overrule, and reſtrain the power of the Devil, (as before was ſaid) as himſelf pleaſed: which made ſo many anſwers to be ſo ambiguouſly given, that which way ſoever the matter fell out, the Devil or Daemon (as the Merlins of our days have a providence to ſave their credit) might not be found a lyar. But of Oracles particularly, I have ſaid more elſewhere, which I ſhall not need here to repeat.

NOW to return to Divination in general; it is obſervable, that many things appear to us under the notion of Divination, which to Devils and Daemons are no ſuch thing: and that partly through the priviledge of their nature, as pure ſpirits, by their creation; and partly, by their experience, much improved by time, in all kind of knowledge, of things natural; and in the affairs of the world, relating unto men; to whom the moſt underſtanding men compared, in point of natural knowledge or wiſdom, are but as children; yea very babes, and ſimpletons, if we may ſo ſpeak. For example, if (in ſome remote part of the world, we will ſuppoſe) it be asked, whether any Engliſh-ſhip be coming, or, when to be expected; and the anſwer according to the way of Divination by ſuch rites and ceremonies, as are uſual in the Country be, three days, or three months: if the Ship or Ships be upon the Sea; they that can, as the moſt learned that write of theſe things, are of opinion, in a moment, as it were, convey bodies ſome hundred of miles; how eaſie is it for them to know, though yet five or ſix days ſailing diſtant, whether any ſuch be upon the Sea? Or if they ſay three months, and it prove ſo, what wonder, when even men, that are concern'd, and well acquainted with the courſe of thoſe affairs, and ſee the preparations, though they cannot foreſee many things which the Devil can, may probably conjecture, that within three, or ſix months, they may be at their journeys end, as it doth often happen? We might inſtance in a hundred things of the ſame nature; but this inſtance I have choſen, becauſe ſome that I have conferr'd with, who had known in their travels ſuch a thing done, more than once, did ſeem to make a great wonder of it. Pauſanius, I remember, in his fourth book, doth tell us of one Ophioneus, famous in thoſe days for divination among the Graecians; and his way; the more to be admired, becauſe in ſhew, it had nothing that was extraordinary, and yet was very effectual. As he doth expreſs it, it was this: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: that is: He would enquire what and how things had gone before, and ſo foretel both privately and publickly what ſhould come to paſs afterwards. Cicero was famous for this kind of Divination, in his time, and ſeldom failed. The manners of it, and the grounds, he doth largely ſet out in an Epiſtle of his to Caecinna, well worth the reading. What pity, that ſome in theſe days, who take upon them to be ſuch Diviners, have not more of this kind of divination, at leaſt, that they might not always ſo groſly miſtake? Now this kind, though of all other kinds of divination (ſetting true propheſying, by divine inſpiration, aſide) moſt lawful, and commendable, in States-men eſpecially; yet of all others, may be ſaid, as I conceive, moſt proper unto the Devil, as he is a ſpirit of ſuch ſtanding, ſince his firſt creation. For being altogether grounded upon a good head-piece, and long experience; the diſproportion between a man, and an Angel or Spirit, both in point of years and natural abilities; who doth not underſtand? Our concluſion then, as before, that there is not any kind of divination publickly practiſed, or commonly known, ſo ſtrange or ſo ridiculous, but by the Devil's intervention, to whom, what rites or ceremonies are uſed, or whether ſome or none, but only to amuſe, is altogether indifferent, is available ſometimes: and yet none, as to mans judgment, ſo plauſible, and ſo probable, but is fallible, and doth often deceive.

BUT that which in this matter of Divination moſt poſeth my reaſon, which alſo poſed Ariſtotle ſo much, that he could neither believe, nor yet abſolutely deny, is, that there be men and women, but women eſpecially, in whom reſteth a ſpirit of divination, (ſo expreſſed, Acts 16.16.) by which they foreſee, and foretel ſtrange things, and ſeldom miſs. All Hiſtories afford notable examples; ſo that even ſome that believe no Spirits, (whether a God, or no, I know not) yet acknowledg, There be ſuch, that foretel (they ſay) very certainly, for the moſt part. They impute it to a proper temperament, an [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: any thing, ſo neither God nor Devil be in it. What great occaſion they had to fear him, ſhould they grant him an exiſtence, I know not. But one example, every where obvious, and well atteſted, (for in this alſo, as in all things, there is frequent miſtaking, and impoſture) I will inſtance in. Innocentius the Eighth, Pope of Rome, who ſent a man into England, or Scotland rather, named Adrianus, famous for his ſingular wiſdom, & judgment in matters of the world: which ſoon after, brought him unto Henry the Seventh, King of England, his favour; and his favour to the Biſhopprick of Bath and Wells, in Sommerſetſhire. Returned to Rome, and in great imployment under Alexander the ſixth; he was made a Cardinal; and after Alexander, flouriſhed under more than one, but under Pope Leo the Tenth particularly. It was his ill luck, if not occaſioned by any impiety, and unthankfulneſs to God, to grow acquainted with a woman, in whom ſuch a Spirit was. Among many things, which ſhe foretold, both publick and private, which in all points, and circumſtances fell out accordingly; ſhe alſo foretold, that one Adrian by name, born of mean parentage, preferred meerly by, and for his worth, ſhould be Pope after Leo. This exactly agreeing with his caſe, and having had, he thought, ſufficient proof of the truth of her predictions, he confidently applied it unto himſelf, and made no queſtion, but he was the man, that ſhould ſucceed Pope Leo. In this confidence, he began (ſuch a bewitching thing is Authority, notwithſtanding the ſad examples every Age and Country, when too eagerly coveted, doth afford) to think the time long, before the Pope died; and, to haſten it, with ſome others, conſpired againſt his life; and, though prevented, and pardoned, lived afterwards and ended his days miſerably: or, if he had ſo much grace, as to think ſo, and to make a right uſe, more happily (becauſe obſcurely) and never heard of more, than before. But Adrianus is not our buſineſs. The womans prediction was verified by the event. For Adrianus the ſixth, a man of mean parentage, of excellent worth, being then abſent, was choſen: (of purpoſe, a man would think, for no ſuch thing was intended, & ſcarce believed, when it was done) to verifie the prediction. But God forbid, we ſhould ſo think ſeriouſly: but it fell out ſtrangely, that cannot be denied. Now were it ſo, that this Spirit of Divination were found in men and women, ſuch only, who by their life and converſation, did ſhew ſomewhat of either worth or godlineſs more than ordinary, (it is Ariſtotle's objection) it would not be ſo ſtrange, or incredible. But for the moſt part, if not always, (true prophets excepted) it falls out quite contrary. And therefore by the law of God, ſuch were to be put to death, Lev. 20.27. And happy is that Kingdom, (for there God hath promiſed a bleſſing) where no ſuch, who take upon them to propheſie, (whether their predictions prove true or no) are ſuffered to live. But Credulity and Incredulity is the thing we have to do with. What then ſhall we ſay? Firſt, that Ariſtotle's objection is very plauſible, and worthy of Ariſtotle; and the ſame objection lieth againſt the Salutators of Spain, who for the moſt part, are ignorant people, of a leud converſation; and yet are believed generally, to do ſtrange cures. Franciſcus à Victoria, of whom, beſides Grotius, divers Proteſtants ſpeak with good reſpect, is ſo put to it in this caſe, that he doth not know what to pitch upon; as himſelf doth ingenuouſly acknowledge. Of four opinions, which he doth propoſe, he doth leave us free to chuſe which we will: Either that they cheat, and impoſe: or that, what they do, they do it by the Devil: or perchance, by a ſpecial grace, for reaſons beſt known unto God: or laſtly, that it may be a ſecret of a proper natural temperament. So ſtill we are left in uncertainty. But againſt manifeſt experience, beſides the authority from the word of God, there is no arguing, as to matter of fact. It is not any part of our task, to examine the reaſon. But, were the nature and diviſions, or kinds of Spirits better known unto us, than they are, or ſhould be ambitious to know, whileſt we live; it is likely we might ſay more to it, than now we can. I ſhall conclude, that, as I account great Incredulity not to believe that there be ſuch predictions; ſo, to believe them, before the event have confirmed them; to enquire after them; to regard them, is little leſs, than Apoſtacy from God, and from the true faith. If true ſometimes, yet falſe often; but always dangerous, if not pernicious to them that hunt after them.

SAINT Auguſtin in one of his books contra Academicos, under the name of Licentius, one of the Collocutors, in that Dialogue, doth tell us of one Albicerius, a notable Diviner, in his time, well known unto him in his younger years, (an excuſable curioſity, in that age, and profeſſion) long before he was a Chriſtian. Three or four notable ſtories he hath of him; but firſt of all, or before that, what kind of man he was, for his life. A very rogue, as any was in Carthage, and ſuch a whoremonger (innumera ſcorta, ſaith St. Auguſtin) as ſcarce any age hath known the like. The firſt ſtory is, that, conſulted about ſome ſilver Spoons, that were miſſing, by a meſſenger; he preſently told the owner of the Spoons, the thief, and the place, where they were at preſent. I believe ſome of our London-Prognoſticators, have done as much, or near, if publick fame (though they may think it a credit) do them no wrong. Another time, when St. Auguſtin, or ſome of his familiar acquaintances, went to him, to be ſatisfied about ſomewhat, which he doth not relate; he, not only ſatisfied them in that, to the utmoſt of their expectation, or deſire; but moreover, acquainted them, that their boy, or ſervant, by the way, had ſtoln ſome money out of the bag of money, which he carried after them; even before he had ſet his eyes upon the ſaid boy, or ſervant; and forced him to reſtore every penny, before the maſters of it did know, what, or how much had been taken away. A third ſtory is, of one Flaccianus, well known to St. Auguſtin, it ſeems, who being about to purchaſe a piece of ground, went to this Diviner, or Cunning-man, to ſee, what he could tell him about it: who had no ſooner ſeen Flaccianus, but preſently told him what he was come about, and named the ground, or Farm, as it was ordinarily called; which Flaccianus himſelf (it ſeems, it was ſomewhat an uncouth hard name) did not well know. But the fourth ſtory, made St. Auguſtin, (a young man then) under the name and perſon of the ſaid Licentius, even tremble for amazement, whileſt he did relate it. A condiſciple of his, or one that had been, hearing ſo much of the man, and either not believing, or, for further trial, and to know the utmoſt of his power, went to him, and boldly and importunately challenged him, to tell him what it was he had in his thoughts: who, put to it, as he was, told him, he did think of Virgil. Being further asked, what particular place of Virgil, the man, though otherwiſe, ſcarce able to read, pronounced aloud, boldly and ſecurely, the very verſe of the Poet, he had then in his mind. Who makes any queſtion, but he, that did this, (no man of God, but a very rogue) was really poſſeſt by the Devil? And do we wonder at it; or rather wonder, that any, men or women, that take upon them to do ſuch things, in a Chriſtian Commonweal, ſhould be ſuffered to live? Or that any, that make uſe of ſuch, whether men or women, ſhould make any queſtion, (if Chriſtians by profeſſion and education) but that, in ſo doing, they go to the Devil? But ſome may wonder perchance, as St. Auguſtin, or his friend, did, at the firſt, (for afterwards he made nothing of it) that the Devil ſhould have ſuch power, which the Scripture doth ſeem to appropriate unto God, to know thoughts. But it is one thing, to have the thoughts of all men, in all places, at all times, open and naked, which belongs unto God only; &, by ſome ſubtilty or ſecret of nature, to know the thoughts of ſome men, at ſometimes, which the Devil can, it is certain, if God do not hinder: which men alſo, well acquainted with nature, by diligent obſervation of the eyes, and otherwiſe, may, in ſome part, attain unto. And why not this, as poſſible, as for men (but women rather) in the light, or day-time, at a good diſtance, to communicate, and to impart their thoughts, freely and fully, without any noiſe or voice, by the obſervation of the lips only, and other parts about the mouth? A ſecret of nature lately diſcovered; of which more in my Treatiſe of Enthuſiaſm, Chapter 4. of the ſecond Edition, page 181, &c. I name the ſecond Edition: becauſe, not ſo much of it in the firſt to be found.

AFTER Divination, ſomewhat, becauſe of the affinity, may be expected of Prodigies, of which, as of Divination, much hath been written, and argued to and fro, by divers: and very lately by one, by ſome whom I have heard much commended. I therefore ſhall ſay the leſs; neither indeed doth my ſubject engage me, to ſay much. As all other things in the world, not determinable by ſenſe, thoſe eſpecially that relate to God, and his providence, have been liable to ſuperſtition and credulity; ſo this of prodigies, as much as any. The ancient Romans have been noted for their exceſs, in this kind; and their beſt Hiſtorian, Titus Livius, for inſerting that, into the body of his Hiſtory, which ſtood upon publick records, hath been cenſured as fabulous: for which nevertheleſs, he doth often excuſe himſelf, and ſmartly doth cenſure the credulity of the people of thoſe days. Yet I make no queſtion, but by the contrivance of the Devil, in thoſe days of ignorance and ſuperſtition, (as of Oracles was ſaid before) for the increaſe of ſuperſtition, many things in that kind might happen, (beſides what did by Gods order and appointment) which have not hapned ſo frequently ſince. But what exceſs ſoever they might juſtly be charged of, yet we muſt acknowledge, that the ground of it, Quod omnium ſecundorum adverſorumque cauſas in Deos (had he but ſaid, Deum) verterent: that is, in effect, Becauſe they b[•]lieved a God, and a providence, the cauſe of all good and evil that hapneth unto men, as the ſame Livy doth inform us; was commendable, which would make us (beſides other reaſons) think the better of prodigies in theſe days, wherein Epicuriſm and Atheiſm do ſo mightily prevail. And it cannot be denied, but they lived then, generally, according to their belief; frugally and vertuouſly. Witneſs thoſe rare Examples, thoſe times afforded, ſcarce to be matched in any other age. And, as this belief made them vertuous; ſo their vertue, conquerors of the beſt, and greateſt part of the then known world. Whereas when all obſervation of prodigies ceaſed, which the ſame Livy ſaith did proceed, ab eadem negligentia, quâ nihil Deos portendere vulgo nunc credunt: (a mild word negligentia, for Atheiſm, or Epicuriſm) all manner of vices, pride, luxury, covetouſneſs, and the like, crept in; which occaſioned their Civil wars; and their Civil war, with theſe vices, the ruine of that glorious Empire. Were there no other thing in the world, to perſwade me; yet the authority of two ſuch men, as Camerarius and Melanchton; ſo pious, ſo learned both, would make me not to reject all prodigies, whether publick or private. Yet it muſt be confeſſed, that where the opinion lights upon a man, who is naturally tender and fearful; and ſuch was the nature of them both I have named, of Melanchton eſpecially; it hardly eſcapes exceſs. But again, were there no other examples or inſtances of prodigies (known to me) than what hapned before the death of Julius Caeſar, the Roman Emperor; and what before Henry the Fourth, late King of France; who for their valour, and manner of death, may well be paralleled, being ſo well atteſted, as no rational man can make any queſtion; I ſhould think and acknowledge my ſelf ſufficiently convicted, that there be prodigies: preſaging prodigies, I mean. And if in their caſe, why not in the caſe of many Princes, and others; ſuch eſpecially, who have been active men in the world, and made a great noiſe by their valourous or ventrous atchievements, and undertakings? Always provided, that there be like evidence and atteſtation. I think I have read in Julius Scaliger, a man of ſingular as learning, ſo piety; ſome where; (I find it ſo in my papers, but not the place quoted) Melior ſuperſtitio (ſo it do not proceed to a breach of any particular command of Gods revealed word: ſo I underſtand it) nimiâ ſobrietate, quae facile degenerat in Atheiſmum: that is, Better is ſuperſtition, ſometimes, than too much ſobriety, (or cautelouſneſs) which is apt ſoon to degenerate into Atheiſm. At another time, perchance, I ſhould not think ſo well of it: But now when Atheiſm doth ſo prevail, and true Piety, under the name of ſuperſtition, ſubject to deriſion; I think the advice is not amiſs.

ANCIENT Heathens had an opinion, not unworthy the conſideration, that no prodigie, or bad Omen, could hurt them by the event, who did profeſs not to regard them, or could elude them by a contrary interpretation. Pliny's words to this purpoſe, are; Exemplis apparere, oſtentorum vires & in noſtra poteſtate eſſe, ac, prout quaequ[•] accepta ſint, ita valere. He doth add, In Augurum certè diſciplina, &c. that is, That by the diſcipline of the Augures, (a ſort of Diviners or Soothſayers among the Romans) it is very certain, that neither imprecations, or auſpicies (or preſages) did belong unto them, (to hurt them) who when they had any work in hand, did profeſs and declare they did take no notice of either: Quo munere divinae indulgentiae, maius nullum eſt, ſaith he; that is, Than which, the Divine mercy hath not vouchſafed unto men a greater gift, or boon. So Pliny, lib. 28. cap. 2. And in the next Chapter he doth mention ſome particular rites and ceremonies, which they uſed, to elude, or avert miſchiefs, when threatned by ſome ill preſage, or inauſpicious accident. Of which St. Auguſtin doth treat, and reckon many, in his ſecond de Doct. Chriſtiana, Chap. 20. I make no great wonder, if many of thoſe ſuperſtitious rites and ceremonies by both Pliny and St. Auguſtin mentioned, were thought efficacious to elude, or avert; when the obſervation of prodigies was ſo tranſcendent, that every thing almoſt, that did not happen every day, was looked upon as a prodigie. It was not hard to avert, or elude (as they interpreted it) what probably, as founded upon ſuch groundleſs fears, and imaginations, would never have hapned: though probable too, that meer fear and imagination, though no better grounded, might be the cauſe ſometimes, that ſome things hapned really, which otherwiſe had never been. But however, becauſe Pliny, no very ſuperſtitious man, who elſewhere hath not faith enough to believe, that God cares for the world, or takes any notice of mens actions, whether good or bad: becauſe he doth here, we ſee, ſo magnifie the power of faith, and therein the goodneſs of God, that would ſo provide it, and appoint it: and that, beſides Pliny, there be others, that atteſt the ſame, or much to the ſame purpoſe; as afterwards in due place may be ſhewed: we may conſider, beſides Chriſtian faith, whether there be not ſome kind of natural faith, ſuch as natural, meer natural men are, and always have been capable of; which with God, by his own order, and appointment, is, and always hath been more or leſs meritorious, or efficacious for the averting of ſome temporal evils; and a good pledge, or forerunner of that true faith (in Chriſt) by which we hope, not only to be reſcued from that miſery, which, as the wretched poſterity of a ſinful protoplaſt, we are born unto; but alſo (I expect no otherwiſe, but that the wits will laugh at our ſimplicity) purchaſe Heaven it ſelf, and Immortality. But of this, more elſewhere, which I will not here tranſcribe.

WITH this of Pliny the elder, doth well agree the reſolution of Pliny the latter, and as well with Chriſtianity; and therefore not unworthy our obſervation. A friend of his, who was to plead a cauſe, within one or two days after, had a dream, which much troubled him, and threatned, as he did interpret it, ſome kind of miſcarrying. Whereupon he doth addreſs himſelf to Pliny, that he would procure him a further day. Pliny firſt doth propoſe unto him, what in ſuch a caſe himſelf had done, preferring that excellent rule or maxim of Homer's: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]· (That is, in effect; That a good cauſe ought to be regarded more than any ſigns or prodigies whatſoever) before terrifying dreams and viſions, when he was to defend the cauſe of an innocent friend, againſt potent enemies: Wherein, notwithſtanding his terrifying preſages or prodigies, he proſpered. He did ſo, and hoped his friend might alſo. But if that would not ſatisfie him, his next advice is, Quod dub[•]t as ne feceris: which he calls Conſultiſſimi cujuſque praeceptum, the precept or advice of all that are wiſe and prudent; Not to do that whereof you doubt: which, I think doth very well agree with that of the Apoſtle; And he that doubteth is damned if he eat, becauſe he eateth not of faith: For whatſoever is not of faith, is ſin. But laſtly, I make great difference of prodigies, that concern private men only; and thoſe which concern Princes, and whole common Weals. I do not think theſe ſo eaſie to be avoided, as thoſe.

I HAVE done with prodigies: I now proceed to that I have to obſerve upon the inſtances, or the chiefeſt of them, that have been produced, which may be uſeful, as I conceive, in all, or moſt other caſes of Credulity or Incredulity. And here, firſt of all, I propoſe this rule of Credulity or Incredulity in general, in St. Auguſtin's words; Multa (St. Auguſtin hath it, Nonnulla only; but I think it will bear multa very well) credibilia, ſunt falſa; ſicut incredibilia multa, ſunt vera. Or in Minutius Foelix his words, more pithily: In incredibili, verum; & in credibili, mendacium: that is in Engliſh, That many things, which ſeem incredible, are true: and many things falſe, which are very credible, or likely-true. Which is no more, if ſo much, than what Ariſtotle long before in that known Axiom of his taught; that, falſa quaedam, &c. that ſome things that are falſe, have more appearance of truth, than ſome things that are true. It is no argument to me, that a thing is true, becauſe it is poſſible; no, nor becauſe probable: nay, it is certain, that many lyes and falſhoods are founded upon this very thing, probability. Though civility may oblige, not to contradict, where we ſee no impoſſibility; yet diſcretion will, to doubt, and to ſuſpend aſſent, till we ſee good ground of belief. I know the wiſeſt man may miſtake ſometimes; many are credulous; and many love to tell what themſelves have forged, or what they have from others, though themſelves perchance do not believe it. I am no Sceptick or Pyrrhonick; and whether ever any ſuch were, really, is a queſtion: which to be, in my apprehenſion, is little leſs, than of a rational creature born, to turn into a ſenſeleſs brute. And it doth much derogate from Gods goodneſs, to think that he ſhould give us reaſon, the beſt of gifts, for no other uſe, than always to doubt; which is worſe, than to have no reaſon at all. Yet this I muſt ſay, which I think moſt true: their profeſſion was, if ever any ſuch, to doubt of all things: the beſt way, never to be a Sceptick, is, not to be too quick of belief, and to doubt of many things. Take it from St. Auguſtin, that it may have more authority, beſt in his own words, but becauſe very worthy to be known unto all, that would be wiſe, I will put them into Engliſh. They are out of his book De Magiſtro, which in a Socratical way, that is by way of Dialogues, doth comprehend divers curious ſpeculations concerning the end, or uſe of ſpeech. St. Auguſtin, one of the two ſpeakers, taking upon him to be the Magiſter; and Adeodatus the other ſpeaker, made to be the diſciple. This Adeodatus, after much arguing to and fro, having often been compelled by force of argument, to confeſs that true, which he thought falſe; and on the contrary, that falſe, which he thought otherwiſe of before; being grown, at the laſt, more cautious, what he denied, or aſſented unto; he is commended for it by St. Auguſtin, in theſe words: I am well pleaſed with your doubting, as it is a ſign to me of a mind (or diſpoſition) not inclinable to raſhneſs, than which [ſuch a diſpoſition] nothing doth more conduce to ſetledneſs or tranquillity of mind. For how can we avoid trouble of mind, when thoſe things which through too great facility of aſſent, (or Credulity) we had yielded as true, by oppoſite arguments begin to totter, and at laſt are extorted from us againſt our wills? So that, as it is but reaſonable to yield aſſent unto thoſe things which we have throughly conſidered, and perfectly underſtand▪ ſo to embrace that we know not, as though we knew it, and underſtood it, is no leſs dangerous. For the danger is, that when we have been often beaten off from thoſe things which we conceived once moſt firm and ſolid; we fall at laſt into ſuch a hatred, or jealous ſuſpition of reaſon, that we ſhall not think fit or ſafe, to yield aſſent unto any truth, though never ſo perſpicuous and apparent. So St. Auguſtin there. Though he ſpeak properly of belief and unbelief in matters of opinions, determinable by reaſon only; and we of belief and unbelief in matters of fact, only, determinable, not by reaſon, but by experience: yet his words are very applicable to our purpoſe; one great ground of Incredulity, and that which doth moſt juſtifie it to the world, is, groundleſs Credulity.

BUT on the other ſide, to go on where we began, with St. Auguſtin's rule; beſides what is againſt the faith, or doth imply manifeſt contradiction; to me, I confeſs, nothing is incredible. I ſee ſo many things with mine eyes; and many more I read of, in them that have collected, and ſet out Nature's Wonders, in ſeveral kinds; all miraculous to me, becauſe though I ſee the thing plainly and undeniably, yet I comprehend not the reaſon; and thoſe that have attempted to find it, I ſpeak it of many natural things, as the Load-ſtone, and the like, are either ridiculouſly come off, as Pomponatius, and the like; or have ſtill left the matter in great obſcurity, and their reaſons liable to many objections: and again, I ſee or believe upon good atteſtation, ſo many ſtrange effects of the power (with God's permiſſion) of Devils and Spirits; ſo many (to ſight, and for any reaſon that we can give) miraculous operations; that I know not what it is, beſides what I have before mentioned, without good and mature conſideration, that I can think incredible, or impoſſible. Yet I know that the Devils power, allow him to the utmoſt of what can rationally be allowed to a created Spirit, is limited, and that he cannot do many things. What thoſe things are that he cannot, is diſputed, and argued by many, to whom I willingly ſubſcribe. But he can ſo imitate and counterfeit, that we ſhall find it a very hard task, to diſtinguiſh between the reality of that which he cannot, and the reſemblance, which he doth offer unto our eyes. He cannot create ſubſtances: he cannot create men, or women, nor the leaſt creature, I believe, that hath its Beeing by generation: but he may caſt before our eyes ſuch ſhapes of thoſe things, which he cannot create; or ſo work upon our phancy, that it ſhall create them unto us ſo vigorouſly, ſo ſeemingly, that he may attain his ends by thoſe counterfeits, as effectually, perchance, as if all were in good earneſt, what it appears to our deluded eyes. So that the moſt ſatisfactory limitation I can find or think of, of his power, is, that he can do no more, than what God doth permit, who hath reſerved to himſelf the Sovereignty of the worlds government, and will not ſuffer them that truſt to him, and depend of him, in the leaſt degree, to ſuffer by him more, than what may be for his own glory, and their further good, if they patiently ſubmit, and their faith and confidence hold to the laſt. Where[•]n I am ſo confident, and ſo much confirmed, even by thoſe ſtrange effects of the Devils power, which I have read and believe, that it never yet entred into my heart to fear any thing of him more, than his temptations, againſt which Chriſt hath taught me daily to pray. But of this more, by and by. Upon theſe grounds, Miranda naturae, Nature's wonders firſt, for which no ſatisfactory reaſon can be found; collected, as many, or moſt, hitherto known by divers; but, if diligently ſought, daily to be multiplied: and ſecondly, the power of the Devil, which though not ſo great now, as it was before Chriſt, yet great enough ſtill, to cauſe admiration; I know not well, I ſay, what to account incredible. Could one man, truſting to the ſtrength of his wit, and the efficacy of his art, not without ſome ground (as ſome learned profeſſors of the art have taken upon them to maintain, which I meddle not with) ſpeak ſo proudly, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: find me but a place where I may ſtand conveniently, (at a convenient diſtance from the earth it ſelf, I ſuppoſe his meaning was) and I will move the whole earth: and could the ſame man do things in the ſight of many, which were then generally thought impoſſible, and now to many more incredible? and how ſhall we limit the power of Spirits, in knowledge and experience ſo far exceeding that of mens, when God doth permit? Yet for all this, I do not deny, but it is limitted, as I ſaid before, becauſe it is both againſt faith, and againſt reaſon to believe, that God will permit them to do many things, though not ſo eaſie, preciſely to determine, what thoſe things are; and much harder to diſcern what is real, and what is counterfeit, among the works of ſo skilful juglers. Not eaſily to believe then, what otherwiſe is acknowledged very poſſible; nor yet abſolutely to reject as incredible, what to ordinary ſenſe, and reaſon may ſeem impoſſible, but to conſider how atteſted, and not to diſpute againſt clear evidence; that's our firſt rule, or obſervation.

OUR ſecond ſhall be; In the relation of ſtrange things, whether natural or ſupernatural, to know the temper of the relator, if it can be known: and what intereſt he had, or might probably be ſuppoſed to have had, in the relation, to have it believed. Again, whether he profeſs to have ſeen it himſelf, or take it upon the credit of others: and whether a man by his profeſſion, in a capacity probable, to judge of the truth of thoſe things, to which he doth bear witneſs. Every one of theſe particulars would require a particular conſideration, but that I would not be too long, or tedious. To make application of this to thoſe witneſſes, or the chiefeſt, I have produced and made uſe of: I can give no account of their temper by their life, or actions; they were not, nor could be known unto me, that way. But he was not altogether out, who ſaid, Loquere ut te videam: though ſubject to many exceptions, I know; yet ordinarily, a man may give ſome gueſs at a mans temper in point of ſeriouſneſs, or lightneſs, by his writings. Cardan was a learned man, and one that was well acquainted with the world; of great experience, I make no queſtion. But he was a man ventoſi ingenii, ſelf-conceited beyond meaſure, and as covetous of popular applauſe: never ſpake man more truly, than he that firſt paſt that cenſure on him. Any man of ordinary judgment may quickly perceive it by his writings. A man, that did affect to tell ſtrange things, that cauſe wonder, that he might be wondred at, and admired by them, that did believe him. And indeed he doth tell more ſtrange things of himſelf, and his father, and ſome other relations of his, than a man ſhall likely meet with any where elſe. But he was not only ventoſus, as cenſured by others, but alſo mendaciſſimus, a notable lyar, as acknowledged, and proved by his great friend Nodaeus; and by his confeſſion of himſelf, according to his horoſcope, Nugax, religionis contemptor, maledicus, impurus, calumniator, &c. all which the ſame Nodaeus doth acknowledge moſt true of him.

SOME man may wonder, (this by the way) what made Nodaeus, who otherwiſe doth moſt ridiculouſly exalt him, to acknowledge ſo much truth: but there was a reaſon. Cardanus and Nodaeus were not of one Religion, in point of Spirits; of whom, though Cardanus tells many ſtrange ſtories, which I believe (from ſuch a convicted lyar) are falſe; yet among ſo many, it is poſſible ſome might be true. But whether falſe or true, Nodaeus, as all, or moſt that are of that perſwaſion, admirers of Epicurus, &c. could not indure to hear of them. In that particular, he doth caſt dirt upon him, and makes him the vileſt man, that ever was: In others, if you will believe him, Cardanus was an incomparable man. This in another age, might have been thought a contradiction; and Nodaeus himſelf cenſured for a man of no judgment at all, if not worſe. But he knew what times he wrote in, and how men ſtood affected. Neither did his judgment herein deceive him; which in a more ſober age, if God will be ſo merciful, may cauſe no ſmall wonder. Well, Cardan, for one, was a learned man, of great experience: but I ſay, by Nodaeus his leave, this mendaciſſimus doth ſpoil all. I think they that truſt him, deſerve to be deceived; and I doubt many ſtand not upon that ſo much, ſo they may be thought ſome body, becauſe they read Cardan.

I KNOW not any I have made uſe of, but, ſo far as may be gueſſed by their writings, were ſober and ſerious men: and ſo accounted by thoſe (known unto me) who mention them in their writings. They were all, or moſt of them, learned Phyſicians, and therefore beſt able to judge of thoſe things, which they wrote of, and atteſted. How it ſhould advantage either the credit of their Art and profeſſion, (which to preſerve, made Galen ſo unwilling a long time, as before obſerved, before he would acknowledge the efficacy of charms and incantations) or their particular profit, in their practice, to acknowledge, and of their own accord publiſh and proclaim the efficacy of ſupernatural means for cures, &c. (ſuch as we have made choice of too for inſtances) no man, I think can imagine: how it might impair it, is very apparent. The beſt reward of their ingenuity from the greater number, or thoſe ſapientiſſimi, in Seneca, they could expect, is, to be accounted either lyars or idiots. Laſtly, Remigius excepted, of whom ſome queſtion may be made; becauſe he ſaith, vidi hominem, he ſaw the man; he doth not ſay, he ſaw the thing: (which yet may be true enough, for any thing he ſaith) all the reſt expreſly profeſs, to have ſeen with their eyes, what they relate. Vair indeed doth not mention his eyes, but he hath thoſe circumſtances, which he doth atteſt, which, as I ſay there, amount to a vidimus, or, cecular atteſtation.

BUT then, thirdly, Seneca ſaith, oculis nihil fallacius: and doth give ſome inſtances. His inſtances are true, yet I cannot allow of his inference. We muſt truſt to our eyes, in moſt things; to our ears, and other ſenſes, elſe we ſhall not know what to truſt to. However, it is very true in ſome caſes, our eyes, our ears, and other ſenſes may deceive us; and that relation may be ſuſpected, which is grounded upon two eyes, or ears only; though the witneſs be granted an honeſt diſcerning man. I could mention many things that have hapned unto my ſelf in that kind: but one thing, that hath made moſt impreſſion, I ſhall make bold to relate. It is not many years; but it was ſome time before our happy reſtoration: My Son (the only I have or then had) and I had rid ſome twenty or thirty miles that day, and came to the houſe of a worthy Gentlewoman, of ſome relation, by marriage; where I had been often kindly entertained. In the night, about midnight I then gueſſed, my ſaid Son, and I lying together, and both faſt aſleep; I was ſuddenly awakened by the report of a Gun or Piſtolet, as I then thought, diſcharged under the bed. It ſhook the bed, I am ſure. Being ſomewhat terrified, I awakened my bed-fellow; asked him, whether he had heard nothing; told him what I had heard, and felt. He was ſcarce awake, when a ſecond blow was heard, and the bed, as before: which did put him in ſuch a fright, that I forgat mine own, and wholly applied my ſelf to put him out of it, and to keep him in his right wits. Thus buſie, it was not long before a third blow, and ſtill the bed as before. I would have riſen, but that he did ſo cloſely embrace me, that I durſt not leave him, neither was he willing to let me go. It was an hour at leaſt after that third and laſt blow, before I could get him to ſleep; and before day, I alſo fell aſleep. In the morning, being up before me, I bid him look under the bed, which he did, but not ſo carefully, as one poſſeſt with other apprehenſions about the cauſe, as he might have done. I charged him not to ſpeak to any, until my ſelf had firſt acquainted the Miſtreſs of the houſe, whom I knew, an underſtanding diſcreet Gentlewoman. It was about dinner-time before ſhe came down to the Parlour, and then as ſoberly as I could, none being preſent, but two of her daughters, vertuous Gentlewomen; I firſt prepared her, not much to wonder, or to be troubled. So I acquainted her. I perceived by her countenance, it did trouble her, and as we were diſcourſing, ſhe looking upon me, as expecting ſomewhat from me, that might prevent further jealouſie or ſuſpition; I hapned to tell her, that I had ſome thought in the morning, that it might be the cords of the bed: She preſently, and with a joyful countenance, ſaid, It is ſo certainly; for the bed was lately corded with new cords, which were ſo ſtretched, that the man told us, he was afraid they would break, if not then, yet ſoon after, when the bed ſhould be uſed. She had no ſooner ſaid it, but ſends one of her daughters up to look, and it was ſo indeed: the cords were broken in three ſeveral places. What others, to whom the like, or ſomewhat like had hapned before, or otherwiſe better experienced in ſuch things, might have thought of it, I know not: I have no thought to make a wonder of it, now I know the cauſe: But I ſuppoſe it might have hapned to ſome other, as it did to me, till I knew the cauſe, to be terrified; and ſo terrified, that had I gone away before I had been ſatisfied, I ſhould not have been conſcious to my ſelf of a lye, if I had reported, that the houſe was haunted. I could never have believed, that ſuch cords could have made ſuch a loud noiſe; beſides the ſhaking of the bed, which added much to my wondring, until I knew the certainty. I could not have believed, I ſay; though I have conſidered ſince, that even a ſmall thread, haſtily broken, maketh no ſmall noiſe; and beſides, that a Piſtolet could not be diſcharged, but there would have been a ſmoak, and ſmell. But whatever ſome might have thought, it is enough that it might have hapned unto ſome others, as to me, to prove that our ſenſes may deceive us ſometimes, and that it is not always enough to ſay, I have ſeen it, or I have heard it. But when a thing doth happen in the clear light of the Sun, and in clear ſight (for at a diſtance many eyes may be deceived; and a panick fear, in the time of war, may make a whole camp upon ſome very ſlight miſtake or ſuſpition run away: but that is another caſe) but clear light, and clear ſight, of many ſober, and not pre-occupied with any paſſion, if then many eyes be deceived; it is very likely, and ſo I grant, it doth often happen; it is by the art and intervention of the Devil, that they are ſo. Now in thoſe relations I have made uſe of, ſome things were done very publickly, before many; not any, but had more witneſſes than one or two, and therefore more likely to be true.

FOURTHLY, At the mouth of two or three witneſſes ſhall every word or matter be eſtabliſhed: we know who ſaith it; and, if there be no juſt exception againſt the witneſſes, is moſt agreeable to the practice of men, in all places. I have cleared my witneſſes from all exceptions; and they are more than one or two that witneſſe the ſame thing, though not the ſame thing numerically, yet the ſame thing in effect; to wit, the truth of ſupernatural operations, by Devils and Spirits; which they, who upon ſuch proofs and atteſtations will not believe, may juſtly be charged with obſtinate, and if we conſider the ill conſequence of ſuch unbelief, pernitious incredulity.

LASTLY, ſomewhat hath been ſaid of it before, but it cannot be too often repeated: Let no man that doth aſpire to the knowledge of truth, diſcredit the truth or reality of any buſineſs that is controverted, becauſe the thing is liable to abuſe and impoſture. It is a very popular way indeed, and with vulgar judgments, of great force: but it is the way to deny all truth, and to overthrow all government, and whatſoever is moſt holy among men. For what is it, if well look'd into, that is not liable to abuſe, and impoſture? To inſiſt upon ſomewhat that is obvious, and what every man may judge of: No wiſe man doth doubt, but that there is ſuch an art, as Phyſick or Medicine; acknowledged in the Scriptures, both of the Old and New Teſtament: magnified in the Civil Law: beſides the teſtimonies of private men, of all profeſſions, every where obvious. And for my part, though all the world ſhould be of another belief, yet I ſhould think my ſelf, who more than once (with Gods bleſſing) have been ſaved by it, bound with gratitude to acknowledge the efficacy and excellency of it. Yet if a man were diſpoſed to argue againſt it, as needleſs, or pernitious, how eaſily might he find arguments? As firſt, becauſe divers Nations have done without Phyſicians, as well as with them: the Romans, for a long time; the Babylonians, whoſe cuſtom was, as witneſſed by Herodotus, to keep records of diſeaſes and cures; and to expoſe their ſick to the view of all men: not to inſiſt in other Nations, which have been ſpecified by others. And then, the Sects and Factions of Phyſicians, that have been at all [〈◊〉]: their different judgments, of the cauſes of [〈◊〉], and different [〈…〉] curing; not only [••••]ferent, but even contrary: as every man knows, that hath but looked into their books. And then, if we conſider the number of Empericks, bold illiterate, ungrounded men, that go under that name; and the credulity, or cove[••••]neſs of many, who to ſave ſomewhat, will truſt themſelves into any hands, rather than be at the charge to ſend for, or go to an allowed, and well-grounded Phyſician; it is a great queſtion, (or perchance, no queſtion, but many more, certainly) whether more are not kill'd by ſuch uſurpers, and counterfeits, than are ſaved (under God) by true learned Phyſicians, where they moſt abound. But all this may eaſily be anſwered, and Phyſick vindicated; but with this acknowledgment, that the beſt things that are, may be abuſed: and ſo thoſe things, that in their nature have the truth and reality of exiſtence as certainly, as thoſe that are ſeen and diſcerned by the eye, may be counterfeited and falſified, and are liable to the miſtakes of men that are ignorant, and the illuſion of juglers and impoſtors.

FOR a further direction to them that may want it, in this matter of witneſſes to make faith to ſtrange relations; I will take notice of ſome objections that are made, or may be made. As firſt, what can be more creditable, than what doth ſtand upon publick records? may ſome body ſay. So did all thoſe prodigies Livy doth relate. Muſt we then think our ſelves in reaſon bound to believe them, all, or one half of them? No: it is a miſtake. That which ſtood upon record, was, that ſuch and ſuch (if more, than one: of many prodigies, but one) did inform that ſuch and ſuch a thing had hapned; who delivered it upon their honeſt word, (not oath, that I can find; except it were upon ſome extraordinary occaſion) that it was true. This was the ſuperſtition of the Romans, of thoſe victorious times, that they thought nothing, that did relate to the ſervice of their Gods, muſt be neglected: and ſo a record of it was made, nunciatum eſſe, that it was reported, not verum eſſe, that it was true. Yet we find in the ſame Livy, that oftentimes, upon juſt ſuſpition▪ that which was related, did paſs ſome kind of examination; and if found defective, not allowed. But what ſhall we ſay to Plutarch's relation, who not upon his own credit only, and yet he acknowledged a grave, and ſerious Author; but upon the credit of many then living, in his Treatiſe of the Soul; not now extant; but ſo much of it is preſerved in Euſebius; doth ſeriouſly relate, of one very well known unto him, and his familiar friend, as I take it; who died, he ſaid, and his Soul after three hours, remanded to his body; becauſe it was upon a miſtake of the meſſenger, that he was deprived of life by ſuch a ſickneſs, when another man was intended and ſent for. After which reſtauration to life, he lived many years, and was then alive, Plutarch ſaith, when he wrote this of him. This relation, I muſt confeſs, did ſomewhat trouble me, when I firſt read in Euſebius; and the rather, becauſe Euſebius doth barely relate it, and excepts againſt nothing, which ſome might interpret as an aſſent, but is not; there was no need, if what he aimed at, be conſidered. But however ſo barely related, did trouble me for a time. But afterwards, upon better conſideration, I thought and ſtill think that both Plutarch and his friend, might be very honeſt men, and ſpeak no more than what they believed to be very true; and yet we not bound at all to believe them. For firſt of all, this departing of his ſoul was in a [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], Plutarch ſaith; that is a kind of unnatural deep ſleep, which by them that are not much acquainted with the proper terms of Phyſick, and differences of every diſeaſe, might eaſily be miſtaken for an [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: which Phyſicians define, Soporem gravem, quo qui tenentur, &c. that is, A k[•]nd of ſleep, which they that labour of, ſleep profoundly, and dream; and afterwards, when awak[•]ned, what they did dream, they think to be true, and relate it unto others for very truth. Or, as Sennertus elſewhere; They lie as though they were dead, and frequently, after they are awakened, make report what ſtrange things they have heard and ſeen.

NO wonder then, if the man in ſuch a diſtemper, ſaw ſtrange viſions; and it is probable, he had read of ſome ſuch thing, that had hapned, or commonly reported to have hapned unto ſome others; whereof the learned Annotator, in the laſt Paris Edition will give a further account to them that deſire it. But this granted; it follows in Plutarch, that the other, who by right ſhould have died, (for there was a miſtake of men, or ſouls, as was ſaid before) upon the return of Antillus his ſoul, (that was his name) when he heard what had hapned to Antillus, and what report he had made of his viſions; that is, that his ſoul ſhould be returned indeed; but the others, firſt intended, would be ſent for; he fell ſick, and died in very deed. Truly I think according to the belief of the vulgar of thoſe days, it were a wonder, a great wonder, if he had not. For he was not only told, what this revived (as was thought) Antillus had reported of him, as revealed unto him in that other world; but people (ſo goes the ſtory) were daily and hourly at his door, to ſee the event, which was enough to ſtartle any man, that had not a very great courage, and knew nothing to the contrary, but that what was reported of Antillus his death, his miraculous reviving, and what Antillus himſelf had ſince reported, as revealed unto him, where he had been, was very true; enough I ſay, to ſtartle him into an alienation of mind, or a ſudden death: whereof there be many examples of men, who ſurprized with a ſudden great fear, though without any other hurt, or danger, have fallen into ſome ſickneſs, which hath ended in death. He therefore, who upon this, or like relation of Plutarch, ſhould cenſure him for a fabulous writer, would do him wrong, and bewray-either malignity or ignorance. Yet many fables we may find in Plutarch, which being delivered by him, not credited, nor to that end they ſhould be credited, but according to the Mythologie of thoſe times, which was no ſmall part of their learning, and is yet to all men, for the underſtanding of ancient books, without which no true learning can be purchaſed; for ſuch fables, and the like, delivered upon certain ſuppoſitions; it were very ridiculous, and injurious alſo, to account him fabulous.

BUT becauſe this is a profitable point, to prevent raſh judgment, which commonly proceeds from ignorance, or want of judgment, or ingenuity, the worſt of the three; among them that have lately written of Daemons and Spirits, and their inſtruments, men and women, Witches and Sorcerers: Bodinus and Remigius are moſt known, I think, and read. Learned men both; and who I think, had no intention at all to impoſe upon their Readers, but wrote as themſelves believed. Yet for all this, I do not think my ſelf bound to believe every thing that they believed, and thought truth: neither could I, for the reaſons before alledged, ground upon any of their ſtories, but as the authorities, and circumſtances of the ſtory, well pondered, ſhall induce me Though learned, yet men; and as men, liable to errors and miſtakes; and in ſome things, perhance, more credulous, than I ſhould be. What either of them might think of the efficacy of waſhing of the hands; of Sal[•] ; and of a Vine-ſtick; of the crowing of the Cock, and the like; I make no queſtion, but they had ſome plauſible grounds, & the confeſſions of divers Witches (firſt deluded by the Devil, that they might delude others, and by degrees, draw them to other more ſuperſtitious obſervations) for it; beſides what is objected to Bodinus particularly, by the cenſors of his book, if true. Many men when they have got ſome ſuch thing by the end, that may accidentally prove falſe, or it may be juſtly famed as ſuperſtitious▪ they think they have enough to diſcredit a man, and to blaſt his labours, though otherwiſe never ſo worthy, or profitable; which, as I ſaid before, is an argument of great either weakneſs, or malice. I know it is the manner of many, incredulous men eſpecially; when they are preſſed with any authority, and cannot otherwiſe evade. A very learned man, in his books, De Origine Idololat. (or rather, De Theologia Gentili, &c. a far more proper Title, except he had followed it otherwiſe: which gave me encouragement to write of the ſame ſubject, De orig. Idololat. long ago, though never yet printed) doth paſs a harſh judgment againſt Bodinus, as for ſome other things; ſo particularly, for his ſeverity, or rather, as he makes it, raſh and injurious partiality, in admitting all kind of witneſſes againſt ſuſpected Witches: and to draw out compaſſion more forcibly, he ſtiles them imbecillem ſexum. I will not take upon me to excuſe Bodin in all things. Yet had he as well conſidered the atrocity of the crime, than which none can be either more injurious to the Divine Majeſty, or more pernicious to the community of men; he might as well have cenſured his ſeverity in this caſe, an exceſs of zeal for God and men; as he doth cenſure it, and aggravate it, want of equity and mercy. And ſure I am, that a very learned man too, and of great fame in the world; out of meer indignation, and zeal to God, ſeeing Witches and Sorcerers ſo indulgently dealt in France, (where Bodinus lived) did write, as himſelf profeſſeth, that learned Treatiſe, De Idololatria Magica, which is extant.

BUT in very deed no man can deny, but in this caſe of Witches, and perſons bewitched, great judgment and circumſpection, and all little enough, ought to be uſed. I remember when I lived in Sommerſetſhire, very young then; I heard, at my firſt coming into thoſe parts, of one that was much pitied, (a Gardiner by his profeſſion, and a very honeſt man every body ſaid) as ſtrangely bewitched: who alſo, as I was told, had appeared before the Judges, at the Aſſizes, more than once, in ſome of his fits. It was ſaid, as I remember, that one or two, if not more, had been condemned, and ſuffered about it. I was alſo told of divers of the Clergy, who being deſired, had been with him, to comfort him. Yet at laſt, ſome years after, this very man proved to be the Witch, (a Witch or Sorcerer himſelf) and was at Bridgwater Goal, I being then in the Country: where he carried himſelf, by common report, as a deſperate Atheiſt, and ſeemed to ſlight the proceedings of Juſtice againſt him, being confident he ſhould eſcape. The very night before execution, (intended) though kept with great care, and well fettered, I believe; yet being left alone ſome part of the night, or his Keeper ſleeping, he got away by caſting of himſelf down through a high hole, or window in the wall; and it was ſaid (my habitation was not very far from the place) that a great heap, or pile of Fagots, which lay far enough in the yard from the place, were removed, and placed under the wall, for his eſcape. But the man being diligently purſued, after a day or two, was found in a Barn; and for all his confidence (upon the Devils promiſe, I ſuppoſe) that he ſhould eſcape, was ſpeedily executed. Thus the Devil deals with his vaſſals. He doth keep his word to them, (worſe than the Devil they then, who promiſe, and take no care to perform) and yet they are not much the better for it, but in this, the utmoſt of miſeries, that their confidence doth hinder their repentance: It is bad to have to do with him. I have given a true account of the buſineſs, if neither my memory, nor my information have deceived me. I wiſh we had yearly, an account of all memorable things, that happen in this kind, in all parts of England. I doubt not, if performed by ſuch as are creditable, and judicious; but good uſe might be made of it.

BUT again, when ſtrange things are pretended, and creditable witneſſes produced; yet it is the part of an intelligent reader, or auditor, before he gives full aſſent, to conſider the nature of the thing, and all the circumſtances of it. For ſome things are of that nature, though never ſo well atteſted, a man would think, that are yet poſſible to be miſtaken; either becauſe they cannot be ſo throughly examined and ſearched, as ſome other things: or becauſe, not accompanied with convincing circumſtances, that make it clear unto all men, not ſet upon contradiction, that there is ſomewhat ſupernatural, or beſides the courſe of ordinary nature, in the caſe. I will inſtance in a notable example. In the year of our Lord, 1593. a rumor was ſpread, far and near, concerning a Sileſian boy, about ſeven years of age, who had, they ſaid, a golden tooth growing in his mouth. It was two years after, time enough a man would think to find out the truth, before the ſtory was publiſhed in Print; and then too, by no mean man, but by Jacobus Horſtius, a learned Phyſician. Soon after (I follow the account Sennertus gives of it) he was ſeconded by one Martinus Rulandus, a Phyſician too, of good account. Theſe, it ſeems, made no queſtion of the truth. But two years after that, one Ingolſterus oppoſed him; Rulandus I mean; and the ſame year, Rulandus replied in his own defence. The ſubſtance of their reaſoning to and fro, is to be found in Libavius his Singularia, (one of the firſt books that ſtirred me up to apply my ſelf, when very young, to the ſtudy of nature, ſo far as at ſpare hours I might compaſs) Tome II. with his own conjectures all along, rational, and well worth the reading. It is incredible what ſtrange apprehenſions ſome men had, concerning this prodigious tooth; extending their prognoſticks of it, as far as the Turkiſh Empire, and his war with the Chriſtians. But in the end, it proved but a cheat. How diſcovered, is nothing to my purpoſe. But I would have the Reader to conſider, though I cannot excuſe the credulity of men in it, which may be a warning to others, not to believe every thing, that is believed, and well atteſted, till they have well pondered all circumſtances; yet to conſider, I ſay, that it was very poſſible for men to be miſtaken, where they could not have ſuch full inſpection; except the tooth had been out, as is eaſie in many other, whether pretended, or real wonders. Beſides, there was no convincing circumſtance, but ſuch rather, as might induce a man, to ſuſpect a fraud. For the Parents were poor, and reaped great profit, by ſhewing this tooth, in this way of ſhewing it, ſuch as it was. But if a man of good credit and judgment, ſhould tell me he hath ſeen a maid in the preſence of divers others, ſow and write (exquiſitely both) with her tongue; which I think a greater wonder, than to do it with the feet, as of more than one I have read: or ſeen a man, whoſe arms were ſo cut off, that nothing but ſhort ſtumps were left, handle (pardon the word: if I ſhould ſay, manage, I know no great difference) a ſword, charge and diſcharge a muſquet, and the like; though the matter ſeems to me very ſtrange, and almoſt incredible; yet I cannot ſuſpect any fraud or miſtake, if my Author be true, and ſober; as I am ſure I have good authors for both, which no judicious man can rationally ſuſpect, or queſtion; Nicolaus Tulpius, of Amſterdam, for the maid; and Ambroſe Pareus, for the man; who alſo relates, that the ſaid man made a trade to rob and kill upon the ways, and for it was condemned to death.

BUT to return to our miraculous Tooth: Though the cheat was then diſcovered, and the diſcovery publiſhed by more than one; yet the noiſe of the miracle had ſpread ſo far before that; and in the minds of many had made ſuch deep impreſſion, that the credit of it continued long after; and for ought I know, doth yet, among ſome, to this day. Sure I am, that a Jeſuit, who not many years ago, with no ſmall diligence, and yet much brevity; hath given us an account of three parts of the world, (I have ſeen no more) doth mention it, as a thing very real. Except he ſhould intend it of another boy; becauſe it is in the deſcription of Hungary, that he hath it; whereas ours was in Sileſia. But I rather think it is his miſtake, or the miſtake of ſome, whom he hath followed. If ſo, then we muſt ſay, that the miracle by time, hath well improved: For he doth not only tell of a boy with a golden tooth, but alſo of nine tendrels, and natural leaves, of pure gold: which might (upon good atteſtation of eye-witneſſes) be thought the more probable, if, as ſome are of opinion, gold grew in Mines, altogether as a tree; and gold mines be nothing, but ſundry trees of gold. His words are; Schemnitium — civitas alia, ubi dives fodina aurea, quin etiam ex vitibus claviculi, & folia ex puro auro aliquando enata; pueroque ſuccrevit dens aureus. I could have named a man of theſe times, (an Engliſh writer) alſo, who doth mention it as a true ſtory. But for his love to ancient learning, and the pains he hath taken to vindicate it againſt the attempts of ſome others; I will reſerve his name to ſome better occaſion.

BUT in all thoſe ſtories, either of ſupernatural cures, or incantation of Serpents, I have told; things were acted publickly, or in the ſight of many; or accompanied with ſuch circumſtances, as make the caſe indubitable, and out of all poſſibility of a miſtake. Except a man will ſay, that ſome of thoſe things, were indeed repreſented to the eyes, whether of more, or fewer, ſo that they did verily believe they ſaw ſuch and ſuch things; which yet were not ſo, truly and really, as apprehended. This indeed doth happen ſometimes, but never (in clear light, &c. as before limited) but by diabolical art, and illuſion: ſo that as to the proving of ſupernatural operations, it comes to one. Yet this I will ſay: if in the incantations of Serpents, one or two only, of that kind, had been charmed at once; I might have ſuſpected, that by art, and induſtry, they might have been taught that obedience, if not to run into the fire, yet to ſuffer themſelves to be handled, and the like; becauſe I know of dogs, and Horſes, and Elephants, (beſides what I have ſeen myſelf) and even of Serpents, what hath been written by ſome, both ancient and late.

TO inſtance yet in another particular of ungrounded I cannot ſay; for I think the moſt cautelous, might have been deceived; but deluded credulity, whereof I think I can give a better account, than yet hath been given, for ought I know, by any in Print, though more than one, I know have taken notice of the cheat; ſo I call it, though the authors of it aimed at ſomewhat better, they will ſay, or ſome for them, perchance. In the year of the Lord 1550. Henry the ſecond, King of France, being then Bononiae; that is, (for there be three Towns, if not more, one in Italy, another in Germany, and a third in France, of that name) Bologne, in France; which having been taken a year or two before, by the Engliſh, was then reſtored; a Letter was written by one Pinellus, a French Phyſician, who was then, it ſeems, at Court with the King, to a friend of his, of the ſame profeſſion, one Mizaldus. I have not met with the whole Letter any where, which therefore I here exhibit.

Joh. Pipinus, Anto. Mizaldo, fuo S. P. D.

GAƲDEO mihi oblatam eſſe occaſionem, chariſſime Antoni, qua rem novam, & plane admirabilem, tibi nunciare ſit datam. Nuper ex India Orientali Regi noſtro allatum hic vidimus lapidem, lumine & fulgore mirabiliter corruſcantem, quique totus veluti ardens & incenſus incredibili lucis ſplendore praefulget micatque. Is jactis quoque verſus radiis, ambientem circumquaque aerem luce nullis fere oculis tolerabili, latiſſime complet. Eſt etiam terrae impatientiſſimus: ſi cooperire coneris, ſua sponte & vi, facto impetu, confeſtim evolat in ſublime. Contineri vero includive loco ullo anguſto, nulla poteſt hominum arte: ſed ampla liberaque loca duntaxat amare videtur. Summa in eo puritas, ſummus nitor: nulla ſorde, aut labe coinquinatur. Figurae ſpecies nulla ei certa; ſed inconſtans & momento commutabilis: cumque ſit aſpectu longe pulcherrimus, contractari ſeſe tamen non ſinit; & ſi diutius adnitaris, vel obſtinatius agas, incommodum adfert: ſicuti multi ſuo non levi malo, me praeſente, ſunt experti: quod ſiquid ex eo fortaſſis enixius conando adimitur aut detrahitur, nam durus admodum non eſt; fit (dicta mirum) nihilo minor. Addit inſuper, is hoſpes, qui illum a[•]tulit, homo uti apparet, Barbarus; hujus virtutem ac vim eſſe ad quam plurime cùm utilem, tum praecipue, Regibus imprimis, neceſſariam: ſed quam revelaturus non ſit, niſi pretio ingenti prius accepto. Reliqua ex me praeſente audies cùm primùm Rex ad vos redierit. Supereſt at te, & ſi quos iſthic habes viros eruditos diligentiſſimè orem, ex Plinio, Alberto, Morbodeo, aliiſque, qui de lapidibus aliquid ſcriptum reliquerunt, ſolicite diſquiratis, quiſnam ſit hujuſmodi lapillus, aut quod illi nomen (ſi modo fuerit, antiquis cognitus) praeſcribi vere poſſit. Nam in eo peranxiè, nec minus inf[•]liciter ab aulicis noſtris eruditis, hactenus laboratum, quibus ſi palmam in ea cognitione praeripere poſſem, mecum feliciſſime actum iri exiſtimarem. Incredibilis enim, & Regi imprimis, & toti denique procerum aulicorum turbae ea de re commota eſt expectatio. Vale.

Bononiae, Pridie Aſcenſionis Chriſti, M. D. L.

I HAVE ſet down the whole Epiſtle, as it was written, becauſe, as before ſaid, I have not met with it whole elſewhere; and pity it were, that what ſo many years, to ſo many, hath been the ground of ſo much trouble and inquiry, ſhould not be fully known. And now for their ſakes that underſtand not the Latin, I will ſet it down in Engliſh too.

Joh. Pipinus, to Ant. Mizaldus, his loving friend, health, and greeting.

I AM glad, deareſt Anthony, that this opportunity hath offered it ſelf of a new, and wonderful relation. We have lately ſeen a ſtone, which was brought to our King, out of the Eaſt-Indies, ſhining with admirable light and brightneſs, as if it were all on fire; ſuch is the ſplendor and flaſhing of it, filling the air round about with rays, which no eye can bear. It is very impatient of earth, and if you go about to cover it, it makes its way by force, and flieth up on high. No art of man can conclude it, or contain it in a narrow room; naturally affecting wide and free places. It is of perfect purity and cleanneſs, and cannot be ſoiled with any ſpot or foulneſs. The ſhape of it is not certain, but inconſtant, and in a moment changeable: and though it be of a beautiful aspect, yet cannot endure to be touched; and if you think to uſe any force, it is not without ſome inconvenience, as ſome, in my preſence, have found to their coſt. And if with much end[•]avour, you happen to take any part, or parcel from it, (for it is not very hard) it is not (O wonderful) the leſs for it. To all this, the ſame man that brought it, a meer Barbarian to ſight, doth add, that the vertue of it, as it is uſeful for many things; ſo chiefly to Kings, very neceſſary: but not to be revealed, without a good ſumme of money firſt payed. Nothing now remains, but earneſtly to entreat you, and other learned men where you are, that you will make diligent ſearch in Pliny, Albertus, Marbodeus, and others, that have written of ſtones, what this ſtone is, and in caſe it were known to the Ancients, what is the true name of it. For in this is the induſtry of our Courtiers, who pretend to any learning, now occupied; wherein if I could prevent them, I ſhould think my ſelf very happy. For it is incredible, how much the King himſelf, and the whole Court, long to be ſatisfied. Farewel.

From Bononia, Aſcenſion Eur. 1550.

WHERE Mizaldus was, when the Letter came to him, I know not certainly: but I gueſs at Paris. Hereupon, the fame of this rare ſtone was ſpread far and near; and all curious men, Philoſophers, and Naturaliſts, invited to ſpend their judgments. Thuanus, many years after, enters it into his Hiſtory, as a thing worthy of eternal memory: Dum Rex Bononiae eſſet, allatus ad eum ex India Orientali, &c. concluding thus: Haec, ut in literis Johan. Pipini, oculati rei teſtis, &c. making no queſtion at all of the truth, but whether ſuch a ſtone ever known to the Ancients or no, leaving that to the further enquiry of Philoſophers and Naturaliſts. No ſuch thing is now to be found in Thuanus, after the matter was once come out, and he knew it was a cheat. Yet, ſo long did the fame of this pretious ſtone continue, that in the year 1622. when that admirable Treaſury of choice rarities, called Muſaeum Veconenſe, (which I value the more, becauſe of the ſobriety, and piety of the ſetters out of it, as by the diſputation at the end, doth appear) it was yet current in thoſe parts, and great endeavours were uſed, for the procuring of it, if to be purchaſed at any rate. So we find it there, and moreover, how men verſed in thoſe things, differed in their opinions: ſome accounting it a natural, other a magical ſtone, and the like. Whether Fernelius was the firſt, (as Dr. Harvy doth inform us) who placed the Oedipus, and unfolded the riddle, I know not: I rather ſuſpect, becauſe I find it explained in the copy of the Letter I have, which I take to be ancient, that it came from them, or theirs, that were the firſt contrivers of it. Now truly, had any man but ſuſpected, that it was poſſible, (concerning which we ſhall have a more proper place and full enquiry in our ſecond part) that any learned ingenuous man would be ſo diſingenuous, and ſo idle, as meerly for the pleaſure of the trouble, and puzle of others, to buſie himſelf to contrive a cheat: I think a leſs man than Oedipus, might have unfolded the riddle, for any great intricacy of it. I am confident, that nothing but a ſtrong preſumption and confidence, that Pinellus was too grave and too ſerious, to take ſuch a perſon upon him, made it a riddle ſo long. It might have been obſerved, that though the Author ſet down the time and place, when, and whether this ſtrange ſtone was brought, and alſo make bold with the Kings name, either upon a confidence, thoſe whom he did abuſe, would not ſoon have the opportunity to ask him; or becauſe he had obtained ſo much favour of the King, upon ſome plauſible pretence, that he was content to be named; yet it might have been obſerved, that in ſome other things, he ſpeaks not ſo particularly, as might have been expected. He doth intimate indeed, that many they were, beſides the King, that had ſeen it, and wondred at it: but names none particularly, as Joſephus doth, (by their relations and offices, which doth amount to a naming) and Laurentius, in their ſtories: this laſt eſpecially, very particularly; which takes away all poſſibility of either fiction or miſtake. And if any man think that the very ſtrangeneſs, or incredibleneſs of the ſtory, was enough to make a wiſe man ſuſpitious; ſhould we take a ſurvey of thoſe ſtrange things, ſecrets of nature, time hath diſcovered, in ſeveral ages of the world, ſomewhat might be found perchance, though ſince, becauſe better known, not ſo much regarded, that might deſerve as much admiration. To paſs by, what either Pliny upon the report of others, more ancient, or ſince him, Albertus Magnus, the wonder of his age, and many ages after, for natural knowledge, have written of ſome ſtones; which though written by ſuch, yet I believe no further, than I ſee cauſe; that is, than is approved true, by good experience, which is repugnant, I am ſure, to many of their traditions: I will only inſtance in the effects of quickſilver, known and tried, vulgarly enough, but accurately collected, and ſet out by Acoſta, in his Natural Hiſtory of the Indies, lib. 4. cap. 10. and 11. and by Levinus. Lemnius, De occult. Nat. Mir. lib. 2. cap. 35. we ſhall find ſome particulars of this imaginary ſtone, truly verified of quickſilver, and divers others not leſs admirable, with equal truth atteſted of it. But let us ſee: I think with little alteration, as ſtrange a riddle as this, might have been contrived: as thus, A very reſplendent ſtone, (or if you will, without any ſophiſtication; A liquor, that wets not) of no certain form, not tractable, without danger: and if you divide it in never ſo many parts, or parcels; of it ſelf, it will come, or affect to come into an entire body again: and which is moſt admirable, though it be the heavieſt thing in the world, yet with fire, it will vaniſh into ſmoak, the lighteſt thing in the world: and though vaniſh, yet not conſume; for ſooner or later, it will come to a body again, without any loſs or diminution. All this, to which more may be added, according to the deſcription of the two forenamed Authors: the word ſtone, which I am ſure is more proper of quickſilver, as it is a mineral, than of fire only added. Not to mention Gabriell Fallopius, who, of all I have ſeen, hath written of it, the vertues and properties, moſt accurately, in his book, De Metallis & foſſilibus, cap. 11. & 36.

AND who could tell, had the relation been true, but that this ſtone might have proved a Magical ſtone? Who hath not heard of thoſe Aſtrological (according to the vulgar opinion, and their uſual graveure; though the efficacy, by many aſcribed to the Stars and Planets; by more, and the more ſolid, to the Devil only) ſtones and gems, called by the Grecians, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and by the Arabs, Taliſmata; the uſe and ſuperſtition whereof though we abhor, yet the operations, atteſted by ſo many, how can we rationally deny? Let Gyges his ring, though not thought ſo by all that write of it, paſs for a fable; yet learned Camerarius, I am ſure, doth write of a ring of his time, for which he had the atteſtation of ſome, whom himſelf did believe very creditable, much more miraculous, than that of Gyges, becauſe this made the wearer only inviſible; when he would, and gave him light in darkneſs, at pleaſure; but the other repreſented things future, and a-far off, which of the two I account the greater wonder.

THIS, I thought not amiſs, to prevent the inſulting of thoſe ſapientiſſimi, or wondrous wiſe m[•]n, Sen[•]ca ſpeaks of, who when they hear, how many both learned and wiſe, were gulled by this cheat; will be ready to applaud themſelves, and ſay, what fools were they, that they could not ſee, that it was a lye: an arrant lye: an impoſſible thing. So that, if learned men, and honeſt men by common reputation; meerly for the pleaſure of deceiving, and puzling, (which hath too much of the humor of the Devil, to be believed of real honeſt men) will conſpire to turn juglers; I know no fence againſt it, but abſolute Incredulity, in ſuch caſes: which is a remedy as bad, or worſe than the diſeaſe; the danger of being cheated. But if, as by Fernelius is alledged, the end of the project was, to make men more ſenſible of their folly, who admire nothing generally, but what is ſeldom ſeen; whereas, in very truth, thoſe things, that are ordinary and daily, if looked upon with a Philoſophical eye, deſerve as much admiration; and ſtill ask for new ſigns from Heaven, when all that is about us, if rightly underſtood; what we daily handle and ſee; what we eat, drink and wear; are clear ſigns and evidences of the infinite power and wiſdom of the Creator; this, indeed, is a uſeful and pleaſant ſpeculation, which many Philoſophers and others, have largely inſiſted upon; and the fire, I grant, (as well obſerved by Avicen, whom Fernelius doth cite) is a very pregnant example; yet, ſome other way might have been found, I believe, as by a convenient parable, ſome prety fable, or ſo; which might have wrought upon the vulgar as well, as this crude lye.

I AM at an end of my firſt part, as to matter of Credulity or Incredulity, in things Natural, taken in that general ſenſe, before ſpoken of, and this will be our biggeſt Part. Now as a Corollary to it, not unbeſeeming my profeſſion, I will take the Ninty Firſt Pſalm of David, or ſome words of it, into conſideration, which will afford us ſome uſeful conſiderations, not improper, or impertinent to the ſubject we have handled. The ſubject of the Pſalm, is, the ſecurity of a godly man, who liveth under the protection of Almighty God, in times of greateſt dangers. But whether intended by the Author of it, to ſet out the ſecurity of all godly men, in general; and to all that are ſuch, equally appliable: or penned upon ſome particular occaſions, and more particularly appliable to ſome, than to others, may be a queſtion. Some ſuperſtitious Jews, from whom it is thought by ſome, that the cuſtom, or invention of ſuch rings, did firſt proceed, as the faſhion is of ſuch that deal in unlawful arts, to ſeek protection from the Scripture, by violent applications; have made bold to interpret this ſecurity here promiſed to the godly, of thoſe magical rings, made under ſuch and ſuch conſtellations, which have been, a little before ſpoken of. So I learn from that great Maſter of all good learning, Joſephus Scaliger, in ſome Epiſtles of his, ſet out in his Poſthuma. It is a great chance, if a bold Chymick will not ſay as much of the myſteries of his art. But wiſhing them ſounder brains, or better conſciences; whether the Pſalm, according to the firſt, either occaſion of it, or intention of the Pen-man, be generally appliable or no; we need not be very ſolicitous, ſince the ſubſtance of it, the ſecurity of the Godly, &c. is by other places of Scripture, affirmed and aſſerted; though not ſo emphaticaly, yet plainly enough, to make good all herein contained. Du Muis, late profeſſor of the Hebrew tongue, in Paris; who hath learnedly vindicated the integrity of the Hebrew Text, againſt Morinus, is ſo taken with the elegancy of the ſtile, in the Original Hebrew, and the ſublimity of the conceptions, that he thinks no Latin, or Greek piece, worthy to be compared with it. I ſhall not conteſt with him about that; neither is this a place: but it is obſervable, that even Heathen Poets have exerciſed their wits upon this ſubject, the ſecurity of a pious, upright man: which to ſet out emphatically, they have uſed ſome expreſſions as high, as any in the Pſalm. Witneſs H[•]race his, Integer vitae ſceleriſque purus: Non egit Maeuri [•]aculis, neque arcu, &c. Yet I never heard, that any body in thoſe days, did quarrel with them for it, though it was then, as it is now, a common obſervation, that honeſt upright men, were ſubject (beſides oppreſſion, to which their integrity under a tyrannical government doth more particularly expoſe them) to all publick calamities, or irregularities of Heaven, or Earth, as Plagues, and Famines, or the like; as other men. If thereof we take the words of the Pſalmiſt, as appliable to all godly men in general, which I think is the trueſt ſenſe, and firſt intention; they will not bear a literal conſtruction; neither, in that ſenſe, are they reconcileable with Jeremie's, and divers other holy mens complaints; even Davids, among others, in the 37. and 73. Pſalms, concerning the proſperity of wicked men in this world, and afflictions of the Godly. And though, as in all ages of the world, ſo now, there may be many, who are ready (in their ſecret thoughts, at leaſt) to quarrel with God Almighty for it, and tell him, in the language of theſe days, That he was bound in his Juſtice, to have ordered it otherwiſe; yet my opinion is, except God to allay the complaints of inſolent wretched men, would new mould the world; and retract or annul the myſteries of our redemption by ſuch a Saviour; (which to fancy, were both ridiculous, and damnable) it was, and is expedient, if not neceſſary, (a word not very fit to be uſed, when we ſpeak of Gods counſels) it ſhould be as it is. For, what ſhall we ſay? That in times of publick calamities, as Peſtilence, Inundations, and the like; Godly men ſhould be exempted, and they only periſh, that have not the fear of God before their eyes; known unto themſelves and others, for ſuch, by their lives and converſations? They only, but, not all, that are ſuch, for then the world would ſoon be deſtitute of inhabitants; that is apparent. Well, they only: but if not all; would not this give ground to them, that eſcape, to think themſelves, though nothing leſs perchance; righteous, and godly, and in the favour of God? And ſo harden them in their wicked courſes, as juſtified by God himſelf, in their preſervation? Certainly, beſides profeſt or ſecret Atheiſm and infidelity; there is not, among them that profeſs to believe; there is not, I ſay, any greater cauſe of miſcarrying, than preſumption; ſo prone we are, if we keep not a very ſtrict watch, and make it our daily buſineſs, over our actions, to think better of our ſelves, than we are, or God doth think, and know. What then would it be, if we had this further inducement of preſumption of our goodneſs, and Gods favour, that when others periſhed, we eſcaped? But again, would it not, if none but ſuch periſhed, give ground to them that are really godly, and upright in their lives and converſations; even to them, to think better of themſelves than they are; and as men out of danger, to grow proud and ſecure; highly conceited of themſelves; deſpiſers of others, (witneſs the late Saints, as they did call themſelves) than which no greater miſery can befal a godly man. And then, how can it ſtand with that grand myſtery of our faith, that we muſt be ſaved by faith; if this preſent world apparently were a place of reward to good and evil? Or a place, where good and evil are diſcriminated and diſcerned, by ſuch apparent, as I may call it, partiality? How can St. Paul's inference be juſtified and verified, that the proſperity of wicked men in this world, is a ſure evidence unto us, of a day of Judgment, becauſe we know, which even ordinary reaſon doth prompt, if we believe there is a God; that God is juſt?

HAD theſe things been well conſidered of, and much more, though not able to give an account of, we may think our ſelves in duty bound to believe, ſome both ancient and late, might have written more warily, than they have done. Of the Ancients, I could name ſome that write ſuſpitiouſly, but none that I remember, more peremptorily, than Lactantius: a profeſt Rhetoritian, and an elegant writer, but a raw Chriſtian; who maintaineth, that it is not poſſible, that either at Sea by tempeſt, or at Land by war, (or Peſtilence, he intended alſo certainly, though he doth not expreſs it) any juſt man ſhould periſh; but that either God, for his ſake, will preſerve the reſt, or when all the reſt periſh, that are not what he is, he alone ſhall be preſerved. So he the more excuſable, becauſe, as I ſaid before, but a raw Chriſtian. I am much deceived, if among the Proteſtant Commentators on the Pſalms, ſome one might not be found, who doth maintain the very ſame opinion. Bodinus, I am ſure, whether a Proteſtant, or a Papiſt, ſaith little leſs, concerning the power of Magicians and Witches; when he ſaith, that they cannot delude, or blind the eyes (an ordinary thing with them) of them, that fear God; to repreſent things unto them as true and real, which are not ſo, but in appearance only: which if true, we may upon the ſame ground conclude, they have no power at all upon their bodies, to annoy them: which indeed, without Gods permiſſion, we know they have not; but that is not to the purpoſe, for neither have they upon the bodies of others, till God permit, and give them leave; ſo that, in that, there is no difference. But to believe that none are poſſeſſed, or otherwiſe annoyed by the Devil, but wicked men, is a very uncharitable, and erroneous opinion; eaſily confuted by the Scriptures; beſides what hath been ſaid before, of Godly men, being ſubject to publick calamities, as well as other men. They that deſire further ſatisfaction in this point, may, if they pleaſe, and be able, read St. Chryſoſtome his large diſcourſe, in three ſeveral books, to one of his time, that was poſſeſt, and had already been ſo, when he wrote, for the ſpace of three years; whom he accounted, and ſo deſcribeth, as an exemplary man, for his holy life and converſation.

THERE was a tradition anciently, ſo ancient, that Gregory Nazianzen, and Prudentius were, and many more ſince, have been deceived by it; that S. Cyprian had been a great Magician, before he was converted to the Chriſtian faith: The occaſion of his converſion ſome ſay, was, that being paſſionately in love of a chaſt Chriſtian Virgin, and out of all hopes to ſpeed any other way; he had recourſe to his Maſter, the Devil, that by his means he might obtain his deſire. I find it in Vair, that the Devil ſhould preſently reply unto him, that againſt them that did truly and ſincerely worſhip Jeſus Chriſt, no power or art he had could prevail: at which Cyprian being ſurpriſed with great aſtoniſhment, reſolved preſently to become a Chriſtian. But this part of the ſtory, I do not find either in Prudentius or Nazianzen; but in Prudentius only this, that whileſt he was of that profeſſion, among other things, he made uſe of Magick, to compaſs his luſtful deſires; and in Nazianzen thus, that the Devil having done what he could to work upon the Virgin, in vain; at laſt (he hath done ſo, upon like occaſions, more than once, as later ſtories bear witneſs) did acknowledge ſo much to Cyprian, and put him out of all hopes of obtaining his deſire: at which Cyprian was ſo troubled, that he made bold to revile the Devil, (there be too many that will revile God himſelf, when they miſs of their ends) who in revenge, entered into him, and grievouſly tormented him; which forced him to apply himſelf to Chriſt for help, which having found, that ſo he became a Chriſtian. The beſt is, if this be not true of our St. Cyprian, whoſe learned and pious works are extant; it may be ſure, and probably is very true, of another, ſomewhat later Cyprian, who died a Martyr too; ſo that it is probably, but a miſtake of the name.

BUT if Vair were miſtaken in his account, as to the particular we are upon, grounded upon St. Cyprian's authority, to prove that a good Chriſtian is exempted from the ſtroak and ſmart of the Devil's perſecution, in general, and perſonal poſſeſſion, particularly: yet it may be ſupplied, partly out of Celſus, in Origen; and partly out of Origen himſelf. Out of Celſus, in Origen, lib. 6. pag. 312. where Celſus doth declare, that he had learned from an Aegyptian Muſician, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: ſo Printed, and ſo tranſlated, Muſicum, by the Latin interpreter: But I propoſe it to the conſideration of them, that are more at leiſure, whether [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], be not the more likely word; there being ſo much affinity between Macus and Aegyptius, in thoſe times, at leaſt, that the bare word, Aegyptius, as Baronius, Anno Ch. 327. Par. 17. doth well obſerve, is ſometime taken for Magus: And beſides, why ſhould Celſus regard what was ſaid, or affirmed by a Muſician, in this particular, being altogether out of his element and profeſſion) that Magick could not hurt them that were Philoſophers; that is, as the word is often taken, moral vertuous men; but only thoſe that were [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], undiſciplined men; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] corrupt in their lives and converſations. Out of Origen himſelf, who there doth very peremptorily deliver it, as a thing approved by good experience, that none that ſerved God according to the preſcript of Chriſt, and lived according to his Goſpel, and diligently applied themſelves night and day, to thoſe prayers that were preſcribed (by which I underſtand the Morning and Evening Service of the Church) could receive any harm by Magick, or by Devils. All this if taken preciſely, and limited to this preſent world and life, except it be reſtrained to ſome particular times, and occaſions, is, I think, ſpoken with more confidence, than truth.

YET I will not deny, but that probably, pious upright men, whom the conſciouſneſs of their piety and probity, hath not (as it often doth happen) made them ſecure, and preſumptuous, or proud, and arrogant, and deſpiſers of others; are not ſo ſubject to this kind of trouble, as wicked lend people. Neither will I be afraid to ſay though ridiculous, I know, to the wits, and wiſe of theſe times; that it may be true enough, which by ſome Witches hath been acknowledged to Remigius, that they had not the ſame power to execute their malicious deſigns upon thoſe, even little children, who daily and duly ſaid their prayers, as they had upon others. But withal, I would have that remembred and thought upon, which out of Pliny, where we treat of Prodigies, was obſerved before, of a natural kind of faith, and the efficacy of it, which may in part ſatisfie, why ſome, ſometimes, though not ſo religious otherwiſe, may be leſs obnoxious to the attempts of Devils and Witches, than ſome others, though more innocent and deſerving, for want of this kind of faith, (which, in ſome things, may ſupply the want of a more perfect, or Chriſtian faith) are.

NOW for them that are ſcandalized, that the Devil (with Gods permiſſion) ſhould have ſuch power over men, as well the good, as the bad: firſt of all, let them remember, that even St. Paul, that choſen veſſel, ſo great and gracious with God, was not exempted from the common condition of other Godly men; and what Gods anſwer was, when St. Paul addreſſed himſelf to him, for relief, and releaſe: and leaving to God, the ſecrets of his will, and his providence; let us conſider, what is, or may be manifeſt of it unto all men, to prove that there is a providence, which doth take care of the world, and all men in general; firſt, in reſtraining the power of the Devil, ſo that he that as an Angel, by nature, is able to do ſo much, can do nothing at all, without his permiſſion. In what caſe do we think the world, this ſublunary world, (though but a very little and inconſiderable point or piece, a man would think, in compariſon of the higher world, which he hath nothing to do with) this ſublunary world, I ſay, would be, if the government of it were left unto him; who nevertheleſs for the great power he hath in it, is ſtiled in the Scripture [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or Governour of the world: For what he doth to ſome, who partly ſeek unto him themſelves; or for ſome hidden reaſon, beſides their ſins, by Gods permiſſion, become obnoxious unto him; he would do unto all, who doubts it, even to the deſtruction of all, (his great ambition) were not his power reſtrained. And it is obſervable, that he hath moſt power, where God is leaſt known, and ignorance and brutiſhneſs moſt reign; as in the moſt Northern parts of the world, as by many is obſerved. But again: O the goodneſs, and mercy of God towards men! that though the Devil have ſuch power in the Earth, that all the treaſures of the Earth, may in ſome reſpect, be ſaid to be in his hands, and at his diſpoſing; yet he hath no power, or very little, to gratifie them, who by covenant, tacit or expreſs, have entred themſelves into his ſervice; which if he had, for one ſworn vaſſal, or ſervant that he hath, (ſuch is the madneſs of moſt men, leſt to themſelves, becauſe they do not ſeek unto God) he would have a hundred, if not a thouſand. But again, what miſerable ends they make commonly, that have ſerved him moſt faithfully, (an account whereof is given by more than one) and how baſely, he doth uſually forſake them in time of greateſt need; leaves them comfortleſs, deſperate and deſpairing; yea ſometimes, betrayeth them himſelf, and ſeems to rejoyce openly, (which we know, though he doth not ſhew it, he doth always ſecretly) and to inſult at their calamities. How many have been torn in pieces, by himſelf: or unmercifully ſnatched, and carried away, God knows whether? Others, with many curſes, ſtoned by the people; others ſome other way, not natural; helpleſs and hopeleſs ended their miſerable life? So have many of Gods ſervants too, as to bodily pains and torments; (ſome Atheiſtical wretch perchance, will be ready to reply) as thoſe the Apoſtle, in his Epiſtle to the Hebrews ſpeaketh of, who died cruel deaths: yea, cruel as to the world, we grant it, but not comfortleſs, even in greateſt pains; and honourable after their deaths.

BUT laſtly, is there not a providence, yea a miraculous providence, though little underſtood, and therefore leſs thought of, in this, that the Devil by the priviledge of his nature being endowed with ſuch power, and bearing ſuch hatred to mankind; yet cannot do one half, yea one quarter of the hurt, he doth unto men, were it not for the help of men, as imployed, and ſet on by men. A great and incomprehenſible myſtery, to the wiſeſt that write of it, that their power ſhould be ſo limited; but an effect, certainly, of Gods love, and reſpect towards men.

FOR theſe things therefore that are manifeſt, it well becomes all good Chriſtians to praiſe God, and to acknowledge his good Providence towards men; and for thoſe things we can find no ſatisfaction from reaſon, to ſubmit unto him with humility; which is ſo great a proof of true Religion, and Chriſtianity, that for this very thing we may believe many things are not revealed, for a trial of our ſubmiſſion and humility in this kind.

NOW to return to our Pſalm; It argued a noble mind in Plato, and doth reliſh of ſome kind of inſpiration, (I did think ſo, where I treat of it more largely, in the Annotations upon the Pſalms, before mentioned; upon the 37. Pſalm) who would have in his Commonweal, all happineſs, by law, ſo annexed to goodneſs, and righteouſneſs; that it ſhould not be lawful for any man, young or old, in any diſcourſe, publick or private, to ſpeak otherwiſe. And ſome pregnant arguments he hath, to prove it ſo, that ſuch only are truly and really the happy men of the world, who are upright honeſt men. But however, what opinion ſoever men might have of his arguments; it ſhould not be lawful for any man to ſpeak otherwiſe, hoping that in time ſuch language in all places, and companies, would breed in young people, an honourable eſteem of vertue and probity; and ſo diſpoſe them the better to the purſuit of it. Which, though ſome men may ſlight and deride, as they are ready to do every thing, that doth not fit their own fancy; yet to men of better judgment, and experience, may appear very conſiderable. And who can doubt, but that, when children, and young people, never hear the dead ſpoken of, (ſuch as died in wars, eſpecially, for their Country) but in the phraſe of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or happy men, which in thoſe days, was the proper expreſſion for a dead man: it did much conduce to breed in people a contempt of death, without which there can be no true generoſity? Whereas now, the common phraſe of, poor Man! poor Father! poor Mother! and the like; (which I could never hear without ſome kind of ſecret abhorrency, that Chriſtians ſhould come ſo ſhort of Heathens wiſdom) what can it breed in children, and weaker people, but a fear and deteſtation of death?

COULD I be perſwaded, as many anciently, and ſome of late have been of opinion, that Plato was acquainted with the Scriptures of the Old Teſtament; I ſhould make no doubt, but when he Commented that Law, he had in his thoughts the words of Eccleſiaſtes, which to me, in times of greateſt deſolation, when violence and oppreſſion were at their height, always proved a very comfortable cordial; Though a ſinner do evil a hundred times, and his days be prolonged, yet ſurely I know, that it ſhall be well with them that fear God; which fear before him: But it ſhall not be well with the wicked, neither ſhall he prolong his days, which are as a ſhadow, becauſe he feareth not before God, Eccleſ. 8.12. What is the effect of all this, Though he prolong; yet he ſhall not prolong, &c. but this; that though wicked men, in, and by length of days, and other worldly proſperity, may ſeem to ordinary reaſon and judgment, to be happy; yet really, they are not ſo, but in their very happineſs (as ſuppoſed) miſerable, and unhappy: a kind of contrariety, but not to faith. And what is it Plato would have, but this very thing; and that it ſhould not be lawful to ſpeak otherwiſe? But as to Solomon's words, let me add by the way: I conceive ſome wrong is done unto them, by breaking the coherence with the foregoing verſe, by a new Paragraph. For having in the eleventh verſe, pointed at one main ground of wickedneſs, and Atheiſm; which is, the not ſpeedy execution of Juſtice, in this world; and Gods ſuffering of wicked men, to thrive by their wickedneſs, (for, God is known by the Judgement he executeth: ſaith the Pſalmiſt) he doth oppoſe this noble confeſſion, or profeſſion of his faith, to vulgar judgments; which would be more clear, if, as often, ſupplied with a But: But I, though a ſinner, &c. Theognis, nay Homer, have ſaid the ſame, in effect: but I will not digreſs ſo far.

NOW to apply this to our Pſalm: It is the opinion of ſome learned men, that this Pſalm was penned of purpoſe for a formula, or pattern of praying, in time of danger. And indeed, I account it a moſt excellent, and Divine form of prayer, to that end; provided that we take St. Paul's expoſition along with it, which is, not to think our ſelves ſecured by thoſe words, that we ſhall not ſuffer any of thoſe things, private or publick, which are naturally incidental unto all men, as men; but to ſecure us, that if we put our truſt in God, and have a lively apprehenſion of his Goodneſs, Power, and Mercy, the end of our ſufferings ſhall be comfortable, and glorious. St. Paul's words are: Who ſhall ſeparate us, &c. from verſe 35. to the end of the Chapter. Certainly, if in all theſe, more than conquerors; then in all theſe happy, (as Plato would have it) truly, and really; though not always, nor all equally, ſo ſenſible, of our happineſs. Neither I think did the Prophet Habakkuk, by thoſe words, Yet we will rejoyce in the Lord: we will joy in the God of our ſalvation, Hab. 3.18. promiſe himſelf much joy, in a time of publick famine; ſuch a time Jeremy ſpeaketh of, when he ſaith, His eyes did fail with tears, &c. becauſe the children and ſucklings ſwoon in the ſtreets, &c. or altogether preſume, when others round about him died for want of bread; God would miraculouſly feed and preſerve him: but only this, that no calamity can be ſo great, and grievous, but if we truſt in God, and patiently ſubmit, we may find comfort in this confidence; That (to uſe St. Paul's expreſſion) the ſufferings of this preſent time, are not worthy to compared with the glory that ſhall be revealed in us, Rom. 8.18.

I HAVE ſaid what I intended upon this Pſalm: More perchance might be expected by ſome, concerning the ſeveral kinds, or orders of Spirits, which, by ſome, are ſuppoſed to be alluded unto, by the Pſalmiſt in thoſe words; Thou ſhalt not be afraid for the terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day, nor for the peſtilence that [〈…〉] darkneſs, nor for the deſtruction that waſteth [〈…〉] Ve[•]ſe 5. and 6. That there be different kinds [〈…〉] of [•]pirits, all evil, and enemies to mankind [••]ſhy v[•]e[•]d, though not ſo ready perchance, to ſubſcribe to every thing that Pſel[•]us, that learned Platoniſt (whether ſo ſound Chriſtian in all things, I cannot tell) hath written of them. And beſides them, there may be, perchance, ſome other ſubſtances or Spirits, (ſo called, becauſe not diſcernable by bodily eyes, in their own nature; but whether immortal, or no, I do not know) which have no quarrel at all to mankind, nor any particular intereſt in the affairs of men, but as they are caſually provoked or moleſted; and ſometimes, invited, and allured perchance, as ſome are of opinion. But all this, more than God by his Word hath been pleaſed to teach, and reveal, is to me but perchance, and, it may be, nothing that I know, or believe, with any certainty. And for my part, ſuch ſpeculations and enquiries, if purſued with much ambition and eagerneſs; and without ſome ſpecial occaſion, incident to any mans office or duty; I hold to be much more curious, if not dangerous, than profitable, or convenient, as elſewhere I have had occaſion more largely to declare my ſelf. As for thoſe words of the Pſalmiſt, there be, Delrio, and others, that will give a further account, if it be deſired. My purpoſe did not engage me, and I am very willing to let it alone.

FINIS.

OF CREDULITY AND INCREDULITY IN Things CIVIL. The Second Part.

HERE I ſhall deſire the Reader, in the firſt place, to take notice, that though we diſtinguiſh between things Natural and Civil; by Natural, underſtanding properly ſuch things, as are the work of Nature, immediately, without the concurrence, or intervention of man's will or counſel: and by Civil, thoſe which owe their production to the will or counſel of man: yet, in many things, Nature, and the will of man do cooperate, ſo that the ſame thing may in different reſpects, be reducible to either of the two, Nature, or the will of man. For example, ſome things that are done by Art, or commonly aſcribed unto Art, and of the ſame kind, apparently, as artificial things: yet, in truth, the effects of Nature, more than Art. So many actions of men, which flow originally from the natural temper, or preſent conſtitution of the body; or from ſome other natural cauſe, moving and inciting, but not conſtraining; except the preſent temper, or diſtemper have ſo far prevailed, as to force. Beſides, the very will of man may, in ſome reſpects, be reduced to nature; and all actions that proceed from it, in ſome reſpects, I ſay, not unfitly, be termed natural. For in very deed, God excepted, (whom nevertheleſs the Stoicks termed [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) there is nothing but in ſome ſenſe, is natural; even Monſters, the greateſt that are, and moſt wondred at; as Ariſtotle hath long ago taught us. If therefore in this Second Part, we inſiſt upon any thing, that might as well have been ſpoken of in the firſt, that the Reader might not raſhly cenſure, or condemn, as though we had forgotten our text, or ignorantly confounded matters; this warning, I thought, would not be amiſs.

BUT now I muſt meet with another objection, which may be as conſiderable, if not more. Of Credulity and Incredulity, in things Civil: what need of this, in this age; among us, in England, at leaſt? If ever there were a time, when thoſe verſes of the Poet,

Omnia jam fient, fieri quae poſſe negantur;

Et nihil eſt, de quo, non ſit habenda fides:

In Engliſh, more to our purpoſe, thus:

All wondring, ceaſe: ſuch things our Age, our eyes have ſeen;

Nothing now incredibl' which incredibl' hath been:

If ever a time, I ſay, when appliable, and true, in this our England, at leaſt: ſurely this is the time. Have we not ſeen a moſt godly religious Prince, and King; not by one ſingle Rogue, as two late Kings of France, one after another; but by his own Subjects, in multitude, pretending, not to Chriſtianity only, in general; but to the Proteſtant Religion ▪ (or Reformation rather) upon pretences of Juſtice and Religion, maſſacred in cold bloud, upon a Scaffold, erected in triumph before his own Houſe, or ordinary place of abode; with the applauſe and Hallelujahs, not of the ſaid multitude only, but of ſome others alſo, whom by their birth and education, no man would have thought capable of ſuch ſavageneſs and immanity? Have we ſeen this, and wonder to hear, that there was, or is yet, any ſuch people, or Nation, who when their Parents, Fathers and Mothers, are grown old and crazy, knock them on the head, or ſome other way, haſten their death, and feaſt themſelves, their Waves and Children, with their fleſh? Or if we be told (of which more afterwards perchance) of a certain People in the North, men and women, who for ſome time of the year, of creatures that are naturally rational, and made after the Image of God; turn into very Wolves; of all wild Beaſts, the moſt cruel and ravening: can we wonder at it, and think it incredible? But again, we have read with wonder, (if we believe it; though, truly, ſome later ſtories, well atteſted, may incline us, not to think it incredible) of a R[•]mus and Remulus, two Brothers, preſerved by the milk and nurſeſery of a ſhe-Wolf; and with no leſs wondring, but more certainty, of a Prophet, fed by Ravens, in a Cave. Should we well ponder that connexion, and concatenation of providences, which attended our preſent Gracious Sovereign; and among others, by which [〈◊〉] he was led, lodged, and fed in a Tree, whileſt his [•]mies round about did hunt and purſue him; to preſerve him to as miraculous (becauſe without bloud, and by thoſe hands, in part, that had been active in his Father's ruine) a Reſtoration: we need not make ſuch a wonder of either, to think the one (that of the two Brothers) incredible; or the other, of the Prophet, not credible, but as we have Scripture authority for it.

BUT thirdly: the burning of Cities; by enemies, eſpecially, and chances of war, to them that have read ſtories, cannot be very wonderful. Yet, ſuch is the nature of man; who would have believed, that he ſhould live, to ſee the burning of London? Eſpecially, when not by any publick Enemy? But that which makes it moſt wonderful, is, that though, to our great horror and amazement, we ſee it is done; yet how, and by whom, we do not yet certainly know: though, if reports be true, it was known and talked of by more than one, ſome days before it hapned. And, who knows, had not our Gracious Sovereign, and his Royal Brother, both by perſonal attendance, and by wiſe contrivances, appeared ſo zealous, as they did, for the quenching of it; whether any part of either London or Weſtminſter had been to be ſeen, at this day? All theſe, ſome as mercies, other as judgments; (not to mention the late dreadful Plague, the like whereof, for the continuance, and number of the dead, hath not been known in England) great wonders, as I ſuppoſe; and ſuch, as to, if not immediate, yet more remote poſterity may ſeem incredible. But the greateſt wonder, not to be uttered without deepeſt ſighs and groans, is yet behind. Such mercies, ſuch judgments, were enough to have made diſſolute Heathens, if not Chriſtians, (without ſome preaching alſo) yet moral honeſt men, religious, in their kind, and ſenſible of a Deity. And, behold! they have made of Chriſtians, in outward profeſſion, real Atheiſts, in their opinions; and worſe than Atheiſts, for all manner of licentiouſneſs, in their lives. Epicurus, who generally, in former ages, among all accounted ſober and wiſe, Heathens and Chriſtians, learned and unlearned, for his life; but more for his impious doctrine, and outragious oppoſition of whatſoever pretended to God, or godlineſs, was a name of horror and deteſtation; is now become the Saint, of many Chriſtians.

BUT leſt this by ſome, may be thought to be ſpoken more Rhetorically, and in oppoſition to the times, than truly and conſcionably: it will not be amiſs, nor impertinent to our preſent theme and task, to pauſe a-while upon this ſubject, and to conſider, how this man (which in former ages, among ſober wiſe men, that had any ſenſe of piety, would have been thought ſo prodigious, and incredible) came of late years, among other late diſcoveries of the age, by ſome accounted none of the leaſt, to be ſo well thought of amongſt us. But I began this, of the wonders of our age, in an objection: let me firſt anſwer it, leſt I forget it. It is very true, that this age beyond former ages, hath brought forth ſuch things, which they that have ſeen and believe, may, in a manner, think nothing incredible. But firſt, all men are not of one temper. And then, what we have ſeen, poſterity muſt believe, upon relation: and there will be a time, when what we know, to be true, becauſe we have ſeen it, to many, may ſeem ſo ſtrange, that they will, if not deny, yet doubt the truth of it. In a word therefore, whatever our luck may be, it is our deſire, that more than one age, or ſome that are not yet born, may reap the benefit of what we write. Now to Epicurus.

FIRST, for his life, of which more afterwards. But we will ſuppoſe him, for a time, to have been a ſober temperate man: or rather, his life to have been, ſober and temperate, externally. For it is a true obſervation, both of Philoſophers and Divines, that not the outward actions barely, is that that can denominate a man truly ſober and temperate, or juſt and righteous, and the like; but the opinions ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) from which thoſe actions do proceed. So nevertheleſs, that we, who do not ſee the hearts of others, judge charitably of all men, by their actions, which we ſee; except themſelves reveal their hearts, and make open profeſſion of their opinions. Epicurus his opinion, did very much engage him to a ſober temperate life; who, as he did acknowledge no humane felicity (I know what I ſay, and ſhall make it good, before I have done) preſent, or future, but in bodily pleaſure; ſo, knew well enough, and to that end, hath many ſpecious profitable memento's and advices to others of his crew; that the right and ſober management of ſuch pleaſures, was the way to enjoy them long, and to make them more pleaſing, at the very time. Beſides, I would ask, if the Devil have a deſign to infect men, with ſome impious execrable doctrine; will he chuſe (if he have choice) an open riotous lend man, to be his inſtrument, or a ſober man, in ſhew at leaſt, if he can have him? Which makes me remember, what I find in the Margents of a Lucretius, which once belonged to a very learned and judicious man. Over againſt thoſe words, at the beginning of the fourth book, Deus ille fuit, Deus, inclute Memmi, &c. he writes; Epicurus, Deus judicio Lucretii: meo, Diaboli [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] nequiſſimus: that is, Epicurus, in Lucretius his judgment, a God: in my judgment, a wicked Proctor, or Miniſter of the Devil. Let us therefore, in the firſt place, look into his opinions out of his own writings, whereof no queſtion can be made. Firſt, that the world (Heaven and Earth) came to what it is, not by any Providence, but by a caſual jumbling of atomes, (I need not comment upon that: ſome men I believe would be well pleaſed, to have them in childrens Catechiſms inſtead of ſomewhat elſe, that doth not ſo well pleaſe them) that Sun and Moon, were not intended, either for light, or for any other uſe, for the benefit of men; nor the eyes made to ſee, or the ear to hear, or the feet for motion; but all by chance, without any fore-caſt of providence. This is horrible: and there is more of it. But by the way, that the Sun and Moon were but juſt ſo big, and every Star, as they appeared unto us, and our eyes. There is no impiety in this, perchance, ſome will ſay: but I pray, hath not this man well deſerved, that his Philoſophy ſhould be inquired into, with ſo much care, and diligence? But we go on: That, what men call right and wrong, juſtice and injuſtice, vertue and vice, were but fancies, and empty ſounds; nothing, truly real, and worthy our purſuit, but what was pleaſant and delightful, which alſo was profitable. Is not this impious? can any thing be more? Was he a man, or a monſter, a Devil that could harbour ſuch thoughts, and take ſuch pains to ſeduce others, to the ſame perſwaſion? But I know it will be ſaid: Did not the ſame man explain himſelf, that by pleaſure, he did underſtand chiefly, a vertuous life, without which there could be no true pleaſure? And again, Doth not the ſame, though he acknowledged no Divine Providence, yet acknowledge and profeſs to believe, that there is a God; and that he thought it very convenient, that God, (whether one or more) for the excellency of his nature, ſhould be reverenced and worſhipped by men? But I beſeech you, can any man be ſo fooliſh, ſo ſottiſh himſelf; or ſo far preſume upon the ignorance and ſimplicity of others, as to plead this for Epicurus in good earneſt? What is before objected to him, is written, and maintained by him, very poſitively, without any exception, or qualification, in divers of his writings: as ſhall be more fully declared afterwards. But Epicurus knew, what had hapned to other profeſſed Atheiſts before him: it did concern him no leſs than his life, not to deny poſitively, the being of a God, or Gods. But what Gods I pray, did he acknowledge? How doth he deſcribe them? Homunculis ſimiles, lineamentis duntaxat extremis, non habitu ſolido, &c. that is, Like men and no men: having all the members of a mans body, but not the uſe of any: in the ſhape and outward appearance, but not ſubſtance of a body. So Cicero out of him, who, though he liked not his Philoſophy, yet did much favour his perſon, and never, or ſeldom ſpeaks of him, but very tenderly; not ſo much for his ſake, I believe, as for theirs, ſome of his beſt friends, that were of that Sect. Neither could he miſtake him, or miſreport him, than whom no man of thoſe times was better verſed in the writings of Greek Philoſophers. Seneca alſo, who did ſtudy to the utmoſt of his power, to acquit Epicurus, and to advance the credit of his ſentences; not without ſome reſpect to himſelf, probably, (whereof more afterwards) yet when he ſpeaks of his God, what a creature doth he make of it? Epicurus, ſaith he, did diſarm his God, as from all manner of weapons, ſo from all kind of power too: and that no man might have any cauſe to fear him, he hath thrown him far out of the world: (Extra mundum: for which ſome Editions, metum: others, motum: which Lipſius would have, metam: but mundum, the right certainly: confirmed by what followeth; In medio intervallo hujus & alterius coeli, deſertus, ſine animali, ſine homine, ſine re, ruinas mundorum, &c. as alſo by the ſame expreſſion, in another place, Alius illos extra mundum ſuum projicit) out of the world, both Terreſtrial and Celeſtial, as he doth explain himſelf afterwards: Nulla illi, nec tribuendi, nec nocendi materia eſt: Non exaudiens vota, nec noſtri curioſus, &c. De benef. 4. cap. 18. Any man that reads that whole paſſage, may eaſily ſee, that Seneca doth but make himſelf ſport with Epicurus his God, and thereby doth give us to underſtand plainly enough, what Epicurus his true intention was, by making ſuch a God. And yet, ſtrange, though that whole fourth book of Seneca be written againſt Epicurus his brutiſh opinion, that no man ſhould be kind, or loving to any other, but for his own ſake; and that, the only end of all friendſhip among men; and that he ſpeak very roundly of his, and their ſenſuality, that were of that Sect, in ſome places, as in the ſecond, and thirteenth Chapters particularly: yet ſome of his late Patrons are ſo ſhameleſs, as to produce ſome words out of this book, as ſpoken in good earneſt by Seneca, to commend him, and his admirable piety; than which nothing can be more ſenſeleſs and impudent, and more contrary to the drift of the whole book. And ſo, when he would ſeem to explain himſelf ſometimes, that by pleaſure, he did chiefly intend ſuch, as did proceed from a vertuous life; what ſober man that hath read his other writings, or ſuch paſſages out of them, in beſt Authors, whereof no queſtion can be made, where he doth ſo punctually, ſo expreſly deliver himſelf, and argue the caſe, but muſt think, except he had formally recanted, and diſowned thoſe writings, that he did but baſely, and impudently abuſe the world, by ſuch palliating gloſſes and explications? Might not he fear here alſo, that they (we call them Heathens: I wiſh there were no worſe Chriſtians) who were once ready, as Seneca doth ſomewhere record, to tear an Actor, upon the Stage, in pieces, for extolling the happineſs of wealth or money, ſo much, as to make it, Summum humani generis bonum: that is, The thing wherein mans happineſs doth chiefly conſiſt; would meet with him, ſome time or other, in the ſtreets, for ſetting up pleaſure, and voluptuouſneſs, as the only good, the only God, unto men? And ſuch an enemy to God and Providence was this wicked man, that in his writings now extant, when his atomes could not help him, and he doth acknowledge himſelf at a ſtand, and doth beg of others, that they would ſtudy and find ſomewhat, that hath any ſhew of probability, to help him out; yet he makes it always his condition, that they would not fly to God and a Providence; he had no patience to hear of that. And ſo much for the Doctrine of the new Saint: Now for his Life.

WHAT was laid to his charge, whileſt he lived, even by ſome of his own diſciples, who profeſſed they left him meerly for the leudneſs of his converſation; and by others after his death: Diog. Laertius, who hath written his life, doth, in part, at the very beginning of it, declare. But then he tells you, they were all lyes; and that ſuch and ſuch Epiſtles, and other writings, evidences of his wicked life, were but fictitious writings: and this, Gaſſendus his friend, the great reviver and abettor of Epicuriſm, in this unhappy age, doth take for a very ſufficient refutation. But I pray you, what was Diog. Laertius, that his authority, ſo many ages after Epicurus his death; when all the world almoſt, had conſented in their judgments againſt him; ſhould be oppoſed to the authority of ſo many worthy men, of all profeſſions, Philoſophers, Hiſtorians, Mathematicians, Poets, of his, and ſome precedent ages? Of which numbers ſome were ſo far from being Stoicke, that they wrote againſt them. Was he not, himſelf, this Diogenes, not to [〈◊〉] of his defects otherwiſe, which have been obſerved [〈◊〉] learned men; a profeſſed Epicuraean? [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]· not therefore, among indifferent impartial men, in reaſon, to be admitted as a witneſs; or if admitted to ſpeak, yet not ſo to be truſted, as Gaſſendus doth him, in every thing, though there be never ſo many witneſſes, of far better worth and credit, to the contrary. And yet we may obſerve, how Gaſſendus doth ſtretch his words ſometimes, to make them ſerve his turn, beyond all reaſon and equity. For example: Where Laertius, after that he hath related the accuſations of many, of ſeveral heads, or crimes, againſt Epicurus; he concludes, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. This Gaſſendus (page 140.163.) would have to belong to all, that went before; whereas it will appear (to ſay nothing of the [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], which may be here a pregnant word, oppoſed to [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, thoſe before ſpoken of; including a tacit conceſſion) that it belongs to the laſt accuſation only, (though that alſo, moſt true, by the atteſtation of more ancient and conſiderable witneſſes, than ten ſuch as Laertius: as Cicero, Plutarch, &c.) whereby Epicurus is cenſured as one, that deſpiſed all men, but himſelf; even thoſe to whom he did owe what he was, and whoſe writings he had uſurped, and ſubſtituted for his own. To which Laertius doth oppoſe many things, to prove his [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: his Parents, his Friends, his Diſciples, his Country; and then goes on to the refutation of other crimes. And indeed, how could Laertius ſay, that all the former accuſations were falſe, when ſome were taken out of his own books, and writings, acknowledged by Laertius, and whereof no queſtion was ever made, but that that they were his? As for example, that he ſhould write in his book, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (or, of mans felicity) [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], &c. that is, For what to call good, if you take away the pleaſure of taſte, and of the ear, and thoſe pleaſures, which ariſe from beauty, and carnal copulation, I know not. Which words to be Epicurus's, is atteſted by divers Ancients, (whoſe atteſtation we ſhall not need, becauſe not denied by Laertius) but eſpecially by Cicero, very particularly; firſt in his II. De finibus, where he tranſlates him thus; Qui teſtificatur, ne intelligere quidem ſe poſſe quid ſit, aut ubi ſit ullum bonum, praeter illud quod cibo & potione, & aurium delectatione, & obſcaena voluptate capiatur: but more fully in his third Tuſculan, where he hath a long Comment upon the words, taken out of that book of Epicurus, De ſummo bono: of which Cicero ſaith, that it doth fully comprehend their diſcipline or doctrine; and is full, he ſaith, of ſuch ſayings, in commendation of voluptuouſneſs, and carnal pleaſures. Durſt Cicero oppoſe theſe things, to his Epicuraean friends, who were many, and of the beſt he had, had there been any ground at all, in thoſe days, of ſuſpition for that, which Gaſſendus would have us to believe, that thoſe were ſpurious writings, or interpolated, and corrupted by the Stoicks, Epicurus his enemies? If we take that liberty, we ſhall not know what to ſay of any man, what he believed or maintained, by his writings: What Plato; what Ariſtotle, what any Fathers or Hereticks; if it will ſerve to ſay, thoſe writings are ſpurious, or adulterated and corrupted. But obſerve, I pray, how earneſtly, how ingenuouſly Cicero doth expreſs himſelf, and appeal to the conſciences (if they had any) of thoſe men: Num fingo, num mentior? cupio ref. &c. Do I feign or forge? Do I lye? I rather wiſh I could be confuted. For what do I labour, but that the truth (O Chriſtians hear this) in every controverſie may prevail, or, be underſtood, and come to light. Here Gaſſendus ſhould have fixed, could he have found or deviſed any thing, to help his friend out of the mire. But ſuch convincing paſſages, not to be eluded by any art, or ſophiſtication of wit, he wiſely paſſeth over: but with all poſſible diligence ranſacks all kind of Authors, to ſee what he can find, that may with the help of his ſophiſtry, and falſe dealing, have a ſhew of ſomewhat, to make that beaſtly ſwine, to appear in the ſhape of a rational man. Were it my buſineſs now, or could I ſtand ſo long upon it, without treſpaſſing too much either againſt my Readers patience, or my preſent weakneſs of body, as to examine all his allegations, I am very confident, there is ſcarce any thing conſiderable in his whole book, but would be found, either impertinent, or falſe: as if it had been the priviledge of that cauſe, (as indeed it is the neceſſity, becauſe not otherwiſe pleadable) and for which he hoped no man would blame him. I ſhould ſay ſo too, could any neceſſity oblige an honeſt man to undertake ſo wicked a cauſe. However, that I may give a taſte to the Reader, I will take one of the moſt conſiderable Chapters in the whole book, the ſeventh of the third book, where he doth examine Plutarch's authority, or teſtimony concerning Epicurus: a Chapter, one of the moſt conſiderable, I ſay, becauſe of that high Elogium which he doth give unto Plutarch, Nullum authorem omni memoria extare, quem cum viro illo eximio comparandum exiſtimem; That no age (without exception) hath born any Author, whom he can, for true worth, compare with him. I have a very great opinion of Plutarch too; and if inſtead of ſo many fooliſh Romances, Stage-plays, and the like; ſuch a ſerious Author, who hath variety enough to pleaſe every palate, were read; it is not likely, that the Gentry and Nobility could degenerate ſo much every where, as they are generally reported. But except he were read in his own tongue; (which to do, were he the only Greek Author, now extant, I think three or four years ſtudy to learn that tongue, would not be miſ-ſpent) I wiſh he were better tranſlated. But I muſt except the French tranſlation of the Lives, which is excellent. Such an opinion I have of Plutarch; yet I ſhould hardly go ſo far, as Gaſſendus doth. Now let us ſee how he doth deal with this worthy man, and how with his Reader. That Plutarch doth generally (always I might ſay) ſpeak of Epicurus, as an infamous and ſenſeleſs man, that is not denied. Such a lover of reaſon, and vertue, could not but heartily compaſſionate the phrenzy of ſo many men, who in all ages have been glad to find a patron of their ſenſuality. Though divers books he wrote againſt him, are not now extant; yet there be enough to ſatisfie any man, what he thought of Epicurus, and his doctrine. This could not but grievouſly pinch Gaſſendus, and deeply wound the cauſe that he had undertaken. But what if he can ſhew from Plutarch himſelf, that he rather followed the common opinion, in what he wrote of Epicurus, than his own judgment, or the truth? I muſt needs ſay, that in my judgment he had done much, and more than any ten or twenty Chapters of his book, if well examined, will amount unto: though very ſtrange, if not incredible, that ſo grave a man, ſo ſerious, would not only occaſionally ſpeak of him, as others did, generally, whether right or wrong: but would write books of him, and againſt him, of purpoſe, which nothing did oblige him to do; only to countenance a publick falſe fame. But let us hear. Plutarch, ſaith he, in one place after he hath mentioned what thoſe crimes are, which made Epicurus and his followers infamous to the vulgar, to wit, want of friends, (that is, to admit of no friendſhip among men, but ſuch as is grounded upon preſent profit, or gain, and ſelfiſhneſs, if I may ſo ſpeak; which to have been Epicurus his opinion, Laertius himſelf doth not deny) an idle life, Atheiſm, voluptuouſneſs, neglect of all things: (but pleaſures, or ſenſuality) well, what then? Then, ſaith he, Plutarch doth object to himſelf; but theſe things unjuſtly, perchance; (are objected or laid to their charge) to which he doth anſwer; yea, but it is not truth, but opinion that we look after. And ſo concludes, that Plutarch by his own confeſſion in thoſe things he did write of Epicurus, was [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] not [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: a follower, or lover of opinion, and not of truth. And if Plutarch, ſo grave, ſo ſerious; why not we, as elſewhere he doth argue, believe it of others alſo? Is not this enough, think we, to make Epicurus victorious, in deſpight of all teſtimonies, and evidences? For if Plutarch, who was no Stoick, (the common exception, as if all Stoicks had been Epicurus his ſworn enemies, which is moſt falſe) nor friend to Stoicks, he hath written againſt them it is well known: But if Plutarch alſo, was carried with the general fame, though he knew the contrary to be true: what may we expect from others, though very numerous, yet, with Gaſſendus, not of equal credit and authority, as Plutarch; according to that judgement which he made before of him? But now look upon Plutarch, and we ſhall ſee (for he was too learned and diligent, that we ſhould think it a miſtake) what conſcience this man made, of lying for Epicurus. Among other books that Plutarch did write againſt Epicurus, one is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: that is, That in following Epicurus and his doctrine, (though pleaſure, the only thing that he did ſeek) a man cannot live with pleaſure. This to prove, he doth uſe many arguments, and doth alledge divers paſſages out of Epicurus his own writings. All this while, nothing, as doubting, or following the common opinion, but very poſitively and peremptorily. At laſt, two or three parts of the book already ſpent, ſtill purſuing his purpoſe, that according to Epicurus, men cannot live with pleaſure; he proceeds to another proof, or argument, which is this: Epicurus did believe, that from a good report, or name, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) ſome pleaſure was to be reaped. Himſelf, as Plutarch out of his own writings doth prove; a vain-glorious man, if ever man was, and covetous of praiſe and reputation. But ſo it is, ſaith Plutarch, that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], &c. that Atheiſm, voluptuouſneſs, &c. which things all men, (I deſire the Reader to obſerve) but they that profeſs it, aſcribe to that Sect, are things generally odious, and infamous, in the higheſt degree; whence it muſt of neceſſity follow, that from this conſideration alſo, Epicurus doth not go the right way to pleaſure. This to make yet ſtronger, and to prevent all ſubterfuges or evaſions, Plutarch, as from one of them, doth anſwer: O but theſe things are laid to our charge wrongfully: (the baſeſt of the world generally, would be accounted honeſt, if they knew how) what is that to the purpoſe, replieth Plutarch, whether true or no? The queſtion is not now, whether deſervedly, or undeſervedly; whether truly or falſly; but what reputation, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) you have in the world. For who doth not ſee, that if a man, (which was proved before of Epicurus, and his adherents) place happineſs, or part of happineſs, in a good name; and become, whether juſtly or unjuſtly, infamous; he doth thereby undoubtedly loſe ſome part of his happineſs. Therefore ſaith Plutarch, arguing from their own ſuppoſitions and opinions; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: reputation, and not truth, or true deſert, is the thing we here enquire into. And indeed had Plutarch upon this their anſwer, gone about, by good proofs and evidences (which elſewhere he doth plentifully) to make good, that what was laid to their charge, Atheiſm, &c. was very true, and real, as it was generally believed; he had, in that, wronged his cauſe, and made an unſeaſonable digreſſion; ſince, it was nothing at all to the queſtion propoſed, what man Epicurus had been really, or what his followers were, or had been; but what fame ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) they had in the world. And could Gaſſendus, grounding upon the ambiguity of the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and concealing the occaſion, and the coherence, (a notorious kind of jugling, and falſification) could Gaſſendus, I ſay, from theſe words infer that, as Plutarch's acknowledgment, that what he had written of Epicurus, was all in compliance to opinion, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) and not according to truth? Or did not Gaſſendus more probably rely ſo much upon the favour of the times, and thoſe that did ſet him on work, that he thought any argument that had but any ſlender appearance of truth or probability; if but favouring Atheiſm, and ſenſuality, would paſs currently enough, and get him fame and good will, to boot?

BUT we have not done. Plutarch in the ſame book, a little before, doth mention that famous Letter (mentioned by ſo many) of Epicurus, when upon his death-bed: by which he makes himſelf a notable ſtout man, who in ſuch extremities of bodily pains, (as he doth expreſs) could enjoy himſelf with ſuch peace and tranquillity of mind. In which peace and tranquillity to preſerve him, that which, by his own words and acknowledgment, as ſet out by Plutarch, did moſt conduce; was, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: that is, the remembrance of thoſe (according to the propriety of the words, fleſhly) pleaſures, he had formerly enjoyed. This Plutarch thinks very ſtrange, and almoſt incredible: (wicked varlet! as though he intended with his laſt bloud, to ſeal the truth of his abominable doctrine) But here Gaſſendus doth inſult: At hic Plutarchus, &c. But Plutarch, to the end that he might more effectually traduce Epicurus, hath depraved and changed the words, &c. who can excuſe Plutarch, if guilty of ſo great a crime: or Gaſſendus, if it prove an arrant falſehood, and calumny? The queſtion is, whether Epicurus wrote, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], as before exhibited, and tranſlated: or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, The remembrance of our former diſcourſes and reaſonings: as exhibited by Diog. Laertius, and tranſlated by Cicero, II. De ſinibus; memoria rationum inventorumque noſtrorum. And this, Gaſſendus thinks is enough (himſelf, I doubt, did not think ſo: he had read Cicero better than ſo) to prove Plutarch a falſary. I muſt acknowledge, that Cicero's tranſlation is a great evidence, for that reading, exhibited by Laertius. But had Gaſſendus looked further into Cicero, or rather ingenuouſly told us, all that he knew, Ʋna eademque manus, vulnus opemque: he would have told us, that as the reading exhibited by Laertius, is found in Cicero; ſo, that exhibited by Plutarch, in the ſame Cicero, more than once, I am ſure; as particularly, V. Tuſcul. Sed una ſe dicit recordatione acquieſcere praeteritarum voluptatum: and again in the ſame book, from whence that other reading is produced, more punctually, and emphatically; ſed vobis (ſpeaking to men of that Sect) voluptatum perceptarum recordatio beatam vitam facit, & quidem corpore (according to the proper ſignification of the word, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) perceptarum. And this enough, I think, to acquit Plutarch from all ſuſpition of any falſification: what can be ſaid for G[•]ſſendus, to acquit him of falſe and injurious dealing, except this, that it was for ſo good an end, as to promote Atheiſm or Epicuriſm, I profeſs I know not. Well, it muſt needs be, that either in Cicero's time both thoſe readings were in the Text of that Letter, (which may be thought the more probable, becauſe C[•]cero in the ſame book, or place, takes notice of both) or, that there were two different Copies of that one L[•]tter, and that Cicero made uſe of either reading, as he ſaw occaſion. This is certain: to which I will add, as to me not improbable, though I will not affirm it, that ſome of Epicurus his friends, or diſciples, when that letter came firſt abroad, being much aſhamed of thoſe words, exhibited by Plutarch, did make that alteration, of the reading exhibited by Laertius: which probably, that reading I mean, never came to Plutarch his knowledge. But ſee the force of conſcience, ſometimes, let a man reſolve againſt it never ſo much. After Gaſſendus had charged Plutarch with two ſuch foul crimes, the one, of conforming himſelf to the opinions of the vulgar, to take away an honeſt and worthy mans good name, againſt his own conſcience: the other, of adulterating writings, of purpoſe, that he might have ſome ground to calumniate: (what could be ſaid more, of the arranteſt rogue of the world) yet at laſt, a ſudden qualm takes him; (Ne Plutarchum accuſare videar) leſt I may be thought to accuſe Plutarch, ſaith he, and ſo doth end: whether pricked in his conſcience, becauſe he knew he had accuſed him falſly, as I rather believe: or aſhamed of his own inconſtancy, that he had commended one ſo highly, whom afterwards he had charged with the greateſt baſeneſs and diſhoneſty, that can be laid to any mans charge; for either, or for both, let the Reader judge: but a fit man (obſerve we that, by the way) to make a Saint, of a rogue; that could make a rogue (to ſerve his turn) of ſuch an incomparable perſon, according to his own teſtimony, in the beginning of the Chapters. And as he hath dealt with Plutarch, in this, juſt ſo, in effect, by falſe gloſſes and interpretations, doth he deal with Galen, in the next Chapter. Galen, no Stoick, but a true lover of vertue and ſound reaſon; and upon that ſcore, a mortal enemy of Epicurus his phrenſies, and leud doctrine: and let me add, one, (and ſo Plutarch, and Cicero) who was better able to judge, what was falſly adſcribed to Epicurus, what not; than a hundred ſuch, as Diogenes Laertius ever was.

WELL, but was not Epicurus however, a valiant man, who in ſuch pains, as he was then in, could write ſo couragiouſly, as in this, and in ſome other Epiſtles of his, written at the ſame time, he doth? I anſwer briefly: It is no wonder at all, that a very wicked man, ſhould die in his wickedneſs, very reſolute and undauntted. There be many examples in all Hiſtories: and ſome reaſons might be given, were it our buſineſs here, why it is ſo. But ſecondly, we are not bound to believe whatſoever he ſaith of himſelf, that he was in ſuch pain, when he wrote thoſe Letters; whom we know to have been a moſt vain, ſelf-conceited wretch, as covetous of praiſe, as ever man was; ſo far as may be learned by his own writings. A vanity (ſuch is the force of it in ſome men) for which men have endured great torments, wilfully; and have undergone ſtrange deaths. I could ſay more, but this is more than I needed. But I may not omit, that this Letter of Epicurus is mentioned by Seneca alſo, more than once: as particularly, Epiſt. 9[•]. which I think Gaſſendus would not have omitted, had he been pleaſed with Seneca's words and judgment about it. For Seneca there, as a Stoick, arguing that bodily pleaſure, or ind[•]lency, was not a thing conſiderable at all, to true vertue: Theſe things may ſeem incredible, ſaith he: but is it not as much incredible, that any man in extremity of bodily pain, ſhould ſay, I am happy. And yet this v[•]ry word (or ſpeech) hath been heard in the ſhop or wardrobe (officina) of pleaſure. I am at my laſt and happieſt day, ſaith Epicurus, w[•]en on the one ſide, great difficulty of making of water, on the other, the uncurable dolour of an ulcerated belly, did t[•]rment him. How then ſhould theſe things we have ſaid, ſeem incredible to them, that apply themſelves to the ſtudy and practice of vertue; when even among them, who are lead altogether by pleaſure, they are found? Even thoſe degenerate, low (or, baſe) minded men, cay ſay, we ſee, that a wiſe man in greateſt pains, greateſt miſeries, can be happy. And is not this incredible, yea much more incredible, than any thing we have ſaid of true vertue? But I cannot conceive, how true vertue being once caſt down from its true height, or eminency, (of being able, of it ſelf, to make men happy, without the acceſſories of fortune, bodily pleaſure, &c.) can keep it ſelf from ſinking to the very bottom: (of ſcorn and contempt) So Seneca of Epicurus, and his doctrine, in that place. What, elſewhere, ſomewhat ſhall be ſaid of that too, by and by.

I HAVE done with my Chapter, and if any be ſo much at leiſure, to follow this example, in all the reſt; I durſt promiſe them, if judicious, and diligent, no worſe ſucceſs in all the reſt. But it may be, though I choſe this, as the moſt conſiderable Chapter, yet ſome will think St. Gregory Nazianzen his authority much more conſiderable, even in this, than Plutarch's; whoſe teſtimony, and his only, of all the Fathers, or Eccleſiaſtical writers, as I remember; Gaſſendus doth produce to prove Epicurus his innocency, and chaſt life: De vita, &c. lib. 7. cap. 4. Quem merito, ſaith he, innumerae obloquentium turbae praeferendum cenſeas. Well, be it ſo. What ſaith this godly Father? The ſumm is: (it is in Verſe) that Epicurus did maintain pleaſure to be the chiefeſt good of man; but leſt he ſhould be underſtood to ſpeak this of baſe bodily pleaſure (ſo Gaſſendus his tranſlation: but the words rather imply; leſt he ſhould be thought to commend pleaſure unto others, becauſe of the pleaſure himſelf had taken; or becauſe himſelf had indulged unto pleaſure: which makes a very different ſenſe; for it doth not acquit Epicurus, of making bodily pleaſure the end or happineſs of man; but this only, that himſelf for bare ſuch pleaſures, of purpoſe, to acquire the more authority to his doctrine) himſelf lived (it is falſly printed, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in my book, for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) chaſt[•]ly and ſoberly, helping his doctrine by his practice. So Nazianzen. And this may ſeem ſomewhat. But had Gaſſendus dealt ingenuouſly with his Reader, beſides the true ſenſe which he hath concealed; he would have told him, that Nazianzen in that piece, and place, doth profeſs to relate, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], things that were ordinarily reported of ancient Philoſophers, not engaging himſelf for the truth. He ſaith indeed, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: that is, That he would not deny them, or be incredulous; for that it is poſſible to find examples of temperance and ſobriety, even among Heathens. That he muſt be underſtood tenderly, not of perfect belief, doth clearly appear even by the examples which he doth relate. For after Epicurus, the next he doth mention, is, Polemon, of whom, among other things, he doth relate (from publick fame, as all the reſt) that a publick whore, being ſent for by a young gallant; as ſhe was come to the door, by the ſight only of Polemon's picture, was turned back. Nazianzen doth call it, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], a wonder, or miracle; which I think we may read, and ſuſpend our belief, without any breach of that reſpect, which we owe to that holy Father. But Gaſſendus might have told us withal, what the ſame Nazianzen, elſewhere, not in Verſe, but in Proſe, doth object unto the ſame Epicurus; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], Atheiſm: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], his Atomes: that is, the denying of a Providence: and [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], the commendation, if not purſuit (which is more likely) of a voluptuous life, (or pleaſure) unworthy the name (or profeſſion) of a Philoſopher: Naz. Orat. 33.

BY this may appear, how Gaſſendus may be truſted, in this cauſe. Yet we deny not, but Epicurus, what ever his life was, hath many fine ſayings, which might make Seneca to judge, at leaſt, to ſpeak the more favourably of his life; and the rather, becauſe it was, in part, his own caſe. I have a better opinion of Seneca, than to compare him with ſuch a lend man. Yet it cannot be denied, that he alſo gave too much occaſion to the world to upbraid him, that he did not live, as he ſpake, and taught others. Which troubled him not a little, as may appear by that paſſionate Apology that he makes for himſelf, and all Philoſophers in general, to whom the ſame was objected, in ſome of his books. Yet for all that, though ſome men can diſtinguiſh between doing, and ſaying; who may be more ſcandalized, where they obſerve ſuch contrariety between ſpeeches and actions, than edified; yet generally it hath always been the propriety of the multitude, to be led more by words, than by deeds; by appearance, than reality: which made that grave Hiſtorian, Polybius, to pronounce the generality of men, much inferior to bruits, in point of forecaſt and judgment. And to this, we may aſcribe factions, and rebellions, and ſchiſms, and almoſt all the evils, by which the publick peace and tranquillity of either Church or Eſtates is diſturbed, and infeſted. And ſo in Epicurus his caſe: Atque his (fine ſentences of Epicurus, and his Mates) capiuntur imperiti; & propter hujuſmodi ſententias iſtorum hominum eſt multitudo: Cicero's true judgment, and obſervation in a place.

NEITHER is it impoſſible, or improbable, that Epicurus and others of his company, either by fits, through meer mutability of mind, which is obſerved, of many: or of certain deliberation and purpoſe, after great debauches and ſurfeitings of pleaſures; did betake themſelves to more than ordinary temperance, and frugality, for a-while: not out of any love to vertue, which he doth abſolutely deny in his writings, to have any real being, or exiſtence; but that they might return to their wallowing, more freſh and vigorous: and (as before ſaid) that they might hold out the longer. So that, as his writings (obſerved by ſome Ancients) were full of contradictions, ſo might Epicurus his life be; and thence proceed that variety of judgments concerning it, which Gaſſendus, but very partially, hath ſet out. To this purpoſe Lactantius his words De Div. Inſt. lib. 3. c. 17. having firſt proved the effect of them, by ſundry particulars of Epicurus his doctrine, are very pertinent: Hic homo aeſtutus, ex variis diverſiſque moribus, circulum colligit, & dum ſtudet placere omnibus, majore diſcordia ſecum ipſe pugnavit, quam inter ſe univerſi: that is, Epicurus, being crafty, out of ſeveral and different manners, or diſpoſitions of men, he did gather unto himſelf (the Congregational way, as I take it) a number, or company; and whileſt he doth endeavour to pleaſe all men, he did diſſent from himſelf, no leſs, or more, than his promiſcuous company did from one another.

THERE is a Letter of one of his whores, yet extant, which doth ſet out his abominable leachery, and jealouſie withal, even in his old age. What ſaith Gaſſendus to that? That certainly, if Laertius had ſeen it, he would have ſaid of that alſo, that it was a counterfeit Letter. So, he takes it for granted, that whatſoever Laertius the Epicuraean, hath ſaid, or might have ſaid, as he doth ſurmiſe, to defend Epicurus, muſt be true: and indeed, deny him that, and all his book doth come to nothing. But to do him no wrong; he ſaith moreover, that that whore was dead, before Epicurus died. What is this to the purpoſe? Might not ſhe write, as ſhe doth of him, and yet die before him? But ſhe makes Epicurus eighty years old when ſhe wrote; and he was not ſo old, (true, or not, I do not enquire at this time: I need not) when he died. As though it were not ordinary, in ſuch exprobrations of unnatural luſt, to make a man ſomewhat elder, than naturally, and in exactneſs of computation, he is? But the ſtyle of the Letter is affected, and ſtudied. The more likely, to be hers. For ſhe was Epicurus, not his whore only, (one of them) but alſo diſciple; and mentioned by others, as a piece of a Philoſopher. Let any man read it: it is a prety long Letter. If he find ſo much affectation in the whole Letter, as may be found in three or four lines of Epicurus, acknowledged to be his; I muſt acknowledge, that my judgment in ſuch things, is very ſmall. However, this Letter, though acknowledged for a true Letter, by two learned men, who have written upon Diogenes Laertius; yet, were it the worſt thing that can be objected to Epicurus, I ſhould not ſpeak of him, with ſo much confidence, as I do; becauſe I do not remember any thing of it in Cicero, nor any other Ancient; which to me, is a greater argument to ſuſpect it, than any thing that Gaſſendus doth object againſt it. But though I remember nothing of this particular Letter, in any ancient Author; however, he that ſhall read what Plutarch (that incomparable man, as Gaſſendus doth ſtyle him) out of Epicurus his own books, doth record of ways deviſed and commended by Epicurus, to prolong and maintain luſt and leachery (that is, happineſs, in their ſenſe) in old age, when nature is ſpent; he will either believe, this Letter, probably, a true Letter; or that they, that made that ſtrumpet of Epicurus as ſhe doth, did Epicurus no great wrong. Plut. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. &c. as before: not very far from the beginning: Edit. Gr. in 8. pag. 2008.

BUT that which, in my judgment, is, beyond all exaggeration of words, wicked and impious, is, that not content to clear Epicurus (ſo well as he could) from the imputation of an Atheiſt; he doth endeavour to make him a very religious man; yea ſo religious, as I doubt few Chriſtians, were it true, as it is moſt falſe, can be compared unto him. For, ſaith he, ordinary men ſerve God, either for fear, or for a reward, which is a ſervile worſhip. But Epicurus did not fear God; that is, believe that God could, or would do him any hurt; nor yet expect any reward at his hands: if therefore he did nevertheleſs honour, and worſhip God, meerly for the excellency of his nature; (as he would have us to believe) it doth follow, that his ſervice did proceed from meer filial love and affection, which is the trueſt and nobleſt worſhip. But before we ſpeak of the impiety, let us obſerve a little, the abſurdity and incongruity of this aſſertion. Was not Epicurus the man, who peremptorily maintained, that a wiſe man loved no body, but himſelf; did nothing, but for his own ſake, his own profit, and intereſt? What more frequent than that, in his writings? Inſomuch, that he would not allow of any love or friendſhip, between man and man, but ſuch as was, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], as Laertius hath it; that is, ſuch as is grounded upon meer profit and utility. How probable then, nay poſſible, that he ſhould love God, for his bare conceited excellency; who profeſſed to love nothing, and ſo taught others, but for his profit? He that loveth not his brother, whom he hath ſeen, how ſhould he love God, whom he hath not ſeen? He that could not believe, that God could be ſo good, as to take any care of men, becauſe men could not do any thing for God, by way of requital: (witneſs Lucretius, that perfect Epicuraean, and ſuch an admirer of his doctrine; Quid enim immortalibus atque beatis, Gratia noſtra queat largirier emolumenti, Ʋt tantum noſtra cauſa gerere aggrediantur) could he be ſo good and ingenuous himſelf, as to honour, love, and ſerve God for nothing? This therefore was a great over-ſight, in a learned man; a great ſoloeciſm, as I may call it, or incongruity. And whereas he doth quote ſome words of Seneca, and is very proud of them, (and well he might, in ſo uncouth, hidious, and paradoxical an opinion) as though Seneca had been of the ſame opinion; let the whole paſſage be read, and if the contrary do not appear, that what Seneca ſaith of Epicurus his piety or voluntary worſhip, he ſpeaks it ironically, in deriſion both of his God, and his pretended worſhip; I ſhall acknowledge my ſelf very much deceived: who not only think ſo of the place, but am alſo very confident, that Gaſſendus thought no otherwiſe of it himſelf, whatever he was willing his well-affected Reader to the cauſe ſhould think of it. But, abſurdity, be it ſo or no, I make nothing of that, in compariſon of the impiety. For beſides many pregnant teſtimonies of the Old Teſtament, where, among other things, we ſhall find, that, that which doth not profit, is the periphraſis of an Idol; (and ſo Epicurus his God, not a God, but an Idol upon that account) how ſhall we excuſe St. Paul, who every where, almoſt, layeth it for a ground of his exhortations to Godlineſs and Piety; that, Religion is profitable? For therefore we both labour and ſuffer, &c. For as much as you know, that your labour is not in vain; and, for the hope that is layed up for you in Heaven, &c. and, looking for the bleſſed hope, &c. and, the end of your faith, the ſalvation of your ſouls: and, for he had a reſpect unto the recompence of the reward. And yet more poſitively: He that cometh to God, muſt believe, that he is; and that he is a rewarder, &c. and how Chriſt himſelf? What doth it profit, &c. for your reward is great in Heaven: and the like. And what is it, that the Deiſts, as they call themſelves; ſuch Deiſts as Epicurus was; who pretend that they believe a God, and that they worſhip him, not for any fear, or hope of reward, which they exclaim againſt, as ſervile worſhip; (witneſs their wicked Catechiſm in Verſe, ſet out, and refuted by Merſenius) but for his goodneſs, (in that he ſuffers men to live as they will, and do what they will, and takes no notice) and for the excellency of his nature: what is it, I ſay, that they more uphold themſelves with, or intice others more effectually by, than this wicked and abominable; but, to weak carnal men, very plauſible plea and pretence?

THAT Gaſſendus himſelf was an Atheiſt, really, I would be loath to ſay; I hope not. He hath written againſt ſome of Epicurus his opinions. But in diſcharge of my duty to God, and religion, I ſhall ſay, and my conſcience doth oblige me; that had he had the advice of all the Atheiſts that ever were: had he adviſed with Hell it ſelf, he could not have lighted upon a more deſtructive way, to all religion and piety; to all goodneſs and vertue, than this, of Epicurus his filial fear, or love of God. For what inference will carnal men, (in ſuch an age, as this, eſpecially) will, or can make of it, but this? that they may believe, as Epicurus believed; no God, I will not ſay, (though it be true enough) but, no providence, no conſcience, no difference of good or evil, (in nature) of what is juſt, or what is not: I might add, and live as Epicurus lived; but I will only ſay, believe as Epicurus believed; and yet flatter and comfort themſelves, that they are religious, nay more religious than many, nay moſt Chriſtians, accounted religious, are? Was there ever a more wicked and pernicious device? The Reader will excuſe me, if in all this diſcourſe, I have dealt with Gaſſendus ſomewhat roundly, more than I would have done with a man of his learning, and whom I believe to have been a civil man; beſides a particular reſpect I have to him, for laying open the vanity and falſity of Des Cartes, and his Philoſophy, ſome part of it at leaſt: which I think was a very good work, and may prove very uſeful, when once that malignant humor of innovating, which doth now ſo greatly prevail, will wax more cold and remiſs. I wiſh he had not had ſo much of that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], in him, as Galen calls it, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], which I believe was the chief thing, that did put him upon this Ʋnchriſtian project, of magnifying Epicurus. Wherein, how much he went againſt his conſcience, we need not appeal to God, who is the only [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: any man may quickly find it by his book, who ſhall but look into it: any man I ſay, that hath not, according to the current of the times, more affection for Epicurus, than the truth. But what if any man ſhall reply for Gaſſendus, that all this may be, and yet Gaſſendus not ſo much in fault; who doth in the ſame book openly profeſs, that whatſoever he had ſaid, or ſhould ſay for Epicurus, was but, Exercitationis gratia? Abſit alia mente id praeſtem, quam exercitationis gratia: his own words: that is▪ God forbid I ſhould do it to any other intention, but by way of exerciſe, or exercitation only. And why not as f[•]ee for him, to praiſe Epicurus, as others have done [•]he quartan Ague, the Gou[•], an Aſſe, a Louſe, and th[••] Monſter of men, as deſcribed by Homer, [〈◊〉] ? Had he reſted there, it had been better and more juſti[••]able. Upon the ſame grounds, for ought I know, a man ([•]hough I ſhould not commend it) might write the pr[•]iſ[••] of the Devil. For many things might be ſpoken, o[•] the excell[•]ncy of his nature, as he is a Spirit, a good Spirit, by his firſt creation: then, his improvement, by his experience, ſince that time: his wonderf[••] [〈◊〉] and projects, from time to time, to bring himſelf into credit among men: and if a man would ſay, th[••]o[••] of his love to men, he tempted our firſt Parents, [〈…〉] m[•]ght be the occaſion of a further good unto them, in [〈◊〉], and by Chriſt; and therefore to be honoured, and worſhipped by men: were it but for the conceit, (and in very deed, ſomewhat I think to that purpoſe hath been ſaid by ſome ancient Hereticks) and novelty of the opinion, there would be ſome, I make no queſtion, but would embrace it. But Gaſſendus goes on, and when he comes to that, as indeed he was bound, or he had had no thanks; that he did it bona fide, though ready to recant, when better informed; yet, this bona fide doth ſpoil all. But whatever himſelf thought, or knew; what amends can he make to ſuch, who (ſome, good Chriſtians, I make no queſtion, and learned enough, perchance, to have found out his jugling, had they but ſuſpected him) upon his credit, without any farther diſquiſition, have eſpouſed his cauſe, and think it no diſparagement to Chriſtianity, (if Chriſtians indeed) to ſpeak with honour, and reſpect of that monſter of men, and ſpiteful enemy of God, and all Godlineſs.

I HAVE been ſomewhat long upon this ſubject of Epicurus: ſomewhat longer perchance, than ſome would have wiſhed. But I ſhall not apologize. I have not forgotten that Credulity and Incredulity, in Civil affairs, which doth include the judgments, as well as actions of men, is my ſubject. And truly, of all things of that nature this age hath produced; this of Epicurus ſeems to me, and I believe to many others, the moſt prodigious, and incredible. Not, that any one man, for ſome particular end, or meerly to ſhew his wit, (which I know hath been done by more than one) ſhould attempt ſuch a thing: but that ſo many, profeſſing Chriſtianity, ſhould entertain the attempt with ſo ready an aſſent, and applauſe: an argument to me, with many others, of the inclination of the age. God avert the event.

SINCE this written, I bethought my ſelf, that Gaſſendus happily, in thoſe large Comments and Animadverſions upon Epicurus his Philoſophy, (if we may ſo call it, which deſerveth better to be called, dotage and madneſs) ſet out ſome years after, in three Tomes; might retract ſome of thoſe notorious miſtakes, if any man can think them ſo. I have ſearched, but I find, that inſtead of retracting, he doth repeat, and endeavour to confirm: and that, eſpecially, by the addition of two teſtimonies, which I ſhall take notice of. The firſt of St. Jeromes, out of his ſecond book againſt Jovinian, Chap. 8. where he doth ſay, with this Preface, Quod mirandum ſit, a thing to be wondred at, becauſe aſſertor voluptatis; an aſſertor, or patron of pleaſure, (bodily, certainly, elſe it had been no wonder) that Epicurus did fill his bocks with the commendations of a ſpare diet. That Epicurus did it, all the wonder is, that the man ſhould be ſo inconſtant to himſelf, if in ſo doing, he doth make any mention of vertue, or ſeems to have any regard unto it, it being ſure enough, that in this, he doth but abuſe the credulity of his Readers. But if he commend a ſober life in general, and highly extol it, before a riotous and leud: this he might well enough, without any repugnancy to his doctrine, in placing the happineſs of man, in bodily pleaſures. Though the practice of it, a rare thing, in men of that profeſſion; yet the commendation of it, might as well become a profeſſed Epicuraean, as any other. Beſides, it ſhould be conſidered, that St. Jerome his purpoſe, there, being to collect out of all profane Authors, whatſoever he had read in any of them, tending to the commendation of a ſpare diet; which he doth very copiouſly, as a very learned man, and excellently verſed in all ancient Authors; any man may ſee, that he doth relate many things, as in ſuch a caſe is ordinary; which it is not probable, that he believed, or did expect his Readers ſhould, (I could inſtance in many particulars) but only to ſerve his preſent ſubject, upon a ſuppoſition nevertheleſs, that many things, though not ſo probable, yet might be true; the truth whereof he doth not ſtand to examine, which every Reader, as he ſhould find himſelf concerned, might do, better at leiſure. Not therefore to add any credit to Epicurus, but more forcibly to ſhame them, that lived riotouſly, or diſcommend a ſpare diet, or ſpake ſlightly of it; is that paſſage of Epicurus produced by St. Jerome. And let me add, that Gaſſendus doth make that quotation, by adding ſome of St. Jerome's words to it, as may eaſily appear, ſomewhat longer, than in it ſelf it is, or can well be: but I make no great matter of it.

HIS other long quotation, is out of Porphyrius his excellent book ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) of abſtinence, &c. Porphyrius, a Magician, it is well known; and as great an enemy to Chriſtianity, as ever it had any: yet Porphyrius, of abſtinence, &c. an excellent book, as I think ever was written of that argument. I wiſh we had the old tranſlation of it more common, than it is; out of which many corrupt places in the Author, might be corrected, at leaſt, underſtood. Well, Porphyrius in that book, juſt as St. Jerome upon the ſame occaſion, and to the ſame purpoſe: A wonder, ſaith he, that even they that make pleaſure to be the end, the Epicuraeans; even they, &c. It is a long paſſage, and it will appear, if well examined, that here alſo Gaſſendus doth aſcribe ſomewhat to the Epicuraeans, which doth in Porphyrius his Text, belong unto them. And which is worſe, ſo unlucky ſhall I ſay, or ſo bold, is Gaſſendus, (ſuch confidence he had in himſelf, when he ſaw how currently every thing did paſs, that he had written in that wicked cauſe) that he doth deprave as excellent a paſſage, in the Text of that long quotation, as any is extant in any Heathen writer; I will not ſay, becauſe it hath too much Chriſtianity; nor yet can I ſay, becauſe it is very obſcure; but truly, (as he doth in Epicurus his life, many) through unadviſed raſhneſs, and temerity. The Author there doth ſay, very piouſly, if ſincerely, whoever he was, that we ſhould not firſt provide for the world, (and he gives an excellent reaſon for it, afterwards) and then make Philoſophy. ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the very word uſed by Chriſt, upon the ſame occaſion, if the Greek be authentick, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) an addition, or an acceſſory: (according to that of the Poet: O Cives, Cives, quaerenda pecunia primo eſt; Virtus poſt nummos) but firſt provide (by good inſtruction, I ſuppoſe, and Philoſophy) for a generous confidence, (in God) and then content our ſelves with what every day doth afford. This, Gaſſendus, by correcting (or corrupting rather) the [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] (which is in the Goſpel alſo, or the effect of it: well expreſſed in the Engliſh: But ſeek ye firſt, &c.) into [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], turns it quite into another ſenſe. I ſhall not proceed to any further examination. But if any body will make it his buſineſs, he will, without much trouble, find matter enough.

CIVIL affairs and actions, the proper object of Credulity and Incredulity, which we propoſe to our ſelves in this Part, come to be known to us, either by our own experience, or by the relation of others; private, as Friends and Travellers, or publick, as the Hiſtorians of preſent, or paſt ages. Our aim is, by ſome inſtances and obſervations, (it is an ordinary thing for men to forget their Text; this often repetition, may help to prevent it) to direct them that may want ſuch help, in point of Credulity and Incredulity. Wherein, our firſt obſervation, for a caution to ſome, how they take upon them to judge, before they be throughly verſed in the world, ſhall be that old ſaying with little alteration, appliable to many occaſions: Homine imperito nunquam quicquam injuſtius: Qui niſi quod ipſe fecit, nihil rectum putat ▪ we ſay, Qui niſi quod ipſe credit (or vidit, if you will) nihil verum putat. It is a ſad thing, to converſe with men, who neither by their own experience, nor by the relation of others, Hiſtorians and Travellers, are acquainted with the world. How they will ſtare, and ſtartle at things, as impoſſible and incredible, which they that are better acquainted with it, know to be very true, or judge, by what they have known in like caſes, to be very poſſible and credible. It were great wiſdom in ſuch, who are ſo happy as to know their defects, though they ſuſpend their belief, yet to be very wary, how they contradict, or oppoſe; and as much wiſdom in men, that are better acquainted with the world, when they meet with ſuch, to be very ſparing of their ſtories, which have any thing of ſtrangeneſs; nor yet to be very peremptory, or forward to conteſt, leſt that, beſides the offence, that unſeaſonable pertinaciouſneſs may give, they wrong their own reputation, and be accounted lyars, or wonder-mongers, though unjuſtly. Others there be, who becauſe they have ſeen ſomewhat themſelves, or are not altogether unacquainted with Hiſtories, or the travels of others; ground upon that ſomewhat, ſo much, that they will not believe, or acknowledge to be true, whatſoever is beyond their knowledge, or hear-ſay: when God knows, a man had need to be almoſt as old as the Devil, before he can take upon him to know, or peremptorily to determine, what the world doth afford. Though not born, yet I have lived a long time in England, a very ſmall portion of the world, for extent of ground: ſometimes in one place, ſometimes (but neceſſitated partly by the late troubles) in another: always ſtudious to obſerve, or to learn from others, what every place afforded, worthy the knowledge; beſides what might be learned by printed books, without much pains. Yet to this day, I think my ſelf but a ſtranger in it, daily meeting with many things, that I never heard of before. But I have often admired at the confidence of ſome Travellers, who if they have been but ſix moneths abroad, (it may be, leſs) ſay France, or Italy, they think and talk of it, as though they knew it as perfectly, as the Country, or Pariſh, where they were born, and bred a great part of their life. Nay, ſome be ſo ſimple and ignorant, that whatſoever they have obſerved in an Inne, or ſingle houſe, as they paſſed by; they will tell you confidently, that ſo and ſo, ſuch is the faſhion in France or Italy; when it may be, that they that have lived in either Country all their lives long, never met or heard of any ſuch thing. Doth not every Country, as England particularly, conſiſt of ſeveral Shires and Provinces or Counties; and hath not every County, their particular rites and cuſtoms, not only different, but even contrary? He therefore that ſhall aſcribe the particular cuſtoms of any one County, as Yorkſhire, or Devonſhire, to England in general; doth he not expoſe himſelf to the juſt cenſure and indignation of thoſe, that ſhall believe him, when they ſhall come to know their error, and make themſelves ridiculous to others, that have better knowledge of the Countrie? Hence proceed variety of reports and relations, even in printed books, which may be true perchance, of ſuch a place, at ſuch a time, particularly; but generally, for want of wit and more experience, delivered, are moſt falſe, and happily, ridiculous. In a great fight, ordinarily, men think their relations very creditable, that can ſay, if honeſt civil men; they were at it. Whereas it is very poſſible, (and I have known ſuch a thing, in my time more than once) that one man, of the ſame fight ſhall report a flight, and the other (both, preſent and actors) a victory, and both truly enough; but not ſo wiſely, becauſe what they have ſeen in one part of the Army, they raſhly, or ignorantly apply unto the whole: and perchance call that a victory, (ſo, for the time, perchance) which before the day be over, may be the occaſion of a total rout. It is the obſervation of learned Cambden: Ita in pugnarum ratione, qui rebus gerendis adfuerunt, &c. Engliſhed by Biſhop Carleton: Thus it is in Bateel, they who are preſent, and actors, report not always the ſame thing, each reporting what himſelf obſerved. This is very appliable to the relations of Travellers, concerning the ſame places, or Countries. A man therefore had need to conſider well, (if truth be his end, and aim) whom he doth believe in ſuch things, or how he ſpeaks himſelf, upon the credit of others; honeſt men, perchance, [••]d ſuch as have no intention to deceive; but, of what judgment, what experience, yea, and moderation; that alſo muſt be taken into conſideration, or we may miſs our end. I add moderation, becauſe ſome men, naturally paſſionate, are ſo ſwayed by their intereſt, whether of profit or meer affection; that they think they ſpeak truth ſometimes, when they ſpeak that, which to others, of the ſame judgment, as to the cauſe, but without paſſion; doth appear notoriouſly falſe. Theſe things obſerved, many ſeeming contradictions in Hiſtories may be reconciled, and we the better prepared, when we read or hear ſtrange things, to judge and diſcern, what, upon grounds of probability, we may believe, and what not. I rather ſay ſo, than what credible or incredible: becauſe (as in the Firſt Part hath been declared) I allow not of many things, beſides what is againſt the faith, as abſolutely incredible, becauſe what is really impoſſible, is beyond our skill, abſolutely to determine.

WHAT may be required of an Hiſtorian, in general, to deſerve credit, many have treated of it. Of late writers, among others, that offer now themſelves to my remembrance; Bodinus in his Methodus Hiſtoriae, (a book well deſerving to be read) and by Melchior Canus, ſufficiently known, in his Common Places, are two. But I have nothing to do with Hiſtory, or Hiſtorians here in general, but only as they relate ſtrange things, which in their own nature may be thought, by ſome, incredible. Of which nature, every man knows, Herodotus, the Greek Hiſtorian, (ſo much admired, for the ſweetneſs of his ſtyle, and the ancienteſt Hiſtorian now extant) in the judgment of many, to be. Inſomuch, that of all Hiſtorians, whereof any account is made, he hath got the name, of a fabulous writer. Indeed, he had not the luck to write of things of his own time, or Country, for the moſt part, as Thucydides did: except it be, in the laſt books: and what is worſe, not of things, which many others, now extant, have written of: ſo that moſt things muſt be believed, upon his credit, if we ſee cauſe; or may be rejected, as fabulous, or incredible, if we think fit, becauſe not confirmed by any other. But they do him great wrong, that aſcribe all that he tells of that nature, generally accounted fabulous, or incredible, as though he were the Author, or inventer of ſuch things; or did deliver them unto us, for things which himſelf believed, or did expect that others ſhould. For, for the firſt, there is no probability, that he, who to ſatisfie himſelf of the truth of thoſe things, which he had heard, would take ſuch pains, to travel into Aegypt, yea all Aegypt, in perſon, with ſo much diligence, as himſelf tells us in many places; and not Aegypt only, but ſome other more remote places, as Syria, Paleſtina, and the like, would make ſo bad uſe of his travels, (though ſome have done it, I muſt confeſs, Thovetus, of late, for one) as to abuſe his Readers with ſtories of his own deviſing, when his own travels could furniſh him with ſuch admirable relations, whereof no queſtion could be then made, or now can, rationally; whereof more afterwards. And that he did not deliver moſt of thoſe other ſtrange things, as things that he did himſelf, or would have others, abſolutely to believe; himſelf doth profeſs ſo often, and ſometimes doth openly teſtifie his own disbelief, that none can lay that to his charge, but they, that have not read him. Now, if St. Jerome was in the right, when he determined, (more than once, if Melchior Canus, doth him no wrong) that, Lex verae hiſtoriae eſt, &c. One Law of a true Hiſtorian, is, to write thoſe things that are generally believed, though not really true: in this Herodotus hath not offended, as, in thoſe very words almoſt, or equivalent, he doth expreſs himſelf: ſo that St. Jerome (whether in the wrong or right) may not improbably be thought, to have taken it out of Herodotus. In matters of Oracles and Predictions, I muſt confeſs, he is very copious; ſo that they, who do not know what the condition of thoſe times was, may think many of his relations, more like the dreams and fancies of ſome doting old women, than the reports of a ſober Hiſtorian. But thoſe were the Enthuſiaſtick times, as Plutarch, and others call them; when not only publick States, but even private perſons, ſenſible of any religion, in all actions almoſt, of any conſequence, were governed by Oracles and Divinations, more, than by any humane judgment or direction: which though ſubject to much impoſture, whereof Herodotus doth give divers inſtances; yet, generally, thought and approved ſo beneficial, that the moſt grave and ſober, as Plutarch for one, long after that humor of men (or power of darkneſs, ſhall I ſay) was well over, did acknowledge, that the State of Greece was much advanced, or advantaged by them: as elſewhere hath been more particularly declared.

NOW, before I come to any particular inſtances of his ſtrange, and generally accounted fabulous relations; I muſt not conceal, that a very learned man, by whoſe labours the common-weal of learning hath been benefited as much, as by any's, that I know, hath written a book, entituled, Apologie, pour Herodote: to prove, that no actions of men, mentioned by Herodotus, are ſo ſtrange and incredible; but have been equalled, if not exceeded, by ſome of later times. But it doth appear too plain, that under this title, his only aim was, to inveigh againſt ſome men, who indeed have given too much occaſion, it cannot be denied; but, againſt them, whether more, or leſs deſerving it; not, to juſtifie or vindicate Herodotus, which the accumulation of ſo many ſtrange tales, whereof a great part grounded upon bare report, he knew, well enough, could not do. Some other title therefore, might have become that book better; or indeed that book, another man better, than him, that had been the Author of ſo many noble and ſerious atchievements, for the benefit of learning. Now before I look upon Herodotus as the moſt conſiderable Hiſtorian we have, (both for his antiquity, and for that conformity of ſundry relations and cuſtoms, with thoſe of the Scriptures of the Old Teſtament, obſerved by ſome, in part, but in part only, that I know of) I will take ſome of his ſtrangeſt ſtories into conſideration; for the truth whereof, after ſuch a revolution of ages, though I cannot, no rational man will expect, that I ſhould undertake: yet if we obtain ſo much, that they are not incredible; it may not only diſpoſe many to think better of that Noble Hiſtorian, than they have done; but alſo make them more wary, how they paſs their judgments hereafter, in the like caſes.

ONE of the firſt ſtrange relations in Herodotus, (himſelf calls it a miracle) is the ſtory of Anion, the Muſician, his deliverance; who, when forced by covetous Mariners, to caſt himſelf into the Sea, was ſaved by a Dolphin, who, delighted with his muſick, offered himſelf, and carried him upon his back, to land. Few Children, I think, but have heard of it, at ſome time or other; but not many men, that think of it otherwiſe, than of a meer fable. Which if granted, yet Herodotus is in no fault, who tells us, without interpoſing of his own judgment, what was then ſaid, when he lived, and averred for truth, by the people of two ſeveral Towns, Corinthus and Lesbos. Had he omitted it, he had been too blame certainly; and, ſince Herodotus, no Chronologer, (I think, or few) have omitted it. Neither was it then a relation of the old times, as we may ſay, and out of memory; ſuch, as without good atteſtation of ſome, that lived at the ſame time, or ſhortly after, may rationally be ſuſpected, even for the antiquity: but, as yet, of freſh memory, when Herodotus lived: 100. or ſay 200. years, becauſe Chronologers do not preciſely agree in their computation, was the utmoſt interval of time. But what ever any other may think of it, there is ſo much to be ſaid, if not for the truth, yet probability of it; that I muſt ſuſpect their ignorance, or condemn their incredulity, that peremptorily cenſure it as fabulous. But, this I mean, of the ſubſtance of the ſtory, that ſuch a man, Arion, a Muſi[•]ian, was ſaved by a Dolphin, who carried him upon his back to land. Beſides others, that are not ſo well atteſted; Pliny the elder, in his Natural Hiſtory, hath two ſtories; the one of Au[•]uſtus his time, (not far from his own, who wrote in Veſpaſian the Father, his reign) of a Schoolboy, who grew ſo familiar with a Dolphin, and the Dolphin ſo much at his command, that no Horſe can be more to any Maſter by Land, than he was to this Boy, by Sea; and this for many years, in the ſight of all the Country; which makes the matter indubitable. At laſt, it ſo fell out, that the Boy fell ſick, and died. After which the Dolphin alſo, after he had ſeveral times ſhewed himſelf abou[•] the ſho[•]e, as he was wont, and no Boy appeared, [•]e alſo for very grief, as all men thought, died, and was no more ſeen. Pliny doth name three eminent men, who had written the ſtory at large, in Auguſtus his time, when the thing hapned. And beſides them, Appion, or Apion rather, ſirnamed Grammaticus, (but I know not why, except we take the word in a very general ſenſe: for he dealeth altogether in Hiſtory, for which he got the name of Polyhiſtor, alſo) who alſo lived about the ſame time, or ſoon after, under Tiberius, did write it: whoſe teſtimony, beſides ſome others to the ſame purpoſe; and very words, are to be found in Aulus Gellius; who alſo hath the relation of Arion, out of Herodotus, at large. Where perchance ſome body, not much verſed in the Latin tongue; as once by ſome ignorant Monks, learned Eraſmus was charged, he had turned the Goſpel into a fable, for uſing the word fabula, or confabulari in his tranſlation; may ſtumble at the word fabula, which by beſt Latin Authors, is often uſed for a true ſtory. I think it will be granted, no man can reaſonably doubt of a thing, ſo very well atteſted: But if any do, Pliny, his ſecond ſtory, if he be not ſet upon contradiction, will certainly ſatisfie him. For I think, next to ocular evidence, nothing can be more certain. It is a ſtory of his own time, (intra hos annos) of another Boy, in Africo littore, Hipponis Diarryti: (for there was two Hippo's, in Africa: Hippo Regius, or R[•]gia; which St. Auguſtin was Biſhop of; and Hippo Paluſtris, or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], as Pliny himſelf, elſewhere, doth teach) who uſing to ſwim with others in the Lake, or aeſtuarium, ſubject to Tydes, and very convenient for that purpoſe; a Dolphin, after ſome wooing by careſſes and geſticulat[•]ons, ſuch as nature afforded him; got his good opinion & will; ſo that he durſt venture himſelf upon his back, in the Lake; & out of the Lake, into the main; & out of it, back again, as far as the ſhore, yea, and beyond the ſhore. For, as if they had ſtrived, who ſhould ſhew more confidence, the Dolphin would follow his beloved, even to the land, and ſuffer himſelf to be touched, and careſſed, by others alſo, men and boys, that had the confidence; ſo long as he was able, which was not long, to ſubſiſt upon dry land. And this laſted not days or moneths only, but years: one year, at leaſt, as I gather, though not expreſſed, by the tenor of the ſtory. Inſomuch, as the noiſe of this miracle (as generally apprehended) being ſpread far and near; there was daily a great concourſe of all kind of people, from all places. The Governor of the place under the Romans, moved, or ſtruck with a kind of religious horror, at the ſight; and among ſo many Gods, they worſhipped in thoſe days, apprehending, probably, ſome kind of Deity in that Dolphin, attempted to do him divine honour, according to the religion then in uſe, by pouring ſome kind of odoriferous confection, or ointment upon him; which the poor Dolphin annoyed with the ſcent, and otherwiſe too, probably: (Sopitus, Pliny ſaith, if he do not mean it metaphorically) reſented as an injury, or affront, and abſented himſelf, per aliquot menſes, ſaith Pliny. But at laſt, appeared again, and by degrees, became as loving, and familiar, as before. This laſted till the inhabitants round about, to whom the miracle was now no miracle, by reaſon of its frequency; overcharged with the frequency of gueſts, which flocked thither from all parts, to be ſpectators of this ſtrange ſight, to them that had never ſeen it before; cruelly, but ſecretly, conſpired againſt him, and (what will not men do, to ſave their money) killed him. I have this from Pliny, the elder, the Author of the Natural Hiſtory: but confirmed and enlarged with ſundry particulars, by Pliny the Second, (Epiſt. lib. 9. ep. 33.) who makes no mention at all of his Uncle, but had it from others, of whoſe fidelity, in the relation, he bids us, as he was himſelf, to be confident. And indeed, what we may believe, beſides what we have ſeen, with our own eyes; if we believe not this, I do not know, Pauſanias, who lived under Marcus Aurelius, the Roman Emperor, and hath written that excellent book, of the Monuments and Antiquities of Greece, remaining in his time; doth profeſs, that himſelf ſaw a Dolphin, in Peroſoline, (the true name was Pordoſeline: but, for modeſty ſake, made Peroſeline) a little Iſland by Lesbos; who for ſome kindneſs he had received of a boy, did wait upon him, ſo far as by nature poſſible, and would carry him upon his back, whither ſoever the boy did direct him. Aelianus, who lived a little before, writeth of another, that was bred and brought up (as a Fiſh could be) by a poor woman, with her ſon; whom afterwards he loved entirely, and rewarded both him, carrying him upon his back, whither he would, and his Nurſe, the mother, plentifully, by his ſervices, when he was bigger. He alſo names the ſame Iſland, but that he names it Pleroſeline: whether he intended it of the ſame Dolphin, I know not. It is very poſſible the ſame thing might be acted, by more than one Dolphin, in more than one place; one Dolphin taking example of another. And I remember, in that accurate relation of Pliny the Second; it is obſerved, that with that miraculous Dolphin, the ſubject of the ſtory; always another accompanied, who certainly was pleaſed with the ſight; but accompanied only, and did no more, durſt not perchance, fearing the others jealouſie. To theſe that offered themſelves unto me, more like ſtories, of other ages and places, might be added, I make no queſtion: but the two firſt are very ſufficient, in my judgment, to ground a confidence of the truth, without ſeeking any further.

NOW, becauſe it is my buſineſs here, to help ſuch as may want help, in ſuch diſquiſitions; it will be worth our hearing, what is objected by ſome, againſt the truth of this ſtory. Which yet to make more probable, before I come to objections, I muſt not omit, beſides what was before intimated, that all, or moſt Chronologers, both ancient and late, whom I have ſeen; among others, St. Jerome, out of Euſebius, take notice of it, without any oppoſition to the truth of it: that the memory of it, as of a true ſtory, was preſerved by a braſs Statue; by a temple; and by an inſcription noting the time, or Olympiad; and that in Aelianus, beſides the Epigram or Inſcription of the Statue, we have a fine Hymn, ſaid to be compoſed by Arion himſelf, as a monument of his miraculous deliverance, and thankfulneſs to God, for it: all this beſides inſtances of the like.

BUT what ſaith learned Natalis Comes, in his Mythology, to this of Arion? Quae quod fabuloſu ſint, nemini obſcurum eſt: That all is fabulous, all men, he thinks, muſt believe. Why ſo? Nam quae de Delphinis dixerunt antiqui, &c. that is, For what ſome Ancients have written of ſome Dolphins, as if ſome men had been ſaved by them, I accounted it meer dreams. For the nature of animals (or beaſts) is always the ſame; and from that time to this, though the number of men, that have periſhed in the Seas, is infinite; we do not hear of any, that have been preſerved by Dolphins. Here is firſt a great and groſs miſtake, (it would be ſo in a Philoſopher) in the word nature or natural. It is natural to men to ſpeak, to read, to write, to learn arts, &c. that is, Men are naturally capable of ſuch things, if they be taught: for without ſome teaching, none of theſe things will be learned; not ſo much as ſpeaking, though it be done unſenſibly, as it were; yet not learned without long ſtudy. And though ſome other creatures, as Parrots, and the like, may ſeem capable of that, and not men only; yet their ſpeaking, is not a true ſpeaking, becauſe it doth not proceed from any [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or inward reaſoning, which doth engender outward ſpeech. Some things men are naturally capable of, as men; as the Sciences, which yet ſome men can never attain unto, though they be taught, by reaſon of ſome accidental defect. But for more clearneſs, becauſe it is to our purpoſe, to inſtance in ſomewhat that hath more affinity: There is no man, I think, where Dogs are, but are acquainted, more or leſs, with their nature, and conditions. Of all creatures, generally, they love and know their maſters beſt: this is common to them all, more or leſs, to be loving naturally. But what if I ſhould tell a ſtory of one, or more Dogs, that loved their maſters ſo well, that they would needs die with them? Would it be a good argument, that it muſt be a fable, becauſe all Dogs do it not? Lipſius hath one, of a Dog of his own houſe, that loved his miſtreſs ſo well, that when ſhe died, and he ſaw her dead, run into the Garden, digged himſelf a hole, and there ended, ſoon after, his life: Haec, tota familia noſtra teſte, ſunt geſta. He doth appeal to all his family, who were preſent, and ſaw it, for the truth of it. Scaliger hath another in his Exercitations againſt Cardan, every whit as ſtrange. What if I ſhould tell of Dogs, that have purſued the murderers of their Maſters, ſo conſtantly, ſo vigorouſly, that notice being taken publickly, it came at laſt, by order of juſtice, to a duel, or combat, wherein the murderers being overcome by the Dogs, they confeſſed the crime? We have the ſtory of one in Scaliger; and out of Scaliger, in Lipſius: the Hiſtory of another, out of St. Ambroſe, Giraldus Cambrenſis in his Itinerary, doth tranſcribe. So he profeſſeth. But if faithfully, then the Editions we have of St. Ambroſe, (that which I have not at this time, I am ſure) are defective. For the latter part, (of the Duel) is there wanting. And indeed the ſtory ſeems to me but imperfect, as it ends there: no ſenſe, I think, can be made of the words, to bring the relation to an end; without which it is not probable that St. Ambroſe would have left it. But, if for, perſecutus, as printed in my Ambroſe, ſet out by Eraſmus at Bazil, Anno Dom. 1567. we read it, as I find it in an old Manuſcript I have, perpeſſus; ſome end may be made of it, though not ſo full, or ſo clear, as in Giraldus. I wiſh I were in better caſe, were it but for St. Ambroſe's ſake, to look into it. For I ſhrewdly ſuſpect, becauſe I have known it done in many books, long ago; that ſome, who were ſcandalized at the ſtory, as abſurd, or impoſſible; (as many things, through meer ignorance, to the prejudice of truth, are often ſuſpected) did cut off St. Ambroſe his relation, with thoſe words of their own deviſing, Itaque quod erat difficilius, ultionem perſecutus eſt, (ſo printed, but perpeſſus, certainly, as in my Manuſcript, to make any ſenſe of it) quia defenſionem praeſtare non potuit: which words are not in Giraldus. I hope, (if not already done, though unknown to me) ſome body will take the pains, who is better able than I am, at this time, or ever like to be.

HOW many more ſtrange things, from good Authors, or certain experience, even of our times, might be added; which if a man ſhould deny, becauſe all Dogs do not ſo, or not one of a thouſand, or a million, or ſcarce one in an age; how ridiculous were it? I remember when I lived in Suſſex, I heard of one Dog there; of another, when in Sommerſet, but in another kind, from perſons of credit: I make no queſtion of the truth: which nevertheleſs I might live fifty years longer, and not hear the like. Great pity it is, that no memory is kept of ſuch rare accidents, whereof, beſides the improvement of the knowledge of nature, good uſe might be made upon ſeveral occaſions. Did we underſtand the nature of Dolphins perfectly, we might give a reaſon, probably, how ſome come to do ſo, and ſo, ſometimes; and how ſutable it is to their nature; and yet how, through the defect of ſome one circumſtance, or more, in themſelves, or the party they would pitch upon; or ſome circumſtance of time, they come to do it no oftner, though much oftner, I believe, than is generally known; or, for want of good records, remembred. But upon Boys, all ſtories do agree, that they commonly pitch upon ſuch; and that they are (ſome of the kind at leaſt) great lovers of muſick. Which doth make well for Arion's caſe.

THIS objection therefore, that it is not natural to Dolphins, becauſe all Dolphins do it not, or that we read of very few, who have done, or reported to have done the like, rejected as invalid and weak; in Arion's caſe, I ſhould rather object, how a Boy or Man could ſit a Dolphin, I will not ſay, playing upon an inſtrument: (for there is no need of that) but ſit him, or ride him for a conſiderable time, through ſo many waves, and not be waſhed off, or drowned. To me, it doth ſeem very ſtrange, to another, it may be, not ſo much. But if we ſuppoſe the Sea, as ſome Seas are known to be, ordinarily; or at ſome times of the year, very ſtill and calm; then there's no further queſtion, as to this. And indeed Pliny tells us of one of theſe Dolphin-riders, who being ſurpriſed by a tempeſt, was drowned: which the Dolphin (but I warrant it no further, to the Reader, than he ſhall like his authority) apprehending himſelf the cauſe of, did end his life upon the Land, for grief. Another queſtion would be, how a Boy can ſit a Dolphin without danger; and whether a Dolphin be naturally ſhaped for that uſe. Pliny indeed doth expreſs, in the relation of his firſt ſtory, that the Dolphin had the providence, p[•]nnae aculeos velut vagina condere; and Apion writing of the ſame, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: and Aelianus tells the ſtory of another ſuch Boy, who riding a Dolphin, did unadviſedly run his belly againſt the thorns, or prickles of his back-fin, whereof he died, and the Dolphin after him, for grief. Had I ever ſeen a Dolphin, I could judge better; or had I, at this time, either Geſnerus, or Rondeletius; or could any where, ſo far from all Libraries, that I can call Libraries, but mine own, (and that a ſorrowful one too, at this time: a remnant of a Library, rather than Library) come to the ſight of either. I have the pictures of Dolphins, in ſome books: but they do not ſatisfie me.

I FIND in the books of a very learned man, which I have, out of Rondeletius, that a Dolphin hath no prickles in his back; who thereupon doth infer, that therefore Apion did impoſe, and might as well, in the whole ſtory, as in that particular. But that is ſomewhat a hard judgment, by his favour. I believe Rondeletius, that they have none, ordinarily. But as the Camels of ſome Countries, differ from the Camels of others, by the number of their bunches, as Pliny, and ſome others tell us; and ſo many other creatures, of one Climat, or Country, or of different perchance, but of one kind, by ſome notable difference; ſome have horns, ſome not, and the like: why may not we believe, as poſſible, at leaſt, that there may be a kind of Dolphins, more rare, and ſeldom ſeen, who have ſuch prickles? Poſſible alſo, that thoſe, (that kind, I mean) are the Dolphins, moſt ſubject to this kind of love. Not, that I would have any body to ground any truth, upon bare conjectures: but becauſe I think ſuch objections, againſt certain experience, to be of little validity. Neither is Apion the man, that we truſt too: I know what the judgment of many Ancients was of him. Yet, though Apion might make bold in his relations concerning Aegypt, and other remoter places; it is hard to believe, that Apion, who was well known to Tiberius, Auguſtus his immediate ſucceſſor, durſt write a ſtory of Auguſtus his time, for a truth, (whereof, if a truth indeed, many thouſands muſt have been witneſſes) which was fabulous, and either invented by himſelf, or lightly believed by him, upon the report of ſome idle people. Add, that Auguſtus his time, was not a time of ignorance, ſuch as have been ſeen before, and ſince him: but a time, C[•]m humana ingenia ad ſummam ſolertiam perdu[•]ta eſſent, as Seneca, I think, doth ſome where ſpeak, of thoſe times: When humane wit, and ratiocination was come to its height, ſuch a height, both for Po[•]ts, and Orators, and Artiſts, I am ſure, as hath not been known ſince. Which is the credit of Chriſtianiſm, that it prevailed at ſuch a time; not as Mahometiſm, in times and places of greateſt darkneſs and ignorance, and is ſtill maintained with the ſame, and the power of arms. What the ignorance, and want of good learning, that theſe times do threaten, may bring, God knows. However, though Apion had never written concerning that Dolphin, in Auguſtus his time, divers others did, men of credit, whoſe books were extant in Pliny's time: and had that Dolphin never been, yet that other in Pliny's time, ſo atteſted by him, and by his Nephew, that other Pliny; a man of ſuch learning, ſuch authority, and dignity, as he was, (yea and integrity, abundantly approved to Chriſtians, by that relation he made, of the Chriſtians of his time) had been enough with me, with the conſideration of all circumſtances, which he doth relate at large, had been enough with me, I ſay, to make me believe it as certainly, as if I had ſeen it with mine eyes. No reaſon therefore, that any queſtion ſhould be made of the truth of a ſtory ſo well atteſted, becauſe of that one circumſtance of the prickles, on Dolphins backs, in caſe it be a miſtake. Which yet perhaps, if a miſtake, may prove the miſtake of Rondeletius, and not of Apion. For Solinus, where he writes of Dolphins, doth atteſt, that thoſe prickles do not appear, but when they do, through anger, or ſome other extraordinary occaſion, inhorreſcere, and that at other times they are hid.

BUT after all this, Lipſius his caveat, who was no very ſuperſtitious man, it is well known, though being ſet upon it by others, he did write in defence of ſome ſuperſtitious miracles: (an argument rather: but I will ſay no more, for the reſpect I bear to his memory) his caveat, I ſay, will not do amiſs; who having told ſomewhat, very ſtrange, of a Mountebanks Dog, (I could ſay much more of Mountebanks Dogs, and Horſes, which I partly know to be true) he adds, Deſino, & vereor ad genium eum, qui profecto potuit hic miſceri: that is, But here I ſtop, (or end) as fearing that from Dogs, I ſhall be forced to go (or fly, for a reaſon; that is) to the Devil: (he did not mean an Angel, I ſuppoſe) who in this might have a hand, or, mix himſelf. It is ſure enough, that as there be magical Hares, whereof we have ſpoken in the Firſt Part: ſo magical Dogs alſo, and other creatures, actuated by another Soul or Spirit, than their own, (irrational, and ſenſitive only) whereof none are able to judge rightly, but they that are well verſed (no light ſtudy) in the contemplation, or experience of uſe and cuſtom: as in our Firſt Part hath been declared. However, this caveat though not unſeaſonable upon ſuch an occaſion; yet no man, I think, will have, or can have any juſt ground of ſuſpition, that it doth concern us, in this caſe of Dolphins, and their love to Boys: which, as I conceive, muſt be referred to their nature, or natural diſpoſition; Natalis Comes his reaſonings againſt it notwithſtanding. But if we take genius, in a more general ſenſe, for another kind of Spirits, that are neither Devils nor Angels; I cannot tell what to ſay to it. The ſame Pliny, but now commended, hath a ſtrange example, which we have mentioned in another place, our Preface, to Dr. Dees's Revelations, (or Illuſions rather) as I remember. As for their love to Muſick, I think it very probable, by thoſe relations that are extant: but of that, we have no like certainty, as of their love to Boys, and mankind in general. The ſame (their love to Muſick) is reported of divers other creatures beſides, but I have no certainty.

BEFORE we end this point, ſomewhat might be added, of that famous American Fiſh, or Monſter, called Monati; one whereof, a young one was bred and brought up by one of their petty Kings, in his Court, and grew to a vaſt bigneſs: very kind, and ſerviceable he was, to all that craved his help, but to Chriſtians, or Europaeans, (whom, probably, he might diſtinguiſh by their voice, and habit, not by their faith) of whom he had received an affront. This Fiſh they write, hath carried at once upon his back, no leſs than ten men; who in the mean time, ſung and made merry, with all poſſible ſecurity. This perchance, in ſome mens judgment, may add ſomewhat of probability to Arions caſe, and to thoſe other relations, that have been mentioned upon it: which, in my judgment, needs no further confirmation. The Hiſtory of this American Fiſh (mention, at leaſt) is in all that have written of the diſcoveries of thoſe Countries: Peter Martyr, I am ſure, a very ſufficient witneſs, were there no other.

I THOUGHT I had done: but I have not; I ſhall make ſome uſe of their relations concerning this Fiſh, as not doubting at all of the truth; to confirm ſomewhat in the relations of the Ancients concerning Dolphins, which hath occaſioned ſome wonder, but more miſtakes. They write that ſome Dolphins did ſeem to rejoyce at the name Simon. I believe it, becauſe ordinarily then ſo called; and when once uſed to the name, what wonder, when tame and frolick, if they ſeemed to know their name, and to rejoyce at it? And the ſame thing we find atteſted of that American Fiſh, we now ſpeak of, which was brought up in the King's Court. The common name of the Fiſh, we ſaid before, is, Manati: but they had given to this, a proper name, Matum: that is, in their language, noble or gener[•]us ▪ and the Fiſh knew his name ſo well, that had any (whoſe voice he knew, eſpecially) but called at the River ſide, Matum, Matum: he would preſently hold up his head, and offer himſelf. But if any write, that Dolphins generally, loved to be called by the name Simon, more than by any other, as Pliny doth intimate; this is but to ſay, that there is ſomewhat in the ſound of that word, that doth better pleaſe them, than any other ordinary ſound: which is not impoſſible. The truth is, Pliny doth ſeem to ſay much more, as if Dolphins loved the name Simon, becauſe ſo agreeable to their nature: being called, Simones, à ſimis naribus, that is, from their flat noſe: ſuch, both in Latin and Greek, being uſually called, Simones. This ridiculous conceit I find Pliny charged with, by a very learned man, who therefore well objecteth; Sed quis credat, &c. But who can believe that Fiſhes ſhould underſtand, either Greek or Latin? Nay, they muſt be prety good Grammarians too, to know the Etymology of the name, that therefore called, Simones, à ſimis naribus, from their flat noſes. Can any man believe, that Pliny was ſo ſtupid, as to believe any ſuch thing himſelf; or ſo careleſs of his credit and reputation, as wilfully to expoſe himſelf to the ſcorn and deriſion of his Readers? Yet this Salmaſius alſo doth paſs over, as though Pliny had really believed it. Ita appellari gaudere quod ſimi ſint, dicit. Pliny's words, as ordinarily printed, are, Dorſum iis repandum, roſtrum ſimum. Quâ de cauſa, nomen ſimonis omnes miro modo agnoſcunt, maluntque ita appellari. It cannot be denied, that from thoſe words, ſcarce any other ſenſe can be made. But whether ever Pliny did write ſo, a thing ſo horrible and ſo prodigious, that he that believes, may as well believe all Aeſops Fables, to be true ſtories; deſerved, I think, before we charged him with it, to be taken into ſome conſideration. For beſides Pliny, if Pliny, I do not find any Ancient, that doth write any ſuch thing, but only that they delight in the name Simon: and Solinus, who ordinarily doth tranſcribe Pliny, ſaith no ſuch thing, but only this; Certum habent vocabulum; quo accepto, vocantes ſequntur: Nam proprie, Simones nominantur. And Aelian who hath written a whole Chapter, to prove that Dolphins have ſome underſtanding, he hath no ſuch thing. What then? I am very confident, that what Pliny wrote, was, or is; Dorſum iis repandum, roſtrum ſimum, quâ de cauſa, nomen Simonis: quod omnes miro modo agnoſcunt, maluntque ita appellari. So, Pliny ſaith no more, than what others ſay, and may very well, as before ſhewed, be very true. I never affected to be a Critick: my profeſſion found me work enough, and would yet, had I many more years to live, and had my health. If I affected any thing beſides, it is, to underſtand nature, to which I ever had a great inclination. Yet this I could ſhew, by hundreds of inſtances, that both Divinity and Philoſophy ▪ and all kind of learning, hath ſuffered much, for want of true Criticks. But, rara avis: that age muſt be a happy age, that produceth two or three, that truly deſerve that name. The labour is great: but if there be not ſomewhat more of nature in it, than labour; the more labour, the more danger.

THOUGH Cardan with me, be of no great authority, for reaſons before expreſſed: yet he was a learned man, and I would do an enemy right, if he came in my way, as ſoon as to a friend. For in that caſe, he becomes my neighbour, and I bound by the laws of Chriſtianity, to look upon him, as a friend. The ſame learned man (whom I did not name before, nor ſhall now; but a very learned man, and my good friend, when he lived) I thought he did Pliny ſome wrong, becauſe, if he had better conſidered of it, he might have found, that that ſenſe, and therefore thoſe words, could not be his, which he did aſcribe unto him; but unto Cardan, he doth much more, adſcribing that ſenſe unto him, which his words will not bear. Having ſaid of Pliny, that he believed Dolphins underſtood humane language; a prodigious opinion: Fidem tamen habuit Cardanus; he addeth, Yet Cardan did believe it; and then produceth a paſſage of his, out of his VII. De varietate, cap. 37. Delphines ſimonis quodam conſueto nomine gaudent, &c. It is a long paſſage, but not one word in the whole paſſage to that purpoſe, for which it is alledged. Cardan doth give, or endeavour to give a reaſon, why Dolphins, according to the tradition of Ancients, delight in the name Simon, more than any other. The firſt Dolphins, or former Dolphins, having been uſed to that name, ſaith he, and, (through the force of uſe and cuſtom) delighted in it: that delight became hereditary to their poſterity. This is the ſum of Cardans conjecture, or opinion; if I underſtand, either Latin or ſenſe. And there may be more Philoſophy in this, than every man will be ready to believe, or underſtand. For I have thought ſometimes, (I thought I had ſome reaſons for it) that the very thoughts of Parents, ſometimes, are propagated to their poſterity; how much more delights, and paſſions, or ſtrong affections? If therefore any Dolphin have been long uſed to the name Simon, (any other name, I think, would have done the ſame) and taken pleaſure in it; I think it is very poſſible, that another Dolphin, of his brood, (and ſo others, after) ſhould naturally affect that name, more than any other. However, there's nothing in Cardan, in the whole paſſage alledged, of Dolphins underſtanding humane language, either Greek, or Latin, or any other: or any thing tending to that purpoſe. So that I muſt needs ſay, that great wrong is done him, by that learned man; who, though a very judicious man; (I will ſay ſo of him, though he hath in my judgment ſaid more of Cardan elſewhere, to his juſtification, than I think, if well weighed, can be made good) yet he was too great a writer, to digeſt well every thing that he did write. By theſe inſtances, let the Reader conſider, how much it concerneth men, younger men eſpecially, who really ſeek after truth, not to take things upon truſt, without ſound examination; nor raſhly to believe, or unbelieve, till they have good ground for either. I have now done with Herodotus his Arion.

IN the next place we ſhall take notice of three relations, in Herodotus, which he thought himſelf bound, as he often profeſſeth, by the law of an Hiſtorian, to take notice of, though he did not believe them, as he doth expreſly profeſs of ſome of them. We ſhall but mention them. The firſt is concerning ſome people in the North, which were reported to ſleep part of the year, in Caves. This Herodotus doth proteſt againſt, as incredible: yet we know it is believed, at this day, by many, neither fools nor children, as very true; whereof we have given an account in our Firſt Part. The ſecond is of a people called Neurii, who are reported once in the year, to turn into Wolves: not into their ſhape, I believe, or but in part, at leaſt; but into their conditions and qualities, abſolutely, and very literally. But Herodotus, though affirmed by many with great aſſeverations, yea execration, or oaths; he ſaith, did not believe it. But what ſhall we ſay to ſome of our time, both learned and grave, who write of it, and commend it unto us, for a truth? So doth Gaſper Peucerus, a learned Phyſician, I am ſure, whom we have ſpoken of in our Firſt Part: who deſcribes the manner and the time: and a very learned man, once Prebend of this Church, (who, though dead many years, yet lives in his learned Son, one of the Prebends of this Church likewiſe) in a book of his, inſcribed Vates; ſeems to aſcribe much faith to Peucerus. Delrio the Jeſuit, in his laborious Diſquiſitiones Magicae, writing of the ſame thing, doth abſolutely determine it, that the Devil cannot, really, change ſubſtances or forms; to whom I willingly ſubſcribe: but that he may ſo qualifie the bodies, even of men, as that they ſhall produce the ſame effects, as if they were Wolves, or Lions, or the like: and transform, or transfigure rather, the bodies into the ſhapes, or appearances of ſuch brutes. And it is St. Auguſtin's determination alſo, De Civitate Dei, lib. 18. cap. 18. Delrio doth quote Herodotus; and with Herodotus, Cambden: Et hodie ex vulgi opinione, quidam Hiberniti, in altera parte Hiberniae.

THE third relation of Herodotus, is, of a certain people, whom he doth call acephali, that is, headleſs, becauſe their heads and eyes are in their breaſts, or upper parts of their breaſts. I take no notice of the other reading in Herodotus, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], becauſe not acknowledged by divers ancient Manuſcripts▪ though both Pliny, and Aulus Gellius, and St. Auguſtin, and ſome others, mention them alſo among the ſtrange Nations of the North. Whether any ſuch people or no, as theſe acephali, Herodotus doth not affirm, nor deny; but delivers it upon the report of the Country, in the deſcription of Lybia. If I be not miſtaken, Munſterus in his Coſmography, ſome where, (for I have not the book, at this time) doth deliver it for a truth. Sir Walter Rawleigh, I am ſure, in his reports concerning Guiana, ſet out in Latin, with Notes, at Norimberg, Anno Dom. 1599. by Levinus Hulſius, with divers Maps and braſs-Cuts; doth deliver it for a truth. St. Auguſtin alſo, doth mention ſuch, as from others; and from ſome publick pictures, very artificially carved, in Carthage, when he lived there. And that ſuch a child was born in Miſnia, in the year of our Lord, 1554. is recorded by Fincelius, De miraculis noſtri temporis; though indeed I do not find in the picture, either noſe or mouth, but eyes only. But that might be the over-ſight of the Painter, or Carver, rather.

IN all theſe three particulars, till further confirmation, as I do my ſelf, ſo ſhould I adviſe others, that know no more than I do, to ſuſpend their belief. Though truly, I muſt acknowledge, this, no ſmall inducement to yield aſſent, becauſe ſuch a belief, or tradition, hath been in ſo many ages; where there is no ground of ſuſpition, that they have taken it one from another, (a ſtrong objection againſt the Phoenix, and ſome other miracles of antiquity) as, for example, that they that believed, or carved the acephali, to be ſeen in Saint Auguſtine's time, had it from Herodotus, who ſpeaks of it ſo doubtfully; nor they that made report to Henry the Third, King of France, before ſpoken of, concerning the ſleepers, ever had it from the ſaid Herodotus, who doth proteſt againſt it, as incredible: or laſtly, that they that perſwaded Peuceres of late, or St. Auguſtin long before, that there were ſuch tranſmutations of Men into Wolves, before ſpoken of, for a certain time, did ground it, at all upon Herodotus his relation, or teſtimony; or perchance ever ſo much as heard of the name: and as little, I believe, upon St. Auguſtins. However, all this is not of force with me, to engage me to a belief upon grounds of reaſon, as I conceive. But to cenſure them that believe it, ſo they leave others, to the liberty of their own judgment; I ſhould not do that neither, becauſe there is ſo much to be ſaid, to make it not improbable.

I HAD ſomewhat of Oracles before, in the relation of which, Herodotus may ſeem beyond meaſure curious, if not ſuperſtitious. Some reaſon hath been given before, yet I will not take upon me to acquit him of all ſuperſtition: by which I underſtand, an exceſs of that worſhip, which was in uſe, where, and when he lived. But beſides the religion, or ſuperſtition of the place; he was alſo not little infected with the Aegyptian ſuperſtition, as by many places doth appear. But what ſhall we think of thoſe ſtrange judgments, he doth very particularly record, againſt thoſe, that attempted to rob the rich Temple at Delphi; the chiefeſt ſeat of Oracles then known (to Heathens) in the world? This indeed Herodotus doth relate with more than ordinary confidence; and it were ſtrange, if he could be ignorant of the truth of ſo memorable a ſtory, which was acted, (if true) if not when he was a man, yet when born, and of ſome years. I know not of any, that doth except againſt it, upon any Hiſtorical, or Chronological account: but againſt the probability of the ſtory, in general, ſomewhat may be objected. Would God do ſuch miracles, to preſerve a Heatheniſh Temple; which he hath not done to preſerve his own, at Jeruſalem; as in the days of Antiochus, &c. nor ſo many Chriſtian Churches, that have been ſpoiled, and robbed from time to time, in ſeveral Countries? And when more; or, more execrable profanation of holy things; when very Churches were turned into Stables; then in theſe late days, during the reign and rebellion of the Fanaticks! Another man would add perchance, and Presbyterians: but I would hope better things of them. They have declared againſt Sacriledge very roundly, many of them: and if the ſame men, ſhould not oppoſe profanation of holy things, being things of the ſame nature, as vigorouſly; they would give men juſt occaſion to believe, that what they have ſpoken, or done, againſt the other, was but for their own intereſt, or ſome other worldly end. But why then doth not God ſhew himſelf, at all times, as well as then, in Herodotus his time, and many times ſince? For it cannot be denied, but that every age will afford ſome dreadful examples, of horrible judgements againſt Sacriledge and profanation of holy things: but that it is ſo always, or ſo viſible; eſpecially, upon the actors themſelves, we cannot ſay. But the greateſt objection is, not ſo much, why not, always; as, why ſuch indignation, ſuch judgments, for the Temples, and holy things of idolaters; of Devils; as St. Paul doth call them? I would not have any man too bold, and I dread it my ſelf; to call God to an account, of his judgments eſpecially, which to men are moſt inſcrutable. And I think, it is the greateſt Sacriledge that can be committed, for any man, who perchance would ſcorn, that a child, or a Peſant, ſhould aſpire to penetrate into the reaſons of his own counſels; to preſume, that he can underſtand, or ſhould underſtand the reaſon of all God doth; and not rather, when it is certain, that God hath done it, adore with humility, what God hath done. That ſuch things hapned about the Temple of Delphis, as Herodotus doth relate, though very ſtrange; (ſo they ſeemed to Herodotus himſelf) beſides other reaſons, I am the more apt to believe, becauſe as ſtrange things (miraculous, indeed) did happen again about the ſame Temple, and what did belong unto it, not long after; when the Galli, or Gaules of thoſe times, under the command of Brenuus, did attempt to rob it; which I know not any man, whom at this time I can call to mind, Heathen or Chriſtian, that ever did queſtion the truth of. Yet I ſhould hardly ſay, as I find ſome do, that God himſelf was the immediate author of thoſe miracles: So I hope I may ſpeak with St. Auguſtin, and the Schoolmen, though I know, that in ſome ſenſe, God is the only author of true miracles. S[•]d quamvis execrandum idolum Delphis coleretur, &c. But though it was an execrable Idol, that was worſhipped at Delphi, yet being it was worſhipped by the Gaules for a God, no wonder, if, as ſacrilegious wretches, they were chaſtiſed by the true God, with ſtrange Thunders, and other prodigious events, (one was, the rending of a hill at the top, which rouled down upon divers of them, and oppreſſed them. See other particulars, in the late Reverend Archbiſhop's Chronology, pag. 479.) which did daſh ſome of them, and drive the reſt away, ſo that few of them (the Army conſiſted of divers hundred thouſands, whereof not a third part eſcaped) did eſcape the puniſhment, due to either attempted, or executed Sacriledge. So a learned, and pious Chronologer of our days. But, firſt I make a queſtion, whether the God, or Idol, worſhipped at Delphi, were really acknowledged by them (the Gaules I mean) for a God. I rather believe, that they were a deſperate kind of Heathens, that ſcarce acknowledged any Deity. Ariſtotle writeth of them, (and upon that account, will not allow them true fortitude, but brutiſh ſtupor only) that they neither feared tempeſts nor earthquakes: and ſome body elſe, as I remember, that they were wont to brag, all they feared in the world, was, leſt the Sky ſhould fall, and bruiſe their bodies. To which, that of the Thraces, recorded by Herodotus, for boldneſs, and contempt of all Deity, is not unlike; that when it lightned, or did thunder, they would caſt arrows up, as it were, to Heaven, to threaten God; becauſe, ſaith he, they would have no other God, but their own, or a God of their own making. Now, that God ſhould permit the Devil, who can do much more, by his own power, given him by God, when God doth permit, than cauſe thunder and lightning, & ſtrange tempeſts; to uſe his power, to uphold his own Kingdom, his principal aim, we doubt it not; but withal, to confound (Gods intention) the inſolency of prophane wretches, and to maintain an opinion among men, (the intereſt of a Deity, in the opinion of ordinary men, being moſt concerned, in the vindication of Sacriledge and profanation) that there is a God; this, I think, cannot be matter of much wonder, to any ſober, intelligent man. But abſolutely to ſay, that the true God, who in Job's caſe, life excepted, left the Devil to his own power; did it, or was the immediate author of thoſe miracles; I do not hold ſo ſafe.

IT may further be objected, that even in thoſe days, 2(for why God now doth not, commonly, ſhew ſuch examples, much may be ſaid to it, upon grounds of reaſon, & probability) but even, in thoſe days, God did not puniſh Sacriledge always, though committed with the greateſt contempt, and inſolency, that impiety, according to the religion of thoſe days, and profanes, could poſſibly deviſe. So Dionyſius, the tyrant, the firſt of the two: who notwithſtanding all his Sacriledges, and impious ſcoffs, died wealthy, and potent, and upon his bed; (though reported otherwiſe by ſome, but I follow the beſt Authors) and left a flouriſhing Kingdom (if under a tyrant, it may be ſaid of any Kingdom) to his Son and Heir. This objection is made by Heathens, of thoſe times, but anſwered by them, that it is not always the way of Providence, or Divine Juſtice, to puniſh the offenders in their own perſons, or preſently: but that the vengeance lighted upon his Son, who of a wealthy potent King, once guarded with a ſtanding Army of a hundred thouſand foot Souldiers, and ten thouſand Horſe, beſides too, (ſome write, five hundred) Ships at Sea; became after many revolutions, a poor wretched School maſter; yea, plain begger: the ſcorn and contempt of all men, even the moſt miſerable, and ſo died: not to mention, what hapned to his wife, and two daughters, before he died, which no man can read, without horror. A good anſwer, from ſuch. For, of another world, and of a day of Judgment, the trueſt anſwer, no body could expect it from them. This wiſdom, it ſeems, they learned from long and approved experience: except ſome of them had it immediately from the Scriptures, which we know by many teſtimonies, were not altogether unknown unto them. And who knows, but thoſe horrible Sacriledges, and profanations lately committed, in London, eſpecially; where alſo the rebellion, by tumults, and ſeditious Sermons, firſt began; may not, through Gods juſt judgment, have contributed much, to this late dreadful, and, in ſome reſpects, miraculous Fire? But, this of Sacriledge, by the way only, to give ſome light to Herodotus his paſſage, in point of Credulity and Incredulity, which is our buſineſs. For though it might be a ſeaſonable ſubject, otherwiſe, yet it is a ſubject, that hath very lately, ſo learnedly and ſo ſolidly been handled, by a very learned pious man; that to meddle with it otherwiſe, than upon ſuch an occaſion; I ſhould think I did, (as the Proverb goes) falcem, in alienam meſſem injicere.

HERODOTƲS has ſome ſtrange relations of one or two notable Thieves, which may deſerve to be taken into conſideration. For Thieves and Robbers are men, and as men they may do actions, which deſerve, if not commendation, yet admiration, and ſo objects of Credulity and Incredulity. Another uſe may be made, the better to eſcape them, or diſcover them, which ſometimes, is hard to do, either to find them or maſter them. Witneſs that noble Claudius, who did ſo affront ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], Hiſtory ſtiles it, A moſt incredible thin[•]) Severus, the Roman Emperor, (both for valour and wiſdom, inferior unto none, Dio ſaith) that even then when greateſt care was taken, for his apprehenſion, durſt nevertheleſs, offer himſelf to the Emperor, kiſs his hands, talk with him, and then give him the ſlip, and after this, keep out of his hands and reach, in deſpight of all means, that the Emperor, or thoſe he employed, could uſe, or deviſe. And another in the ſame Severus his reign, named [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (for he had two names) of whom ſome particular acts are related, how he came to Rome himſelf, delivered ſome of his followers, when already condemned, (as the manner was) to be caſt unto wild beaſts: how he accoſted the Captain, or Centurion, that was ſent againſt him; took him by craft, judged him, ſhaved his beard, and ſent him back with an errand, which I ſhall forbear. Generally it was ſaid of him, that [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which, I think, I may Engliſh more plainly, and not loſe much of the emphaſis; That, when he was ſeen, he could not be [••]und; when he was found, he could not be taken; when he was taken, he could not be held. But yet he was taken, [•]t laſt, not by force or policy of men, but by the treachery of a Concubine; the leſs to be pitied, that being ſo wiſe and wary otherwiſe, he would truſt himſelf to ſuch creatures. Some years before the happy (which made us all happy) reſtoration of our Gracious Sovereign, (whom God preſerve) in a Book-ſellers ſhop; I remember I lighted upon a book, in two Volumes, intituled, L' Hiſtoire des Larrons, &c. that is, The Hiſtory of Thieves, in France, from what time, I know not. I am ſorry I did not buy it: it may be, I was not ſo well furniſhed: which at that time, when forced to ſell a great part of my books, could be no diſcredit. I look upon it, as a very uſeful ſubject, the better to underſtand the world; and if the ſame were done of the Thieves of England, ſo it were done with judgment and fidelity, which from an ordinary hand can hardly be expected, I think it would be well worth the labour. Here it may be obſerved, that there always hath been a kind of men in the world, who naturally, as I may ſay, are fitted with a marvellous kind of audacity, to attempt ſtrange things; and by a ſtrange conſtellation, or fatality, are attended with luck, and ſucceſs; for a long time, at leaſt, in their boldeſt attempts, beyond all imagination. The Greeks have many names for ſuch kinds of men, as [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and the like; ſome of which have an intimation of ſomewhat above men; and if we ſhould ſay, beyond what is ſupernatural, ordinarily known; there is a more natural kind of poſſeſſion, not ſo known; it may be there were no great error in it. When I lived (ſome years before our Reſtoration) with Sir John Cotton, grandchild to famous Sir Robert, (where, beſides that ineſtimable Library, known far and near; his noble and learned company, was a daily comfort) I remember well: I could tell the day and the year, but I forbear: that, as we were together by the fire, not long before dinner; a well ſpoken Gentleman, and though not a profeſſed Scholar, yet well acquainted with good learning; came to him, and made relation of what had paſſed at Weſtminſter-hall, that day, in the cauſe of a Lady, between her, and her husband; how, among the witneſſes, that were to depoſe for the Lady, exception was taken againſt one; in the proſecution of which buſineſs, ſuch things were there publickly, without any reply, declared againſt him, that he had done in England, in France, and elſewhere; as in all my reading I could ſcarce paralel, either for the quality of the things, or for the ſucceſs, and confidence of the perſon, that he, that had done ſuch things, durſt ſhew himſelf, in a publick Court.

BUT to return to Herodotus his relations; The firſt of them (in his ſecond book) doth conſiſt of many parts. The firſt and ſecond part, the contriving of a ſtone in the building, that might be taken away at their pleaſure, that knew the ſecret, whereby they might have an entrance into a Treaſury-houſe: and the craft, and courage of the Son, after his Fathers death, (the Author of the contrivance) when he was fallen into the trap, without any hopes of getting out; to adviſe his Brother, and fellow-Thief, to cut off his head, leſt he might be known by it; ſo far, is credible enough. The third part alſo not altogether incredible; by ſuch a device, divers Towns, ſome within our memory, have been taken. But for the fourth, of the proſtitution of the Kings daughter, and the manner, how ſhe was eluded; hath too much of improbability, and ſomewhat of impoſſibility, to be believed true, as Herodotus well judged; which is more than I can ſay of the fifth, and laſt; it being very poſſible, in thoſe times, and in that place, when, and where, ſo many brute beaſts were worſhipped for the benefit they afforded unto men; very poſſible, I ſay, that the King ſhould apprehend ſomewhat of a Deity in that man, that could effect ſuch ſtrange things: his very curioſity, to find the truth of what he ſo much admired, might provoke him to do ſuch a thing, more probably, than that the incomprehenſibleneſs of the Euripus, ſhould be the cauſe of Ariſtotle his death, or the unſolubleneſs of the Fiſher-mens riddle, ſhould of Homers.

ANOTHER relation he hath in the ſame book, of much affinity, concerning Thieves, who by long and tedious digging under ground, did rob another Kings Treaſury, which we may wonder at, that any ſhould be ſo confident, or ſo reſolute, to attempt ſuch a thing, in ſo much improbability (for it was a long way, that they were to dig) of ſucceſs; but have no reaſon, otherwiſe, as ſet out and explained by Herodotus, to think it incredible. This digging under ground, puts me in mind of the Gunpowder-plot, ſuch a Plot, as for the horror and immanity of it, I know not whether any Hiſtory can paralel. But this hath been ſufficiently ſet out by others, both Papiſts and Proteſtants. I have ſomewhat to ſay of it, which to me ſeems as horrible almoſt, as the Plot it ſelf; what it may do unto others, I know not. I was once in the time of the rebellion, at the table of one, that was very great then, but muſt not now be named. There was at the table more than one or two, whether Prieſts, or Miniſters, rightly ordained, I cannot tell: (for, even of them, ſome, though not many, did baſely temporize) but by their habit, and ſome other circumſtances, of that ſort of people, that were Preachers, in thoſe days. How it came to be talked of, I know not; but talked of it was, I am ſure, and confidently affirmed, that there never was any ſuch thing really, as the Gunpowder Plot, but that it was a Plot of King James his contriving, to endear himſelf unto the people. I do not remember that my patience was ever more put to it, though I never came into ſuch company, (which was not often, nor without great neceſſity) but well armed with patience. I did not think ſuch Bedlam talk was to be anſwered with words. But wanting power, indignation made me reply ſo much; It was ſtrange we ſhould doubt of it, at home, when Papiſts, yea Jeſuiſts abroad, had acknowledged it. Yet I deny not, but I have heard more than once, that King James knew of the Plot long before it was publickly diſcovered; which if true, doth take away nothing of the horror and wickedneſs of it; or of our obligation to God Almighty, for diſappointing it, ſooner or later. But even ſo much, is more than I can find ground for, from any printed relation, or more private information, (to me conſiderable) to believe. But ſuch was the antipathy of thoſe men, to Monarchical Government, and their ſuccesful rebellion for many years, had ſo beſotted them with a conceit of being the only favourets of Heaven, that by their good will, no man, no people, muſt be believed to have, or to have had any ſhare, or portion of Gods mercies, or good providence, (which did ſo eminently appear in that deliverance) but ſuch, as were, or had been of their own crew. How well ſuch men are like to uſe that liberty, which they ſue for, when they have it; I ſubmit to their judgment, or judgments, to whom it doth more properly belong.

OUR laſt ſubject, before this ſhort digreſſion, was of Thieves, occaſioned by Herodotus his relations; who hath had the name among Hiſtorians, generally, to be the relator of incredible things. The ſubject, it may be, as either too vulgar or too vile, ſome may think not ſo worth the conſideration. Though I be of another opinion, my ſelf; yet that conſideration hath made me the ſhorter upon it. I ſhall now the more willingly paſs to the conſideration of ſomewhat, that may deſerve, I am ſure, the attention of the moſt ſerious, if they be not too much of the humour of the times, that is, profeſt Atheiſts; or, which is worſe, ſuch, as would ſeem to acknowledge a Deity, but as Epicurus did, that they may not want a ſubject to ſcoff, and to blaſpheam. Herodotus in his ſecond book, where he treats of matters belonging unto Aegypt, of one of the Kings of Aegypt, Sethon by name, he hath this relation: Firſt, that the King was a Prieſt; ſo religious, and ſo confident in his God, or of his God, whom he ſerved, that he made no reckoning at all of the Souldiers, and Captains, whom his predeceſſors had ſet up, and allowed them liberal maintenance; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] as not at all fearing, that he ſhould ever need them. But, how contrary to his expectation, Senacherib, King of Arabia, and Aſſyria, comes with a great Army to invade his Kingdom; and he, forſaken by the military men of his Country, had recourſe unto his God; before whoſe Statue (proſtrate, you may be ſure) he did weep, and lament, and expoſtulate with his God, what things (without his help) he was like to ſuffer. That thereupon, his God appeared unto him in a dream; bid him not fear to encounter his enemy, he would provide him aſſiſtants. In confidence whereof, that Sethon, without any Souldiers, accompanied only with Tradeſmen, and Artiſans, and Court-men, or Lawyers; did go out to meet the enemy, and came in ſight of them the firſt day, before it was night. Who certainly (though not expreſſed by Herodotus) could not but anticipate in his thoughts with joy, the ſucceſs, and the fruits of an eaſie victory. But that very night, ſaith the Hiſtorian, an hoſt of field Mice, did knaw their Bows and Bucklers, (their ſtrings, I ſuppoſe) and Quivers, (or Arrows in their Quivers) ſo that in the morning finding themſelves deſtitute of arms; having loſt many, the reſt run away. So far Herodotus: I think no man that hath read, in the Scriptures, both in the book of Kings, and in the Prophet Eſay, the Hiſtory of Ezekias, that pious King, not of Aegypt, but of the Jews; who being invaded by the ſame Senacherib, intended by Herodotus ▪ and Hieruſalem the royal City, hardly beſieged; being in great diſtreſs, and in no capacity to make reſiſtance; did both by himſelf in perſon, and by the Prophet Eſay, with many tears and lamentations, addreſs himſelf to God, in his houſe, (Herodotus ſaith [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) and there ſpread the threatning letter, before the Lord: upon which God, in a dream, or viſion, (though not expreſſed) having appeared to his Prophet, ſent him a gracious anſwer, of many words, but to this effect, that he ſhould not fear; Senacherib ſhould do him no hurt: And that very night, not Mice, but the Angel of the Lord, ſmote in the Camp of the Aſſyrians, an hundred fourſcore and five thouſand: no man, I ſay, that hath read all this in the Scripture, but at firſt hearing, will take notice of the affinity, and ſomewhat wonder at it. But if he obſerve more particularly; firſt, Senacherib, King of Aſſyria; the ſame in Herodotus, and the Scripture, invading: A King and Prieſt, in Herodotus; a King and Prophet, in the Scripture: the King, in Herodotus, ſo confident in his God, that he thought he ſhould need no Souldiers: Ezekias, in the Scripture, upbraided of his confidence, by the enemy: Let not thy God, in whom thou truſteſt, &c. and publickly declaring it himſelf, 2 Chron. 32.7, 8. Their lamentation, and their application, each to his proper God, almoſt the ſame. The true God in the Scripture, and the ſuppoſed God in Herodotus, their anſwers, in effect, the ſame. The event, for the time, the night, the ſame, and for the main, a miraculous victory, in effect the ſame. And I muſt add, that for the time, in point of Chronology, what the Scripture doth record of Ezekiah, King of Judah; and Herodotus, of Sethon, King of Aegypt, is ſuppoſed by all Chronologers, and Hiſtorians whom I have ſeen, to have hapned about one time: I would ask; Can any man, that hath any knowledge of the Heatheniſh ancient ſtory, and hath obſerved how uſual it is with them, (as in ſtories that come by obſcure tradition, it muſt needs) to detort, and adulterate, and miſapply Scripture ſtories; make any queſtion, but that what Herodotus, by tradition from the Aegyptians, doth relate of Sethon ▪ King of Aegypt, is nothing elſe, but what the Scripture doth record of Ezekiah, in that particular, of Senacheribs invaſion, and the event of it? Yet I muſt confeſs, and at the ſame time profeſs my wonder, that neither Joſephus of old, who takes notice of Herodotus his relation, where he hath the Bibles, concerning Ezekiah: nor any of our late Chronologers, not Joſephus Scaliger, Calviſius, Helvicus, Capellus, Torniellus, &c. nor the late learned Archbiſhop, in his Chronology; nor Hugo Grotius, upon the place, take notice of it, as derived from the Bible. Yet Vignier, by many accounted the very beſt and moſt accurate of late Chronologers, hath ſome intimation to that purpoſe, that it is poſſible the Aegyptians might have the firſt ground of their ſtory out of the Scripture-ſtory: and that is all, which to me ſeemeth not poſſible only, but certain. But indeed Sir Walter Rawleigh, who I hope ſtands not in need of mine or any mans teſtimony, in England; hath gone much further, and ſeems abſolutely to determine it, as I do. And it is very remarkable, that this ſtory of Ezekiah's miraculous deliverance, is no leſs than three times related at large, in the Scripture: (the ſecond of Kings 18.13. Iſaiah 36. 2 Chron. 32.) ſo careful was the Author of it, that the memory of it might be propagated to poſterity. And why ſhould we not make much of this confirmation of it, from the ancienteſt of prophane Hiſtorians? Eſpecially when ſome Chriſtians have made bold, as Torniellus doth tell us, if not to deny it, yet to ſpeak of it very doubtfully? Now againſt Herodotus, if it ſhould be objected by any, that he is a fabulous writer; though ſomewhat hath already, and much more may be ſaid, to vindicate his credit; yet in this particular, their needs no anſwer at all. For it is confirmation enough, that in thoſe days, when the thing hapned, and for a long time after, the miracle was acknowledged, and the fame of it abroad, though miſtaken, and miſrelated in ſome particulars.

HERODOTƲS doth add, that to his days, Sethon his Statue was to be ſeen in the Temple of Vulcan, holding a Mouſe in his hand. Which Mouſe might be an ancient Hieroglyphick, ſuch as are to be ſeen in that famous Tabula Iſiaca, or Aegyptiaca, which I once had in an entire piece; but is now, I hope, to be ſeen in the publick Library of the Univerſity of Oxford: exhibited in parcels by Pignorius, with explications. In that Table, ſtrange figures of men, and monſters, are exhibited, holding all ſomewhat in their hands; Birds, Flowers, Cups, and I know not what; all which, to unriddle certainly, (for wild conjectures and phanſies, may be had) would require a better Oedipus, than any later ages have afforded. And it is very probable, which by the late Reverend and learned Archbiſhop of Armagh, is hinted, that thoſe▪ Aegyptians, who informed Herodotus, as ſome before had them; took the opportunity of that Hieroglyphick, the better to countenance their ſtory of that miraculous, if true, deliverance afforded to their King, by Mice; becauſe of a tradition current in many places, in thoſe days, that Mice had done ſome ſuch thing, ſome where: mentioned by Ariſtotle, in his Rhetoricks, and by divers others, ſince him. Whence alſo they write, that Apollo (the Deliverer) by ſending thoſe Mice, came to be called, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] becauſe [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], in ſome Country, did ſignifie a Mouſe. Another reaſon alſo, beſides this, why Mice were ſacred in ſome Countries, is given by Aelian, in his twelfth book, De animalibus. Were there no other conſiderable ſtory, (there be many more, and ſome, that have reference to the Scripture) in Herodotus, but this; yet this one would make me to prize the book not a little: which hath made me the more willing to take notice of it. And ſo, of a fable, an incredible thing; as, of a King of Aegypt, if not altogether incredible, yet not very probable; we have brought it to a credible, nay certain, and ſacred ſtory.

I SHALL now proceed to the conſideration of thoſe great works of men, which were to be ſeen in Herodotus his time, and are very particularly deſcribed by him: which ſubject, the great work of thoſe ancient times, in general; I have obſerved to ordinary men, who know little more, than the things of this age; or have looked into former times, but perfunctorily, is a principal object of incredulity. I remember I had a ſpeech of Seneca in my Firſt Part, Homine imperito, &c. I might Engliſh it with little alteration: That man is a ſilly man, that knows no more, than the things of his own days, or age. However, they that are well acquainted with the ſtate and ſtories, paſt or preſent, of China or America, will not, perchance, have much occaſion to wonder much, at any thing in the Roman or Perſian ſtory, or any other, of former times: out of which nevertheleſs, I make no queſtion, but we ſhall produce ſuch things, which many, when they ſee the evidences, though they will not know how, or will be aſhamed to oppoſe; yet will hardly be brought to believe. So much is the world changed, in theſe parts at leaſt, beſt known to us, from what it hath been, in former times. I remember, when I was a young Student in Oxford, I know not by whoſe recommendation, it may be, my own Father's; for he had a great opinion of it, and publickly profeſſed it: but ſo it is, that I was very buſie upon Apuleius his Apology, for himſelf: a ſerious Apology indeed: for it was for his life, being accuſed of Magick, before the Governor of the place, and anſwered for himſelf in perſon. Happy therein: for I think ſcarce any, then living, for eloquence, (wherein he is much unlike himſelf in all his other writings) wit, and all manner of learning, could have performed it as he did; ſo that he got off, more for his excellent parts, than for his innocency, in that particular. But whileſt I was upon that book, both with delight and admiration; I met with one paſſage amongſt the reſt, which I did much ſtick at. About the end, where he doth endeavour to clear himſelf of that, which among other particulars was laid to his charge, that he had bewitched a rich woman, to get her love, and by her love and marriage, her means; among other things that he doth anſwer for himſelf, one is, that though her wealth was great, (for a private woman, of no power, or dignity) yet the dowry agreed upon, was but ſmall; very ſmall: and ſecondly, that wealth was not the thing he looked after, in marrying her, he doth argue, becauſe ſoon after, he perſwaded her to make over a conſiderable part of her eſtate, to her ſons: among other particulars, part of her family, that is, (as the word is uſually taken in the Civil Law) part of her ſlaves and ſervants. Now the number that ſhe parted with, there expreſſed, is, four hundred: and I could not but think in reaſon, that ſhe would keep one half at leaſt, to her ſelf. So that upon that account, this woman, rich indeed, and ſo accounted; yet a private woman, & ſuch a one, as Apuleius doth maintain, that had no reaſon, being ſomewhat in years, to deſpiſe him, a young man, neither for his perſon, nor eſtate, nor endowments of mind, deſpicable: this woman, I ſay, muſt be miſtreſs of no leſs than ſeven, or eight hundred ſervants. This, then, to me ſeemed ſtrange and almoſt incredible. But afterwards, when better acquainted with the ſtate of the world, at that time, and for many ages before; I thought nothing of it. The truth is, ſome thouſands of ſervants and ſlaves, in the eſtate of a wealthy Roman, was no very extraordinary thing. But then we muſt add, the multitude of ſervants, or ſlaves, was that, which made many rich, in thoſe days; which they that do not underſtand, wonder many times, where there is no cauſe. But to hear of thouſands kept meerly for attendance, and that by private men too, Roman Citizens, and the like, this may ſeem more ſtrange and incredible; and yet ſo well atteſted, both by writers of ſeveral ages, and by ſo many evincing circumſtances, that how rationally to doubt it, I know not. I ſhall content my ſelf with Athaeneus his teſtimony, in his ſixth book of his Deipnoſophiſts, where with his collocutors, having ſpoken of the multitude of ſervants, that were kept by the Ancients, and what uſe they made of them; he makes one of them to reply: Good friend, Maſſurius, you cannot but know very well, that the Romans, moſt of them, were wont to keep very many ſervants; many, to the number of ten thouſand, ſome others of twenty thouſand, and more; and theſe, not as that rich Nicias, the Grecian, for their labour, and their own profit, but for the moſt part, for their attendance, in the publick. To this, pregnant paſſages of Seneca, and Ammianus Marcellinus, and ſome others might be added, which I ſhall forbear, becauſe done by others. Beſides, Pil[•]nerius, a learned Italian, hath written a book of this argument, De ſervis, from whom it is likely the Reader may receive what ſatisfaction he will deſire. It might be well worth the enquiry perchance, of men that are [〈◊〉] men and Politicians▪ how it comes to paſs, that in former times, a very ſmall portion of land, for wealth, power▪ and all manner of magnificence, yea and martial exploits; hath been more conſiderable, than whole Kingdoms are now, or have been theſe many years. Sicily, for example, but a ſmall Iſland, in compariſon of England. It may be a rich ſoil, to this day: I believe it is. But to keep it ſelf, and to afford thoſe ſupplies of Corn to other Countries, to Rome eſpecially, (wherein thoſe days, the greatneſs of the City, and populouſneſs conſidered, more Corn was ſpent in one day, than is now, in three or four Cities, the biggeſt of Europe, take them together: I might have ſaid, five or ſix, I believe, and not exceed) to be reputed the Granary of ſuch a City; (one of Sicilie's titles, in thoſe days) I believe is far above the preſent eſtate, or ability of it. Dionyſius the Father, ſpoken of before, who was King of but one part of it, kept a ſtanding Army of 100000. foot, and 10000. horſe, beſides a very conſiderable Navy. Hieron King of Syracuſe, the ſecond of that name, who lived when Anniball invaded Italy, maintained a grandeur beyond all imagination. All Towns of Greece, did ring of his bounty and munificence. He did aſſiſt the Romans, and ſupply, if not uphold them, in all their wants, plentifully: aſſiſted others, even the Carthaginians, in their great need, though rather enemies otherwiſe, than confederates. There were in that little Iſland, in Pliny's time, above ſeventy conſiderable Towns and Cities: But whether more or fewer, for the number, there were two, I am ſure, Syracuſe, which conſiſted of four Cities, built at ſeveral times; ſet out by Tully and ſome others, eye witneſſes, as the mirror of Cities, (of Greece eſpecially, ſo well ſtored at that time) for all manner of ſumptuouſneſs and magnificence: and Agrigentum, when in its flower, not inferior to it; which is recorded to have had eight hundred thouſand inhabitants, at one time; either of thoſe, I believe, far above the preſent eſtate of Sicily. We might obſerve the ſame of divers other places. But I ſhall not take upon me now, to enquire into the reaſons. But certain it is, that they that judge of all things, reported of former times, by what they know, or have heard, ſince the world, though always the ſame, in effect, yet, in many things, that refer to men, and their actions and faſhions, and the Civil government of Countries and Cities; hath put on a new face, much different from what it had in moſt places; they that do, certainly, muſt needs ſtick at many things, as fabulous, and incredible ▪ which others think they have reaſon to believe, as certainly, as what they read in beſt Hiſtorians of this, or the former age; and which are generally believed, and paſs every where, without any contradiction. Not that I think we are bound, in reaſon, to believe whatſoever is written of ancient times, though by ſome approved Authors and Hiſtorians. There is no queſtion, but they were men, as we are: favour, and hatred, and proper intereſt, might ſway them too: ſubject to the ſame vanity, to magnifie their relations; their habitation, and Country: what the Graecians call properly, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], (a worſe vanity) ſo often obſerved by Tacitus; that is, a deſire, or pleaſure to tell ſtrange things, might poſſeſs them; and whatever elſe men are now ſubject unto, they might alſo. But when men of good judgment and capacity write of things, which, if not eye-witneſſes of, yet might very well be known unto them: where, not one alone, but two or three, of ſeveral Countries, of whom there is no ground of reaſon to believe, that they blindly followed one another; not engaged, ſo far as can be found, or diſcerned, by favour or otherwiſe, purpoſely to diſguiſe the truth; write and atteſt the ſame thing: when thoſe things that are written, examined by other circumſtances, and particularities, of that age, or Country, whereof they write, are found to agree well, and to become probable enough; though, of themſelves, or of another Age, or Country, not ſo probable, or perchance incredible: add unto all this, though, all not to be expected always, yet found ſometimes; if the Authors lived in an age, which afforded many ſober and intelligent men; when good learning, and nobleſt arts, did flouriſh, which of many Greek and Roman Hiſtorians we know to be true: in ſuch a caſe, where all or moſt of theſe do concur; I ſhall aſſoon believe thoſe things, that are written by ſuch, though one, or more thouſand of years have paſſed ſince, as thoſe things that are written by the moſt approved Author or Hiſtorian of this, or the former age.

WHO would or could believe, that is not very well acquainted with the ſtate of the world, in general; and of the Romans particularly, that a Citizen of Rome, in ſome office perchance, and in order to a greater; but a Citizen of Rome, in publick ſports and ſights, to laſt ſome days perchance, or ſome weeks, at moſt; ſhould ſpend as much, as ſome great King of our time, his revenues may come to, in a whole year? And proportionably, either the ſame man, or ſome other, in buildings, in apparel, in feaſtings, or the like: which things ſingly related, no wonder, if they be not believed, they do ſo far exceed modern examples and abilities. Yet ſomewhat in that kind was ſeen in the days of Henry the Eighth, (whoſe ſtory is full of glory and magnificence, till he had taken the greateſt part of the Churches goods into his hands) when five hundred Carpenters, as I remember, for I have not the Hiſtory by me, & as many Painters, & I know not how many other workmen, are recorded to have been employed, to build a Tent or Tabernacle, where he was to entertain the King of France, not many days, if more than one. The King of France, his Pavilion, all Velvet, might be as coſtly perchance, as to the ſubſtance; but that the materials might better be preſerved for other uſes afterwards; whereas the vaſt coſt upon gilding and painting upon bare boards, could be of no further uſe, as I conceive. I deſire the Reader not altogether to truſt my relation, in this; for I truſt my memory, which in ſo many years, ſince I read that Hiſtory, may deceive me. But what ſhall we ſay, to the temporary Theatre of Mar. Scaurus the Roman, who was but Aedilis, none of the greateſt offices in Rome, but indeed greatly allyed; of which Pliny, who was well acquainted with the world; his judgment is, that it was the coſtlieſt, and moſt magnificent piece of work, that the world (upon record) ever ſaw? His deſcription is but ſhort, let the Reader judge. Neither is it poſſible he could miſtake, I would not ſay in the valuation; but, in the deſcription of a thing, ſo freſh, ſo notoriouſly known, whereof the relicks, though they uſe to continue but for a while, did long remain. But yet I muſt confeſs, the next man Curio, who though upon another occaſion, had an ambition to do ſome great work, for which he might be admired, though not in matter of coſt, (for he was not of that ability) yet in his main end, to cauſe admiration, did in my opinion go beyond him. He made two great Scaffolds or Theaters, with convenient ſeats, which hung in the Air, as it were, having no foundation in the ground, but two ſingle pins, or hinges, upon which, when they had taken their lading, (which I cannot conceive could be leſs, than ſome hundred thouſands of people: Ʋniverſus Pop. Romanus; Pliny ſaith; which muſt be underſtood very favourably, if but of one, or two hundred thouſand men) as either they cloſed, or continued apart, they were to turn into ſeveral forms, or ſhapes, either as two diſtinct Theaters, or, one perfect Amphitheater. As two diſtinct Theaters, in the forenoon: inter ſeſe averſa: back to back: ſo, that what was done in one Theater, could be heard or ſeen by them of the other: different Stage-plays being exhibited in each of them. But in the afternoon, (ſo I underſtand Pliny's, poſtremo, and, noviſſimo jam die: except we ſhould underſtand it of many days; and that he ſpeaks this, of the laſt day, which is not ſo probable) turning about, (circumacta, cornibus inter ſe coeuntibus) and cloſing, they made a perfect Amphitheater, wherein, or upon which, fencing-games (gladiatores) were exhibited; in common, now, to thoſe, who before had been diſtinct, or divided ſpectators, of different Plays and Actors. This whole wooden frame, or ſtructure, though it touched no ground, which was the wonder of it; yet could not, I believe, incloſe, or cover, leſs than a hundred, or ſix-ſcore Acres of ground. A man would think, this could not be done, without ſome coſt: and Pliny ſaith directly, that Curio was no very rich man; (non opibus inſignis: his wealth conſiſted moſt, in plundered and confiſcated goods) that is, for a Roman Citizen of thoſe times: but however, not without coſt, I believe; but in compariſon of Scaurus his charge, before; or that of Agrippas (but not all, in ſuch trifles, and gambols) after mentioned: not great, we may ſay with Pliny; who could, and doth give an exact account. And how many thouſand Carpenters, do we think, were employed about this work? But was not he a brave Ingeneer, that undertook ſuch a piece of work, and acquitted himſelf ſo well, that no man in all this winding and turning, by the miſcarrying of any board, plank, or pin, had any hurt? Pliny, who is very elegant and witty, upon this ſubject, doth profeſs, he did not know whom to admire more, the confidence of the projectors, or undertakers, (Curio and his prime Carpenter, or Architect) or the madneſs of the people, who durſt truſt their lives to ſuch a looſe, groundleſs, and verſatile a device. But, a rare ſight, (ſaith he) to ſee that people, who were the Governors of the whole Earth; whom ſo many Nations and Kingdoms ſerved, and obeyed, to hang upon two pins, and to turn about (like a Weather-cock; but Pliny doth not ſay ſo; I know not whether there were any, in his time) upon a pageant. Pliny in the ſame place hath divers other things to the ſame purpoſe, which it may be ſome may more wonder at, than what I have mentioned: beſides what the ſame Author hath elſewhere of the ſame argument. But they that deſire more full ſatisfaction in this point of exceſs, in general, to ſave themſelves the labour, of ſearching into ancient Authors; they may, if they pleaſe, read Lipſius, De magnitudine Romana: or Meurſius, De Luxu Romano: not to name others.

I COME now to Herodotus again, to me, as conſiderable an Author, as any I know of all the Ancients. The firſt great work I ſhall take notice of, is the Tower that ſtood, as he deſcribes it, in the midſt of Belus his Temple, the cirumference of which Tower, being ſquare, was juſt eight ſtadia, that is, a mile. The height cannot be perfectly known by Herodotus his deſcription, but only this, that it conſiſted of eight ſeveral ſtages. St. Jerome certainly, was much abuſed by them, pretended eye-witneſſes, who reported it, four miles in height. This Tower ſtood entire, in Herodotus his time, and he ſpeaks of it with as much confidence, as if he had ſeen it, or rather indeed, as if he had travelled ſo far, of purpoſe to ſee it. Beſt Hiſtorians follow the deſcription both of the City Babylon, and of the Temple and Tower, which is made by Herodotus. But, which is more, very learned men do take this Tower deſcribed by Herodotus, to be the Tower of Babel, mentioned in the Scripture. So Pererius, I am ſure, that learned and judicious Jeſuit, and ſo very lately, Samuel Bochartus, ſufficiently known (though, to me once known very familiarly) without my recommendation. He is very large upon it, and doth very accurately conſider the words of Scripture, that might be objected. But I for my part, though I favour Herodotus, and honour the worth of them I have named; yet I muſt profeſs, I ſee not ground enough to move me, to be of their opinion. Why was their language confounded, but to confound that they were about, the building of a Tower and City? And the Scripture ſaith plainly, they left off to build the City: and is it likely, they were ſuffered to finiſh the Tower, the more daring and defying work of the two: and not more likely, that in the City, the Tower alſo, which it is not likely they would begin with, as leſs uſeful or neceſſary, muſt be underſtood? Some may, with Pererius, ſuppoſe, that what was extant of it in Herodotus his days, was but part of what was intended, by the firſt builders. But then a man would think, had they laid a foundation for ſuch a height, and the work left imperfect; Herodotus, or ſome after him, had taken ſome notice of it: whereas the account we have of the height, then extant, and to be ſeen, is rather incredible, than gives any ground of ſuſpition, of any imperfection. I ſhould rather think, that the foundation being laid, when the work began to riſe, and to make ſome ſhew, it was interrupted, and in after ages (not many ages after I believe) brought to that perfection, in which it was to be ſeen in Herodotus his days. Yet again, I muſt confeſs, that if the platform of the top of this Tower was ſo large, as to contain a large Temple, or Chappel ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] are Herodotus his words, which may ſignifie either) it may be not unlikely, that ſome further or higher ſtructure was intended, (if not this very Temple, or Chappel) from the beginning, if the builders had not been interrupted. So that in the concluſion, I think there may be as much ſaid for it, as againſt it, that this Tower of Herodotus, was the very Tower of the Scripture. Should any man object, the long continuance of it, fourteen hundred years, as Pererius doth caſt it, from the firſt erection; a long time, for ſo high a ſtructure; it will be anſwered, that the Pyramids of Aegypt (as great, or greater a miracle, in my judgment, all things conſidered, than this Tower was) have already ſtood twice as long, and are yet in caſe, according to the beſt account we have of them, to ſtand ſome thouſand years, if the world laſt ſo long.

AND by the way, let us take notice that the account Herodotus, full two thouſand years ago, hath given of theſe Pyramids, is yet moſt followed by them, in our days, that have had the curioſity to view them; and the skill withal, as able Mathematicians, and Geographers, to examine every circumſtance of his deſcription, with accurateneſs. We may therefore the better believe him, in the account he gives of other great works, extant in his days, which himſelf, not truſting the relation of others, had the curioſity to view, that he might ſatisfie himſelf, and poſterity the better. As firſt, his account of that miraculous Labyrinth, which, he ſaith himſelf, though he judged the Pyramids, when he firſt ſaw them, far to exceed whatever was moſt admired in Greece, as the Temples of Epheſus, of Samus, or the like: yet the Labyrinth, he thought, went beyond even the Pyramids. That Labyrinth, where he ſaw twelve great Halls, with a multitude of Pillars, and ſtone roofs. A thouſand five hundred rooms above ground, he ſaw; and as many, he was told, and believed, under ground, anſwerable to the others: but thoſe he was not admitted to ſee, as repoſitories for the body of the Kings, the founders of the Labyrinth; and ſome ſacred, or conſecrated Crocodiles. Out of the rooms, ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) he paſſed into ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) chambers, out of chambers into ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) cloſets, and ſo into other Halls: ſo that he was raviſhed, he profeſſeth, with the ſight, above meaſure. The walls that incloſed the Labyrinth, were engraven with many figures; and at the end of the Labyrinth a Pyramis, adorned with variety of Animals. Truly, I make no queſtion, but there was enough, really, to be ſeen, to raviſh him, or any man, that had ſeen it. Yet we muſt remember, that he was in a Labyrinth, and might eaſily loſe himſelf in his reckoning: beſides, that his very admiration and aſtoniſhment, might make him leſs able to obſerve ſo diligently, as otherwiſe he might have done. And that his leaders and informers, the Aegyptian Prieſts, who knew the certainty, might of purpoſe, to make their miracle more miraculous, (as they did in then years, and ſome other things) add ſomewhat, is very poſſible. This may be thought, and not improbable: yet we may not conclude from bare probability, that ſo it is certainly. Now to ſay, that after this Labyrinth, he ſaw the Lake, called the Lake of Marios, which he yet admired more, than all he had ſeen before, as himſelf doth profeſs, to ſome may ſound like a fable: it doth not ſo to me: who am very confident, that the deſcription he makes of it, is very exact, according to the truth of what he ſaw, with his own eyes. The ſame, I may ſay, of all thoſe other ſtrange things, which either of Babylon, or any other place, are recorded by Herodotus, as certain and true; all, or moſt, atteſted by ſome others, and by later Chronologers, not queſtioned; though to many, who by what they now ſee, or is to be ſeen, judge only, I doubt incredible.

BUT I may forget my ſelf, and whileſt I tell of ſtrange things, that were once, paſs by the miracles of our time, that are now, to be ſeen. Such is Coenobium B. Laurencii, or, St. Laurence his Hoſpital, in Spain, according to Bertius, a learned Geographer, his deſcription, and teſtimony. Truly, I ſhould think ſo of it, by his deſcription. And for his teſtimony, the words are very ſignificant, and expreſs; Opus iſtud praeſtantiſſimis nobiliſſimſque operibus, quae vel extant uſquam, vel unquam fuerunt, adnumeratur, ab iis, qui cum judicio ſpectare nova, iiſque vetera conferre queunt. This is more than I have heard of it, by any Travellor; yet not more, than may very well be true. For it is a true obſervation of Pliny, both of great wits, & of great works: Alia, eſſe clariora; alia, majora. If there be any other ſuch great work of our times, which I do not mention, it is not, becauſe I dote upon antiquity, but becauſe I know it not; not my partiality, but my ignorance. Neither am I of that opinion, that all great, or coſtly works, deſerve truly to be admired, but ſuch only, as are as profitable, (publickly) as they are great: or ſuch at leaſt, as for their beauty and magnificence, are ſo raviſhing, that they teach us withal, leſs to admire ordinary petty ſights, and objects, which vulgar ſouls are ſo taken with. If Ariſtotle may be heard, (I hope he will, when men return to ſobriety) that is trueſt magnificence, and deſerving higheſt commendation, which is beſtowed upon the Gods, as in the erection of magnificent Temples, and the like: not becauſe they need it; but the better to ſet out their majeſty, unto men: and next unto this, that magnificence, which is beneficial unto the people. So he. Not to mention the Temple, conſiſting of one ſtone, the roof excepted, which Herodotus doth tell us of, not without ſome admiration of it: he tells us of a large and miraculous edifice, hewn out of a rock, conſiſting of one ſimple ſtone; which to transfer from Elephantina, the native place of it; to Sai, where Amaſis, King of Aegypt, did appoint it to be placed, for a rare ſight; two thouſand expert mariners were employed, for the ſpace of three years. Herodotus, I confeſs doth tell us of it, as much admiring: which I profeſs, of all great works I have read of, I leaſt admire; except it were at his prodigious vanity and prodigality, who would beſtow ſo much money, upon ſo idle a work. As if a man abounding with wealth, would be at the charge of removing (if it can be done) ſome great rock, ſuch a rock as Hooky-rock in Sommerſetſhire is, conſiſting of many concamerations; wherein, when I was there, I obſerved ſome things, which I thought, and ſtill think, might deſerve conſideration, as well as many things, which make much more noiſe: ſuch a rock, I ſay, to remove it, from whence it ſtands, to ſome place, many miles diſtant. But I ſaid, if it can be done. Archimedes, I believe, or he that undertook to cut the great mountain Athos, into the form of a man, which ſhould have born in one hand a City of 10000. inhabitants; and in the other, a river, emptying it ſelf into the Sea, if Alexander would have ſet him on work; would have undertaken it, and for ought I know, brought it to paſs, if any man would, or could be at the coſt. But to what end I pray? Only to ſhew unto the world, that he can caſt away ſo much money upon nothing, and yet continue rich: which I ſhall ſooner believe, than either wiſe, or truly magnificent.

IT is time that I ſhould have done with Herodotus. Yet to end in ſomewhat that may be more pleaſing, or more conſiderable, at leaſt, than this laſt of the great ſtone; he hath one ſtory, that I neither know how to deny, being a ſtory of his own time, or little before, and which I do not find contradicted by any other; nor yet very well how to believe. It is concerning Pythias, the Lydian; neither King nor Prince, nor any thing elſe of either power or authority, that I can find; but only a very rich private man. What authority he had, was over his ſlaves and ſervants, which indeed muſt be very many? Is it credible, as is reported of him by Herodotus, that he could be ſo rich, as to entertain Xerxes, as he paſſed by, to invade Greece, and all his Army? In ſaying, all his Army, therein conſiſts the incredibility of the thing; the number of which Army, according to the moſt contracted account that we have of it, is almoſt incredible. Though Herodotus ſay, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], and Xerxes ſeem to acknowledge as much; yet I would not be ſo preciſe, as to preſs the words rigorouſly. We will firſt abate his Sea-forces, many hundred thouſands: and of the Land-forces, that marched with him, we may abate many thouſands, and ſtill leave him divers hundred thouſands: four or five, at the leaſt. Theſe, ſo many, Pythias did entertain, at his own charge, how many days I know not, becauſe it is not expreſſed: but I believe, more than one. Beſides this, he did offer, the ſtory tells us, to Xerxes, in ready money, as a voluntary contribution towards the charges of his Army, in gold and ſilver ready told: ſo much, as comes by learned Brerewood his caſting, (which I ſhall not take upon me to examine at this time) to 3375000. Engliſh pounds, and this according to the leſs valuation of talents, as himſelf doth tell us. But he miſtakes, when he ſaith, Pythii Bithinii opes. So much he did offer unto Xerxes: his wealth, as himſelf profeſſed, did conſiſt in his lands, which in that ſumme are not at all valued. It may be, he did offer this to Xerxes, as Seneca did his eſtate (not leſs I dare ſay, if not much greater) to Nero, to ſave his life, which he feared was in danger, by it. And truly, as it fared with the one, ſo with the other. Every body knows, out of Tacitus, how nobly Nero refuſed Seneca's offer; and how much more, as he profeſſed, he thought him worthy of. But at laſt, and it is a queſtion, whether Seneca had not given ſome occaſion, whileſt he did deſire to prevent it, he was commanded to die; but indulged the choice of his death. Xerxes anſwered Pythias as nobly, and becauſe there wanted ſome thouſands, to make the ſum that Pythias had offered him, a round perfect ſumme, according to the calculation of thoſe days; Xerxes made up, what it wanted, and bad him keep it all. But then afterwards, when Pythias was an humble ſutor to him, that of five ſons of his, that followed him, he would be pleaſed to diſcharge the eldeſt, to look unto his Fathers affairs; Xerxes, as a right tyrant, fell into a rage, and had that Son cut in two, that the Army on both ſides, as they paſſed by, might have a ſight of his body, (or one half, at leaſt) to be a terror unto others. Yet, to ſpeak truth, I do not find, that he took away any of his money, or goods; but for the good that he had done, ſpared, as he profeſſed, his life, and his four ſons, that remained, beſides his eſtate.

I HAVE been the more willing to make uſe of Herodotus for inſtances, becauſe of the reſpect I bear unto him for his antiquity, and becauſe the times and Hiſtories he doth write of, have more relation, and afford more light to the Scriptures, than any other Author, or Hiſtory doth. But Herodotus was not my buſineſs, but this, that different times and ages of the world make many things to ſeem incredible, and not only to ſeem, but in very deed, impoſſible: which have been formerly very poſſible; and of ſuch a time, ſuch an age, if well underſtood, at any time credible: And whereas great works, great ſights, have hitherto been the ſubject of our inſtances, and examples, which many other ſubjects might have afforded; it hath not been, without ſome choice, or particular end. It is far from me, to believe, that the world is grown vain, ſince I am grown old: which is noted by many, as a vice or reproach of old age. Had I never read any thing of the old world, but what we read in the third Chapter of the Prophet Iſaiah; though it cannot be denied, that ſome ages have exceeded others, in this kind; yet I find enough there, to make me think, that to wonder at any thing, in point of wordly exceſs or vanity, as new and never ſeen before, is great folly. But this is no argument to me, not to commiſerate the blindneſs and wretchedneſs of mankind, ſo apt to degenerate from the glory of their firſt creation, & the end of their making; becauſe it hath been ſo always, ever ſince ſin, by the diſobedience of our firſt Parents, entred into the world, and made it ſubject unto vanity. Though therefore it hath been ſo, and will be ſo, generally, as long as the world doth laſt; yet ſince in the worſt times, and moſt corrupted places, ſome there have been, and will always be, more or fewer, that have been, though not altogether free themſelves, yet ſenſible, and earneſtly, both for themſelves, and others, ſtriving againſt it: Why may not I hope, that even now, in the croud of Ladies and Gentlemen, going the broad way, as faſt as they can; who have fixed their admiration hitherto, and their ambition, in their modes (the invention, commonly, of ſome lend Taylor, or phantaſtick Courtier) and faſhions; the pomp and gaudineſs of the world; that even among them, who for want of better education, in theſe unhappy times, are as proud of their Patches and Pedlers-ware, as ſome would be of Crowns and Diadems; or ſome noble atchievements for the publick good: when they ſee, or learn by ſuch inſtances, how vile and vulgar, thoſe things are, which they ſo much admire, and doat upon, which often fall to the ſhare of the unworthieſt of men: ſome may begin to think, there is, certainly, ſomewhat elſe, wherein true honour, and glory, and felicity doth conſiſt; and that God and Nature have not made them capable of higheſt contemplations, to think Gold and Silver, Silks and Sattins, and what depends of them, the beſt of things? To this end, though ſomewhat without the trouble of long ſeeking, where there is ſo much variety, hath been brought: yet let me add, that of all I have read in any Greek or Latin Author, I do not remember any thing more effectual, to make a man that hath any thing of a man in him (a rational, I mean, and ingenuous creature) more ſenſible of the vanity of all wordly pomp and glory, (ſuch eſpecially, as this age doth afford) than what Polybius, of all Hiſtorians, the moſt faithful and ſerious, in thoſe Fragments of his, firſt ſet out by Fulvius Ʋrſinus, doth relate of Antiochus his pomp and magnificence, in publick ſights and entertainments, at Daphne; a fit place for ſuch exceſs and riot. The occaſion of which, was, a frolick or vanity, to out-brave Aemil. Paulus, General of the Romans, who had exhibited ſome games in Macedonia, not long before conquered by them. Had Antiochus done it of purpoſe, by his example, to teach men contempt of worldly pomp; for whileſt his ſervants ſervants, by thouſands in a company, road in Chariots, and upon Horſes, all deckt with Gold, and Silver, and Purple, and whatſoever is moſt precious, in the account of men; himſelf rode by, meanly attired, upon an ordinary Jade, and did, at the ſame time, perform many vile offices; but, had it been, I ſay, to ſhew his contempt of worldly pomp, he might have been thought an admirable man. But the truth is, that what he did, he did it as a mad-man; which, with ſome other ſuch pranks, got him the name of Antiochus the mad; and in his affected perſonal vulgarneſs, had no other end, but that he might be the more admired, and lookt upon. But miſſed of his end, when the ſpectators of all this bravery, for above a month (for ſo long it laſted) notwithſtanding that their bellies, with no leſs coſt, than their eyes, had been fed; glutted and ſurfeited, both in their eyes and bellies; (ſuch are the pleaſures this world affordeth) began, at laſt, to deſpiſe, firſt his perſon, then his pomp, and forſook him. I wiſh my ſelf ſo good an Engliſh-man, (for there's no great difficulty in the Greek) that I were able to tranſlate the whole narration in good and proper Engliſh, which without more knowledge of the world in matter of pomp, and gaudineſs, than I have, can hardly be: I cannot but think, that it would do good. But, leſt this might be looked upon, not ſo much as an argument of exceſſive, or incredible wealth, which I muſt not forget my primary intention; as of extraordinary madneſs, which, as before ſaid, got him that ſirname of Antiochus the mad: I would have the pomp of Ptolemaeus, ſirnamed Philadelphus, who was a Prince of credit, joyned with it: both to be found in one book, Athenaeus his fifth of his Deipnoſophiſts: part out of Polybius, and part out of Callixenes, an Hiſtorian of thoſe days.

OF exceſs in fare and feaſting, not uſed by Kings and Emperors, which (except we ſhould put down the ſumms of the expences, as caſt up by others to our hands) might ſeem leſs incredible; but of ordinary Romans, I have had no inſtances, becauſe there is ſo much of it, in all kind of writers, that though they that are altogether illiterate, may wonder and not believe; yet they that have looked into them, but ſuperficially, will eaſily believe any thing, that can be but thought poſſible. For certainly there is no kind of exceſs, in that particular, that the whole earth (then known) could afford, but hath been tried, and was, in thoſe days, ordinary.

BUT I muſt do Herodotus ſome right: out of whom Athenaeus doth relate, that one Smindycides, a Sybaritan, (noted every where, unto a Proverb, for their luxury) did carry along with him, where he hoped to ſpeed for a wife for his Son; Cooks for all ſorts of meat, a thouſand; which, by Aelian, is increaſed to three thouſand; whereof a thouſand Cooks, a thouſand Faulconers, and a thouſand Fiſhermen. Whereas in Herodotus, no ſuch thing is to be found, either of Cooks, or any other company; but this only, that among others, who appeared ſuitors to Cliſthenes, for his daughter Agariſta; (who though no great Prince, entertained them all, in a moſt Princely manner) this Smindycides was one. Now if Herodotus wrote no more, I think they do him wrong, who impoſe that upon him, which hath too much of improbability, even of thoſe times, to be believed. Or if he wrote ſo indeed, (not probable to me) yet even ſo, ſome right we do him, to perfect his Text: though I am ſomewhat confident, that if he did write any ſuch thing, it was not without his ordinary proviſo, in things ſo improbable; that ſuch a thing was reported, but by himſelf not believed.

WE have ſpoken of many things, which to ſome, (I have found it ſo more than once) might ſeem incredible. I thought I had made an end. But I remember my ſelf, that we live in an Iſland, as other Iſlands are, compaſſed with the Sea: the chief glory and ſecurity whereof, are, thoſe wooden walls, commended unto the Athenians, by the Oracle, when Xerxes invaded the land; good Ships, and expert Mariners. And God be thanked, I think there is no Nation of the world, but will yield to the Engliſh the precellency of that glory, in point either of Ships, or Men: God continue it. But though, for uſe of ſervice, which is the principal end of Ships; we may challenge precellency of any that are, or have been in former ages; yet in point of credibility, which is our buſineſs, they are greatly deceived, who think there never were greater or fairer Ships, than thoſe that have been ſeen in theſe later times, ſince Navigation hath been ſo much improved by the diſcovery of that ſecret of the Loadſtone, not known to former ages, of always turning to the North. If they limited it, for ſervice of war, or long journeys, I ſhould not be againſt it. But for greatneſs, or ſumptuouſneſs, what compariſon? Let the deſcription of two Ships, built by Philopator, King of Aegypt; made by able Authors, who were eye-witneſſes, (and beſides them, how many thouſands) or the deſcription of a later Ship, built by Hieron, King of Syracuſe, before ſpoken of; concerning which, one Moſchion, wrote a particular Volume; the truth of which deſcriptions made by skilful men, eye-witneſſes; when ſo many thouſands, who had ſeen them, were able and ready to atteſt, or to contradict, as they ſhould ſee occaſion; no man can rationally doubt of: let them be read, and I think I may be allowed, by thoſe that have read them with any judgment, to ſay, that the leaſt of thoſe Ships, might be bigger than any ten (it might be true of twenty, for ought I know) of thoſe Spaniſh Ships, which in Eighty Eight, appeared like ſo many Caſtles; put together; and exceed the coſt of them too. I ſay the leaſt of them: which, as I take it, was King Hieron's Ship: which had this above the two others, that it was made for uſe of war alſo. And let me add, that I make a queſtion, whether any Ships now, or lately made, carry any piece of Ordnance ſo great, as to do that annoyance, that ſome Engines of that Ship, made by Archimedes, that noble Ingeneer, as they are there deſcribed, could do. If I have exceeded in my valuations, or proportions, I deſire to be pardoned. I had no intention, I am ſure: thoſe that are better verſed in ſuch things, may ſoon find it, and correct my error, for which I ſhall thank them. And it is to be noted, that this Ship of King Hieron, was built only for a preſent, to one of the Kings of Aegypt, whereby we may gueſs at the wealth, and magnificence of that petty King, if the extent of land, over which he reigned, be conſidered. But many ſuch Kings there were in thoſe days, even of ſingle Towns, or Cities, very rich, and ſome, very potent. And whereas one of the Ships made by Philopator, is reported, or recorded rather, to have contained forty ſeveral ranks, or rows of rowers, on a ſide, the one above the other; which ſince that, Ships of 8. or 10. or 12. rowers, ſome have thought could hardly be made, to be ſerviceable, will be thought by many, not poſſible, and therefore incredible; all that I can ſay to it, which I am ſure I can, is, that had my Father (of Bl. M.) his Commentaries upon Polybius, upon which he beſtowed a great part of his life, been finiſhed and Printed, he would have made it clear, how it might be, and anſwered all objections: And it is ſure enough, that the invention of many things practiſed by the Ancients, through ignorance of former times, now thought impoſſible, is loſt. Though I deny not however, that I alſo believe, that ſuch a vaſt Ship could not be much ſerviceable. And the rather, becauſe Livy doth mention one that had been Philip's, King of Macedonia, which was of ſixteen ranks, (Quam ſexdecim verſus remorum agebant) ſo big, he ſaith, that it was almoſt unuſeful. The ſtory ſaith, that vaſt Ship before ſpoken of, had to the number of 400. rowers, and ſouldiers, to the number of 2850. All which is atteſted by Plutarch alſo, in his Demetrius. All theſe, in the out, or open places of the Ship. How many more, in that numerous ample buildings and edifices of the ſaid Ship, which though neither by Athenaeus, nor by Plutarch ſpecified, or particularized; yet by that deſcription of the two other leſſer Ships, we have in Athenaeus, we may probably gueſs at: how many more thoſe large buildings might contain, I ſay, God knows. I believe, as many more, as all the reſt put together: which will exceed the number of ſome conſiderable towns. But Plutarch doth add, that this Ship was built more for ſhew, than any ſervice; and that it never moved from the place, where it was built, without much danger, and difficulty. The biggeſt or longeſt Maſt of one of theſe Ships, which was looked upon as a great providence, by the diſcovery of a Shepheard, was found, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, In ſome mountains of Britany, now England: if that reading could be warranted. But it cannot: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], much more probable, if not certain. For which, good reaſons are given by learned men. Not therefore for much ſervice, I ſay, ſuch vaſt Ships: yet in the account Athenaeus doth give us, of Philadelphus his ſtore, or proviſion of Ships, he doth mention Ships of 30.20. and 14. rows, which certainly were intended for uſe. But I have done with this: And yet now we are upon Ships, ſomewhat of our times, or not long before, for the incredibility, beſides uſefulneſs, if true and real, may deſerve to be taken notice of. That a Boat, not to be ſunk by any tempeſt, in all weathers, very nimble and ſerviceable, may be made, if we may believe Fiorananty, notwithſtanding his uſual cracking and vapouring, we may believe it true. But of the two, I ſhould give more credit to Trithemius, that learned Abbot, who doth name the man, by whom a book or diſcourſe was publiſhed in Print, wherein for a hundred thouſand Ducats, he did offer, firſt the Pope, Innocentius the VIII. then the Venetians, and laſtly the Genuenſes, (ſo I remember was the diſcovery of the New World, for the price or charge of a very ſmall Navy, offered to divers Princes, who did but laugh at it, but repented it afterwards) to teach them the invention of a Ship, unoffenſable (if I may ſo ſpeak) to all dangers of the Sea; and by which (or by ſome other invention) Ships ready to ſink, might be preſerved, and any goods out of the bottom of the Sea, eaſily recovered. The loſs of this invention, or inventions, when to be had and purchaſed at ſo eaſie a rate, Trithemius doth ſeem very ſeriouſly to condole, as though he really believed it: if in it, he had not a reſpect to himſelf more, who promiſed ſuch mighty things, which ſhould have made the world happy, but never came to any thing, but to buſie diſtempered brains, or to diſtemper theirs, which were ſound before.

BUT ſince England as an Iſland, gave me this occaſion of Ships, which though true, may ſeem ſtrange and incredible: I will take this occaſion, to tell ſomewhat that I have read of England, which may juſtly ſeem as ſtrange, as I am ſure, it is falſe, and ridiculous; but that the occaſion of the miſtake (difference of cuſtoms) may be conſiderable, to prevent the like of another Country. In Ortelius, or Mercator, I know not which, but one of the two, I am very confident, ſome Greek Author, or Hiſtorian, ſpeaking of England, gives a reaſonable good account of it, as I remember; for it is many years ſince I read it; but a reaſonable good account I ſay, otherwiſe; but this, moſt falſly; that they make their wives common to their gueſts. It is ſo falſe, that to go about to refute it, were ridiculous, if not ſcandalous. Yet they that know the faſhions of other Countries, in the Eaſt eſpecially; where to look upon a woman, that paſſeth by, veiled; or to look up, if any be at a window, or in a Balcone, is the cauſe of death unto many: where a man may be acquainted, and in dealings, with another man; often go to his houſe, eat and drink with him, and yet not know, not ſo much as dare, to enquire, whether he have a wife or no: he may acquit the Author of that falſe report, from any intention of either lying or ſlandering; if he were a ſtranger and bred in one of thoſe Countries; only, blame his ſimplicity, or want of judgment, that he would judge of other Countries, which he did not know, by thoſe that he knew, and was acquainted with: who might himſelf have known, if a Scholar, or a piece of a Scholar, that ſomewhat much more ſtrange, than ſuch ordinary ſalutation, uſed in England, and ſome other Countries, had been once in uſe, even among Chriſtians, when I believe chaſtity, and continency was not leſs in requeſt, than it is now in any place; but indeed ſo unhandſom, and uncivil otherwiſe, in my judgment, (worthily condemned both by the laws of ſundry Heathen Princes, and by the Canons of the Church) that I will not ſo much as name it.

BUT if this man have done England wrong againſt his will, upon a falſe ſuppoſition, I know not how to excuſe them, Engliſh-men born, I believe; who have endeavoured to perſwade the world, that Engliſh men were born with tails, ſuch as brutes have naturally: or, indeed, how to excuſe him, who though he would not ſeem to give credit to it, yet ſpeaks ſomewhat doubtfully of it, Novit Deus, &c. when he could not but know, that it was a baſe, ridiculous untruth, the device of ſome Popiſh Fanaticks, (much like the calumnies of our Proteſtant Fanaticks, and, of late, wicked Atheiſts, againſt the Church, and the Clergy) which no ſober man would give the hearing to. True it is, that Polydore Virgil, who long lived in England, in his Hiſtory of England, (as Delrio doth obſerve) did write ſomething of the people of one Pariſh in Kent, which he would have, to have hapned unto them, as a miraculous judgment, for ſome affront offered by them to Thomas of Becket his Horſe, as he paſſed by: and it is poſſible, that the publick reproach of Kentiſh-long-tails, raiſed upon another occaſion, mentioned in the Hiſtories of England, might be ſome occaſion of that fooliſh report; or, to ſpeak more properly, tale. But Polydore doth add, that they had been all gone long, and extinct, to whom this hapned. Delrio makes a doubt, whether he ſpeaks this of a truth, or in favour to the Nation. God knows, ſaith he: and adds, The reproach is paſſed upon the whole Nation, and doth yet continue among bold people, who will adventure to ſay any thing, whether true or falſe; But, if true, (Delrio goes on) will. Tooker might have done well, to aſcribe to his Queen that vertue alſo, &c. a baſe ſcurrilous jeer, for which the Jeſuit deſerved to loſe his ears, to teach him, and others, to make ſo bold with perſons ſo ſacred, as Kings and Queens are. But the quarrel is: This Will: Tooker, wrote a book, it ſeems, (I have it not) De Strumis: whereby he doth aſcribe to Kings and Queens of England, a power derived unto them by lawful ſucceſſion, of Healing, &c. If he deny it to the Kings of France, as Laurentius doth lay it to his charge; or derive their power, from England; I think he was too blame. And Laurentius, and ſome others, (Sennertus among others) too blame alſo, who writing of that ſubject, would appropriate it to the Kings of France. I remember well, that when I was in the Iſle of Weight, being earneſtly invited thither by ſome of the chiefeſt of the Iſland, (though then, under a cloud, for their Loyalty) I was told of ſome extraordinary cures done by Charles the Firſt, (ſince a Martyr) whileſt he was a Priſoner there; not only upon ſome that had the Kings Evil, (as we call it) but upon ſome others alſo, who laboured of other diſeaſes. Which, if true, and certain, (as, becauſe told me by perſons of quality, I am apt to believe) it is pity, it ſhould not be more known; if not more known; (if, I ſay, becauſe of late, ſince I left off going to London, by reaſon of ſickneſs, ſuch a ſtranger to new books, and ſo little converſant with thoſe, that I have) than I know it is. But I ſay, if true and certain. We need no counterfeit miracles; his death, and his book are ſufficient miracles to canonize him: and they that could not, cannot yet be converted from their rebellion and ſchiſm, (I may now add, Atheiſm) by either; I think I may ſay of them, that though one roſe from the dead, or an Angel did appear unto them from Heaven, they would not be converted, or believe.

HITHERTO, ſince the examination of Epicurus his late Saintſhip, or Canonization, tending to the undermining of all piety and godlineſs; our chief buſineſs hath been by ſundry inſtances, rationally diſcuſſed, to rectifie the incredulity of many; all tending to the vindication of truth, wherein the happineſs of man, and the honour of God, is ſo much concerned. Now though the clearing of one of the two contraries, muſt needs (as before ſaid) imply the illuſtration of the other alſo; yet the better to acquit our ſelves, let us conſider of raſh belief alſo, and ſo what means, or cautions ſome inſtances of that alſo, will afford us, to prevent it. Not, that we may never be deceived, for which I know no remedy, whileſt we continue men, but to believe nothing; a remedy much worſe, and more pernicious than the diſeaſe: but to prevent, as I ſaid before, raſh belief, which is all, that humane prudence doth pretend unto. What I obſerved in the Firſt Part, upon thoſe words of St. Auguſtine, that, Multa credibilia, falſa, &c. muſt here be remembred alſo. That all men are lyars, is the ſpeech of one, who could not lye, or be deceived, in what he delivered abſolutely, in the authority of a Prophet, or a man inſpired by God. It may be anſwered, that it was in his haſte, (his own confeſſion) that he ſaid it; in the ſame haſte, or impatiency, that made him to utter thoſe words, I am cut off from before thine eyes, though he lived and reigned many years after that. This might be ſaid, had not St. Paul the Apoſtle, made a general application of the words, to all men. But granted that all men in ſome ſenſe, or other, are lyars; yet that ſome men, accounted otherwiſe ſober, & ſerious, ſhould, with much labour, deviſe and ſtudy lyes, not for any profit they hope to reap by it, but only for the pleaſure of deceiving others, and to triumph, as it were, in their error and ignorance, or rather in the common calamity of mankind; this would hardly be believed, by them eſpecially, who are more ingenuous themſelves, had not all ages afforded ſome pregnant examples. But though ſome might do it ſo, meerly, as we have ſaid; yet other conſiderations might move others to do the ſame thing, beſides what we have ſaid, or what is moſt common and ordinary, gain or profit. If a man be paſſionate for a cauſe, his religion, his friend, his Country, his trade, or calling; all theſe, or any of theſe, may induce him, to deviſe lyes, or frauds; which in that caſe, for a publick end, ſome men account no lyes, or frauds, but a meritorious act. Which yet might have more colour, when it is done for a publick good, which ſeldom doth happen: whereas for a little vain-glory, an imaginary title, to advance the honour, and reputation of a tongue, of a town, of a family, or the like, it hath been done by ſome, without any regard at all of their own ſhame or conſcience, or forecaſt of the iſſue, which probably may prove contrary to what is intended, or expected; ſhame and ignominy, inſtead of honour and glory, when ſuch baſe means are uſed to procure it. What a world of lyes and counterfeit books, monuments and evidences, the conceit of piae fraudes, in former times did produce; and how many have been gulled and deceived by them, who doth not know, or hath not heard? Which kind of counterfeit books, monuments and evidences, as they are able to confound right and wrong; to overthrow whole States and Governments, Civil and Eccleſiaſtical, as by many inſtances might be proved: ſo is there no work, either of it ſelf more noble, or more advantagious to mankind, than to be able to defery and diſcover them, and by good and ſatisfactory proofs, to aſſert what is genuine and ſincere. But a work of great difficulty, which doth require perfect knowledge of the learned tongues, of times, (which, without being well acquainted with the Authors, not profeſt Hiſtorians only, but others alſo, of every age, learned and unlearned, is not attainable) of faſhions and cuſtoms, and all antiquity: beſides a good judgment, without which nothing can be done, in this, or any other uſeful work. They therefore that would reduce all learning, to natural experiments; or at leaſt, would have all learning (not to ſpeak of them, who account all other, altogether uſeleſs; who I doubt are not few) regulated by them, and thoſe that profeſs the trade, whether meer Empiricks, or others; how well they provide for Religion, the peace and tranquillity of publick Eſtates, the maintenance of truth, whether in matters Civil or Eccleſiaſtical; and what will be the end of ſuch attempts, (without any diſparagement of any thing that is done, in England, or out of England, for the further diſcovery of Nature, which I honour, as much as any can do, be it ſpoken) but as ſome men project it, and give it out, what will be the end; though ſuch men cannot, or will not; yet all wiſe men may eaſily foreſee, and is no difficult ſpeculation. But to go on. There is not any body I think, who deals in learning, who hath not heard of Annius Viterbienſis his bold and wicked attempt, by counterfeit Hiſtorians of greateſt antiquity, to confound all true Chronology, to the great prejudice of all Hiſtory, and the truth of the holy Scriptures themſelves. And had not this impoſtor lighted upon a time, which did not long precede the reſtoration of good learning, and that happy age, which afforded ſo many able men in all kind of literature; it is very poſſible, that thoſe abominable forgeries and fopperies, had paſſed every where for Oracles, and undoubted truth. For to this day, or very lately, notwithſtanding ſo many learned Cenſures, of Papiſts, and Proteſtants, of all profeſſions, that are extant againſt him, and have laid the impoſture as clear and viſible, as the light of the Sun, when he is in his ſtrength; there be yet, or were very lately, men of no ſmall fame and credit in the world, who could not digeſt, or be perſwaded, that ſo many fine Titles, ſhould be caſt out, as meer baubles, or forgeries. Who knows, had the times continued in that ignorance, and this impoſtor ſped, as he did for a while; but another might have been encouraged, by ſome ſuppoſitious writings, and bold fictions, to advance the credit of the Alcoran, above the Bible? Much about the ſame time, or not long after, a learned Court-Spaniard, had the boldneſs to obtrude to the world the inventions of his own brain, for the writings of the moſt learned of all Emperors, (known unto us) that ever were; Solomon only, for the teſtimony the Scripture doth give him, excepted. And though the genuine writings of that incomparable Prince, (but indeed ſo adulterated by falſe Copies, that little of them was to be underſtood) were publiſhed not long after; yet did that forged and adulterous ſtuff, tranſlated into moſt languages of Europe, Printed and re-printed, with large Comments in Folio; in Quarto: paſs currently, with great applauſe, for a long time after; and had I never done any thing more in my life time, than that I was the firſt, that undertook that great task; to reſtore that worthy Prince to himſelf, by making him intelligible; I ſhould not repent that I was bred a Scholar, or that I lived where, or when, good learning was in requeſt.

IT is not yet full forty years, when in a Book-ſellers Shop, in St. Paul's Church-yard, I lighted upon a Book intituled, Etruſcarum Antiquitatum Fragmenta: Printed ſome where in Italy. A fair large book it is, of the largeſt ſize of books, full of Inſcriptions, many cut in Braſs, and many others. I confeſs that the firſt ſight of the book did ſo raviſh me, that I ſcarce knew where I was, or what I did. Yet, that day, with good company, I was to go to Graveſend, in a Barge or cloſe Boat, which we had hired of purpoſe. It was not poſſible for me to ſettle to any reading, (except here and there, as I went along, by ſnatches) until I was got into the Boat: and then excuſing my ſelf to the company, and alledging for my excuſe, that I had got ſuch a treaſure, as if I had gone a hundred miles for it, I ſhould not think it dear bought, or ſought; or to that effect, I fell to reading. But my pride and boaſting, was ſoon over. I had not read a quarter of an hour, I dare ſay, but I began to ſuſpect, ſomewhat. But in leſs than an hour, or thereabouts, my judgment was ſo altered; or rather my joy, and my hopes ſo confuted, and confounded; that what book a little before I did not think dear at forty ſhillings, (that was the price ſet, as I remember) I now valued, as ſo much waſte paper, and no more. The truth is, when the heat or violence of my expectation (which did almoſt tranſport me) was once over; I began to wonder at my ſelf with ſome indignation, that I had had the patience to read ſo much. For I was then verily ſatisfied, that there was ſcarce a line in the whole book, from which either by the Latin, or by the matter of it, a man not altogether a ſtranger to ſuch things, might not have diſcovered the fraud. Yet a fraud otherwiſe contrived with great art & ſpeciouſneſs, to take them that are apt to be taken by the outward appearance. Having then a book at Preſs, which was almoſt ended, before I knew what any man elſe did; I could not but let the world know, what I thought of it. Since which time I have ſeen divers pieces, ſome for it, of men I believe, who themſelves were engaged in the fraud; but more againſt it; by which I was glad to underſtand, that the fraud was, not only detected, but alſo, as it well deſerved, deteſted in all parts of Italy, Rome eſpecially. Among them that have contributed that way, Leo Allatius is one, who though he may be thought over ſedulous in a thing ſo notoriouſly diſcernable; yet his book well deſerveth the reading, becauſe it will furniſh them, who are not much verſed in ſuch things, with many arguments, (whereof ſome may be uſeful in divers things, as there proved by ſome inſtances, that have no reference to learning) how ſuch frauds may be diſcovered. Yet for all this I know that ſince I had publiſhed my judgment, and for ought I know, ſince ſome of theſe cenſures, or confutations were publiſhed; divers in England did ſhew much zeal for this precious book: and I was told by the late moſt Reverend and truly learned Primate of Ireland, that ſome in Ireland did go to Italy of purpoſe that they might bleſs their eyes with the ſight of thoſe precious Monuments, or Relicks. So prone are many men, not only, inconſiderately to entertain an impoſture; but alſo loth to forge the opinion they have had of the worth and truth of it, when once they have entertained it. What wonder then, if Chriſtianiſm was ſo ſoon turned into Mahometiſm, in a great part of the world; when ſo much force was uſed to bring in the one, and ſo little learning found (ſuch was the ſad condition of thoſe times and places) to uphold the other, and to diſcover the impoſtures of pretended Enthuſiaſts? But now I have commended Leo Allatius to the Reader, I muſt give him a caution, how he doth give credit unto thoſe words of his, Page 152. Aegyptiorum quoque cadavera bituminis beneficio poſt viginti aut plurium annorum myriades perpetuitatem adepta quodammodo fuiſſe, viderunt alii, & nos ipſi, &c. by which he doth ſeem to make the world elder by many thouſands of years, than it is; or ever, I think, any man, thoſe that make it eternal excepted; made it before: which, I am very confident, was not his meaning; though, how to rectifie it, as a fault of the Printers, I know not. Had theſe Antiquities been received generally, as a true piece; beſides that they contradict the Scriptures, in ſome places; I think half the world would have been Conjurers, and Enthuſiaſts by this time; for that is it, which they chiefly advance. Here again I may ſay: God preſerve the Univerſities: without other learning, great and various learning, beſides natural experiments, all things muſt neceſſarily come to confuſion, in a ſhort time.

IN thoſe kind of things which pretend to antiquity, as I would not have a man peremptorily to reject any thing, upon light ſuſpitions; for ſo, he may bereave himſelf of many rare things; and moſt true it is, that things almoſt incredible, (the diſcovery of the new world, I reſerve for another place) are diſcovered ſometimes: So on the other ſide, not very ſuddenly to believe, nor to aſcribe much to his own judgment, (which all men are apt to overvalue naturally) till he have made trial of it many times; and till he perfectly underſtand (ſo far as may be, by labour and diligent inquiry) both the nature of the thing, and all circumſtances of the ſtory, which he is to judge of. There is nothing ſo ſlight almoſt, but doth require ſome experience: and there is nothing ſo hard, almoſt, wherein long experience, where there is a natural pregnancy, may not breed perfection. I have heard of ſome men, (but heard it only) who by the bare handling and ſmelling, would judge better of old Coins, (which is a great trade beyond the Seas, and concerning which many books are written) than others, not altogether ſtrangers unto them, could by the ſight: The more precious every thing is, the more ſubject it is to impoſture; though to me, there is nothing ſo mean, but the truth of it, is precious. The worſt is, (which ſhould teach men humility) let a man be never ſo careful and wary, or ſo judicious and well experienced; yet either through the obſcurity of nature, in ſome things, or the cunning of men, whoſe ſtudy is to cheat, and to impoſe; he may be to ſeek ſometimes, even in thoſe things, wherein he thinks himſelf moſt perfect, and, either caught, by ſome cheat, or at a ſtand, and nonpluſt. I read in a good Author, of a ſtone ſold to Jewiſh Jewellers, who make a trade to deceive others, in ſuch things; for a good Diamond, for the price of 9000. Crowns, which proved but a Cryſtal, of little worth: and of another, ſold for a Ruby, for 300. Crowns, which proved (let no man wonder; for the ſame Author doth teach, there be red Diamonds, as well as white: Abr. Ecchel. in Hadarrhamaum, de proprietat. &c. Pariſ. 1647.) a good Diamond, and was ſold for 7000. Crowns. One of the beſt (ſome will ſay, the beſt) Anatomiſt late ages have produced, began to diſſect a Spaniſh Lady, of great rank, for dead, when ſhe was alive: but ſhe died, and he too, for ſhame and grief. And a skilful Chirurgeon being to open a vain in the arm (that invincible arm) of Henry the Fourth, King of France; cut a Nerve, or Artery, which had almoſt coſt him his life. No man therefore ſo skilful and wary, but may erre ſometimes: and in matter of impoſtures, which are generally the contrivance of men; it may be a queſtion, whether ſomewhat, beſides man, doth not concur ſometimes, of purpoſe to illude, and to fruſtrate men in their moſt ſedulous inquiries.

WHEN I read the relation of thoſe bones found in Daulphine, in France, in a Grave made of Brick, 30. foot long, 12. broad, 8. deep. 18. foot in the ground, with ſome Inſcriptions, and old Coins about it; the Bones, or Sceleton, that was found in the Grave, being 25. foot and half in length; I do not know what to think of it. Riolanus indeed, who profeſſed both Phyſick and Chirurgery in Paris, at that time, wrote ſomewhat, to perſwade the world, that it was a cheat. But I know Riolanus out of a humour, or ſomewhat elſe, would ſometimes oppoſe, where there was no great ground: the ſame, I ſuppoſe, who would perſwade the world, that there is no ſuch thing in the world, as Hermaphrodites, of which more in our Firſt Part. The relation of thoſe Bones, firſt ſet out, doth import, that the Sepulcher once opened, moſt part of the Sceleton, having been in the Air from eight in the morning, to ſix in the night, fell into duſt; ſome of the thicker bones, and ſome that were well nigh petrified, by reaſon of a little ſpring, that did run over and waſh them, excepted. Thoſe that were left, were, by the Kings order, brought to Paris, and by him bought, to be kept in his Cabinet of rarities, as the very bones of a Gyant. This Riolanus doth not deny. Peireskius, that great and famous Antiquary, upon accurate examination of all circumſtances, did at firſt paſs his verdict, that probably, they might be true bones of ſome great Gyant, of the old time: but afterwards, did rather incline, to think them the bones of an Elephant. Riolanus, after ſome conjectures, doth pitch upon that at the laſt, to make them foſſilia; bred, and begot in the earth; becauſe, ſaith he, it is the property of ſome grounds, to produce ſome bony ſtones, or ſtony bones, which have all the properties of true bones. Or, that they might be made by art, which may be done, he ſaith, and in time thus metamorphoſed by the water. He hath more conjectures, but in this particular caſe, (for as to the nature of the Foſſilia, in general, and the marvellous works of nature, in this kind, I believe much) but in this particular caſe, in my judgment, ſo improbable, that it doth, to me, clearly appear, that he had more will to oppoſe others, than ability, to give better ſatisfaction himſelf. His exceptions, from the dimenſions, or properties of the bones, as firſt related; I ſhall not take upon me to examine, or to control, it is not my trade. Only I can ſay, there might be ſome miſtake in the relation; or ſomewhat beſides the ordinary courſe of nature, which doth happen, we know, ſometimes. I my ſelf, when I was young, did ſee a grave in Spittle-fields, two or three days after it was opened. The ſkull was broken in pieces, by him that digged the ground, and the pieces ſcattered, and ſome carried away. But by ſome pieces that were found, and put together, the whole skull, by the Kings appointment, (as I was told) being drawn out according to art, did equal a buſhel, in the compaſs of it. So I was told, and I think, by one of the Court, and a Scholar: but I am not certain. I my ſelf was then ſick of a diſeaſe, which, I think, cauſed more wonder, than the Gyants bones. It was but a pin, but a very coſtly pin, it proved, in the compaſs of ſeven years: for ſo long it was, not before it came out of my body; but, before my body was well of it; ſo that I was ſeldom out of the Chirurgeons hands. But Phyſicians, I thank God, coſt me little: Sir Theod. Mayerne, and Dr. Raphael Thoris, I had in London, where moſt of my ſickneſs was, who were my very good friends, as they had been my Fathers. But to return: I had ſome of the Coins that were found in this Spittle-field's Grave. But, that other Grave, is my buſineſs: That that Grave, ſhould be the Grave of Teutobochus, that Gyant, or Gyant-like man, mentioned by divers Ancients, (who according to Peireskius his caſting, muſt have been ſome 10. or 12. foot high) according to an old inſcription, pretended to be found in the ſaid grave; beſides other reaſons that have been given, I leſs believe it, for that very inſcription; which I am ſure, cannot be of that antiquity: except we ſhould ſay, that ſuch a grave being digged up, many hundred years ago; which by a conſtant tradition, or by ſome much worn inſcription, did appear to be Teutobochus his grave; to increaſe the miracle of his height and bigneſs, it was of purpoſe ſo re-built, and the inſcription alſo, according the wit and genius of that age, ſo renewed. This is poſſible, a man may ſay: and ſomewhat of that nature, I am ſure hath been done in more than one age. Witneſs the old Statues, which with changing of their heads, became the Statues of divers men; or perchance, of Gods and Men, ſucceſſively; and many other things done in that kind: which I will not ſtop to call to mind, becauſe there is no need, except I had more confidence, that it is ſo, indeed. I ſhall conclude nothing, but as I begun: when I have well conſidered of all particulars in the relation of theſe bones; what I account, certain in it, what doubtful, and perchance fabulous; and read what others have thought and written of it: and not of this only, but of many ſuch relations of graves and bones, well atteſted: I am at a ſtand, and ſuſpend my belief. But therefore to conclude, that all ſuch relations are falſe, becauſe we cannot abſolutely reſolve, or anſwer all doubts, and Queres: I hold that a very prepoſterous way, and very unworthy the profeſſion of a Philoſopher, or one that ſeeks after truth: (time may reveal many ſecrets, which are now hid; and diligent ſearching may find ſome) but well agreeing with the dull and ſottiſh Epicuraean humour, which to prevent the trouble of inquiry, and withal, fearing that we may be forced ſometimes, to go to a higher cauſe, than the ſanctuary of Atomes, hath found a compendious way, to reject all as fabulous; any evidence of truth to the contrary, notwithſtanding, which it cannot give a reaſon of. We have their own words, out of Lucian, a great friend, if not profeſſor of the Sect, in our Preface to Dr. D[•]e's. Plato therefore ſaid well: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], that, To wonder and to admire, was a quality, that well became a Philoſopher; and was indeed, the beginning and foundation of all Philoſophy. And ſo Ariſtotle too; more than once, very rightly. For to wonder and admire, doth cauſe inquiry and diligence: it alſo ſharpens the wit and brain. But to believe nothing true, that is ſtrange and admirable; doth well become ſuch infidels, who make their eaſe and their pleaſure, their God. If any except, that rather to wonder little, (Nil admirari, the Poet ſaith) may become a Philoſopher better, as he whoſe work is, to dive into the cauſes of things, which cauſe wonder to the ignorant, that may be true too, rightly underſtood: ſince that, not to wonder, or to wonder but little, is the fruit, of having wondred much: and that too from Ariſtotle, (that true maſter of reaſon, indeed; a title lately uſurped by ſome, who have as little right to it, as any men of the world, I think) [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. But what if the deceitfulneſs of men, more than the obſcurity of nature, or any other cauſe, be the cauſe of our admiration? That alſo muſt, upon ſuch occaſions, among other things, be remembred; and thoſe Etruſcae Antiquitates, before ſpoken of, may ſerve for a pregnant example, what pains ſome men, though they get nothing by it, will take to contrive a cheat; and what admiration they cannot, by true, to raiſe it by falſe miracles. What if ſome men, though they cannot contrive any thing, that will be ripe to work whileſt they live; yet can be ſo baſe and unworthy, as to ſolace themſelves whileſt they live, with the preſumption of deluded poſterity, by their means? So indeed it might happen, that four or five hundred years before that grave was opened in Daulphine, ſome ſuch conceited man, (if man to be called, and not Devil rather) having lighted upon ſome Whales, or other fiſhes bones, which they write are, or have been, very frequent in that Country; might out of them contrive ſomewhat, towards the reſemblance of a Sceleton of a mighty Gyant; bury them in a formal Coffin, or Grave, which might endure many ages; caſt in Coins, and other convenient ware, not doubting but revolution of times, and accidents, ſooner, or later, would bring them to light. What remedy, in ſuch a caſe, but patience, and good circumſpection, before we yield full aſſent, or be too confident, where ſuch a thing may be ſuſpected, though not eaſily diſcovered?

I REMEMBER I have read of a monument found in China, the rareſt thing, if true, that ever came out of the earth, in that kind. Abrahamus Kirkerus, in his Prodromus, gives a large account of it. I know what account ſome make of it, that it is a counterfeit thing, forged by the Jeſuits of thoſe parts. It is eaſily ſaid. But upon due conſideration of circumſtances, (ſo far as hath yet appeared unto me) not ſo eaſie to be believed. For what was their end in it? To promote the Chriſtian Religion, in China: or to abuſe us here in Europe, with a falſe report? Truly, it is very hard to believe, that ſo much pains ſhould be taken, to ſo little purpoſe, when there was ſo little likelihood, that the impoſture could ſo long hold undiſcovered. It is a very long inſcription, and the ſtone that contained it, muſt be very large; and many hands, if not horſes, uſed to convey it too and fro. But if, which is more probable, to promote Religion in China; then certainly ſuch an inſcription, ſuch a ſtone was there found, digged out of the earth before many witneſſes, and afterwards ſo diſpoſed of, as the ſtory doth tell us. How could the Jeſuits prepare and convey ſuch a ſtone thither▪ in a Country ſo full of people, ſo near one of the chief Cities? And if once diſcovered in their jugling, was it not more likely, to do them more hurt and their cauſe; than they could expect advantage, in caſe it had paſſed for a true ſtory? Beſides, what Kirkerus writeth of it, I ſuppoſe is written and atteſted by more than one; though I can name but one, Alvarus Semedo, the Portugal, (who I think was no Jeſuit) in whom I remember to have read it. I profeſs by what I have read of it, I cannot find ground of reaſon, to make me believe it an impoſture: neither hath it been my luck hitherto, to meet with any body (that I can remember) that hath gone about, upon grounds of reaſon, to refute what is written of it, but only in the way of Seneca's Sapientiſſimi, by which any thing may be falſe or counterfeit, which we do not like, or underſtand; fabula eſt, mendacium eſt. In Emanuel Dias his Epiſtle, which Kirkerus doth exhibit, I find Trigaulſius mentioned, as being then in the Country, when, and where that hapned; who in his relations of China, firſt ſet out, could ſay nothing of it, becauſe they end many years before, and the book Printed, Auguſtae Vindelicorum, 1615. But it ſeems, he made a ſecond Voyage, and happily a Relation of that too, which I have not ſeen. They that have read more, may give a better account perchance; but this doth ſerve our purpoſe, to ground ſuch obſervations upon, as have reference to credibility, or incred[•]bility. But now I have mentioned Kirkerus: I have not any of his books, at preſent, and therefore ſhall ſay leſs: but by what I have read, or ſeen of him, I ſhould not adviſe any man▪ that loves truth, to take all for good and merchantable ware, which he doth offer. I ſhall not inſiſt in any particulars, but only this in general; as I know him a man of great parts, ſo a great undertaker, and a very confident man; two ſuſpitious qualities, and I am ſure, he hath deceived, or hath been deceived more than once.

I HAVE done with particular inſtances, not becauſe the ſtock of my matter, which I propoſed to my ſelf, is ſpent; but becauſe the time, which I have, or can allow my ſelf for this imployment, is out. I ſhall now have other things to think of, if my health will give me leave to think of any thing elſe, but death. But before I end what I am now about, I think it requiſite, that I add one word or two, concerning Hiſtory, in general. Some taking the advantage of ſome notable diſcordance, yea manifeſt contradictions among Hiſtorians, of beſt credit; have made that uſe of it themſelves, and commended it unto others, to diſcredit all Hiſtory; ancient eſpecially, even where they agree. And truly, if upon that account, we do not think our ſelves bound in reaſon, to believe them in things more ordinary; it is not likely we ſhall, in things that may be thought very ſtrange, and (but for their authority) incredible. This, to them that are not acquainted with the world, may ſeem ſomewhat: to them that are, nothing at all. For ſo are all things in the world, liable to ſome defects, and irregularities: which notwithſtanding, few, or none are laid aſide, upon that account. That it is ſo, we may be ſorry: but Hiſtory muſt not bear the blame only, ſince it is the general caſe of all things, or moſt, that we deal in. I muſt confeſs, it hath troubled me not a little, when I have met with ſuch contradictions, in beſt Hiſtorians. For example: What Herodotus, and after him, Diodor. Siculus, and divers other Hiſtorians write of Cyrus, that great Monarch, (ſtiled Gods ſervant, in the Scripture; of whoſe ſalvation, through faith in the promiſed Meſſiah, Melancton made no queſtion) his violent death by the hands of a woman, far from his own Country, or Dominions, who hath not heard? Yet X[•]nophon, a grave, and famous both Philoſopher and Hiſtorian, who lived not long after, and ſerved another Cyrus in his unfortunate [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], or Expedition againſt his brother, Artaxerxes, (the Hiſtory, whereof, he hath written) doth give a quite different account of his death: to wit, that he died in his bed, in his own Kingdom, (which comprehended many Kingdoms) in much peace, with many other particulars, tending to the ſame purpoſe. Wherein nevertheleſs we have more reaſon to wonder at the thing it ſelf, ſubject to ſo much obſcurity, than at the different account of Hiſtorians. For it doth appear by Herodotus, and we are beholding to him, for giving us ſo much light, that even in his time, there were ſeveral reports, concerning this great Cyrus his death: ſo that, what he doth deliver of it, he delivers as the moſt probable (in his judgment) tradition; not as certain, and indubitable. I could inſtance in divers ſuch particulars. But what is this to the body of the Hiſtory of the World, for ſome two thouſand years, (beſides the Scripture Hiſtory) to be gathered out of the generality of Hiſtorians, of all Ages and Nations: which reading, (where men are not too far engaged into ſenſuality and profaneneſs) by the knowledge and conſideration of the many revolutions of the world, the ſad chances and alterations, which publick Eſtates, and private perſons and families are ſubject unto, producing commonly, (as in Salomon, and Aurelius Antoninus, another Salomon, for this kind of wiſdom) a right apprehenſion of the vanity and contemptibleneſs of the world and all worldly things, without a reference to God, and immortality: they that make this good uſe of it▪ though they die young, yet may be ſaid to have lived longer than any Epicuraean Sectary, though he ſhould live two hundred years, who can give no other account of his life, but that, he hath eaten and drunk, and enjoyed bodily pleaſure, with perfect (we will ſuppoſe it ſo) contentedneſs, ſo long: which things have nothing at all of a rational ſoul in them, but of a beaſt, (of a dog, or a ſwine) much more, than of a man. They therefore that deſpiſe Hiſtory upon that account, might as well deprive themſelves of the light of the Sun, becauſe it is ſubject to ſome Eclipſes.

BUT we muſt add, that many of theſe contradictions, which we charge upon Hiſtorians, proceed not from the Hiſtorians, but our ignorance: our ignorance, I ſay, either of the tongue, not perfectly known, (wherein many are deceived, as they that think themſelves very good Grecians, becauſe they have read, and can underſtand two or three Greek Authors) or of the times, or of the thing it ſelf, which is ſpoken of; which may have reference to ſome of the Sciences, or ſome ſecret of Nature; or for want perchance of that light, which a diligent comparing, and conſulting with good books of ancient, or later times, would afford. That it is ſo; ſo many, once thought apparent contradictions, both in the Scriptures, and other good Authors, beſides Hiſtorians; now by the labour of learned men, happily cleared and reconciled, are ſufficient evidences. I think there is not a book, of any age, or profeſſion, extant; but ancient, eſpecially; but may give ſome light to a judicious Reader, towards the clearing of ſome obſcurity, either in matter of fact, or ſcience, or work of nature. Two Ʋniverſities, in one Kingdom, are little enough for ſuch a work, if a man go the right way to work. But many run, where one only carrieth the prize. And if but one in a hundred, or two hundred that run, happen to ſpeed, (as God be thanked, the Univerſities have always been ſtored with able men, in this kind, who have been a great ornament to the whole Nation) the coſt is not ill beſtowed upon one or two hundred, that do not, (ſo that it be not for want of labour, and induſtry) for that ones ſake. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. Er. p. 1668. Quàm pauci, qui capiunt magnitudinem literarum; was a ſpeech very frequent in the mouth of one, whom I knew very well; and I might have been the better for it, but for frequent ſickneſſes, and the loſs of twenty years, during theſe late troubles and confuſions.

BUT beſides, many contradictions proceed alſo from a humour, in ſome men, or a malignity rather, to contradict others. So Cteſias, of old, was known to ſet himſelf to contradict Herodotus. To make him fabulous, and himſelf a conſiderable man, he pretended, becauſe he had lived in Aſſyria, and ſerved one of thoſe great Kings; to ſacred records. But it fell out much otherwiſe, than he expected; for Herodotus, in moſt things, wherein he diſſents from him, is followed; and he, generally, accounted a fabulous fooliſh Hiſtorian. From what humour it proceeded, I know not. But I knew a Gentleman of great worth, who would very ſtifly argue, that Conſtantine the Great, never was a Chriſtian. I do not remember, I ever heard him alledge any thing for it, which I thought of any force. But this he might, as well as Pomponius Laetus, a late Italian compiler of Hiſtory, (ſuſpected by ſome, to have had more affection for old Heatheniſm, than he had for Chriſtianity) made bold to write, that Conſtantius, one of Conſtantine's Sons, died a Heathen.

OTHERS again, though they have no humour to contradict; yet they will hardly believe any thing, that doth contradict, or not well ſute with their humour, and proper temper. So that a man had need, if poſſible, to know ſomewhat of the temper of his Hiſtorian, before he know what to think of his relations; ſuch eſpecially, as have ſomewhat of incredibleneſs in them. We heard a learned Phyſician, of our times, (in our Firſt Part) deny, that there are Witches. One great argument is, becauſe he did not believe, that any woman could be ſo cruel, or wicked; ſo that he doth not ſtick abſolutely to profeſs, that ſhould he ſee with his own eyes, any woman commit any of thoſe horrible things, that are laid to their charge; he would not believe his eyes, that it is ſo, truly, and really; but believe it a deluſion. Yet this the man, that doth tell as horrible ſtories of men-Sorcerers and Conjurers, without any ſcruple of believing, as any I have read in any books of that argument.

OF all women I have read of, ancient or late; I know not of any that ſtands upon the records of Hiſtory, for cruelty, and all manner of wickedneſs, more infamous, (or indeed comparable) than two women, that lived at one time in France, better than a thouſand years ago: Fredegonde, and Brunichild. Queens both, but the one a Kings daughter alſo; the other, aſcended to that height, by her baſeneſs, firſt; and then, cruelty. Medea, of old, was nothing to either of theſe, as ſet out by ſome of thoſe times. If I were to judge, I ſhould be much put to it, which was the worſe of the two. For he that reads the acts of either by themſelves, will find ſo much, that he cannot but think, that either of them went to the height, of what can be thought poſſible. But however, though for their lives, never ſo well matched; yet in their deaths, great inequality may be obſerved: Providentia, apud imperitos, laborante: ſaith one, that writes of them: that is, To the no ſmall prejudice, or reproach of Gods providence; but, apud imperitos, well added: that is, with men that muſt know all the ſecrets of God, and the reaſons of all his diſpenſations, or elſe they will not believe, that there is a God, if men (ſuch blind wretches, even the wiſeſt that are, in compariſon; acknowledged by divine Ariſtotle, but not by the wits and wiſe men of our time) could underſtand the reaſons of all he doth. It is enough, that he hath been pleaſed to arm us againſt this kind of temptation, by his Revealed Word; ſo that to judge of men, by what hapneth unto them in this world, is little better, than abſolute apoſtacy, from the right faith. But, as the ſtory goes; Fredegonde, of whoſe wickedneſs we have more pregnant teſtimonies, than of the others; died in peace, and was happy in her Son, who made all France happy, as even any King did. Brunichild died much after the manner of Ravailack's death, being tied to the tail of a wild Horſe, who ſoon ſcattered her brains, and put her out of her pains; though the reſt of her body was ſcattered afterwards, as bad as her brain, by the ſaid wild Horſe, piece after piece, in a great compaſs of ground, according as his wildneſs directed his courſe, over hedges, and ditches; over hills and dales? This in publick: too much, I think, for a Queen, and the daughter of a King; though ſome think, too little, for her wickedneſs. But this is not all. For before that, ſhe was tortured three days in priſon, with exquiſite torments, the worſt that could be invented, to preſerve her to publick judgment. And which is worſt of all, this was the judgment upon her of a King, famous for many Princely parts; but, for none more, than for his goodneſs, and clemency, which muſt needs aggravate her guilt very much. Yet for all that, and the judgment of ſo many writers ſince, that have paſſed againſt her; ſome have been found, long ago, who whether of meer compaſſion, or ſome kind of incredulity, began to queſtion, whether all that had been written of her was true; and ſince that, that famous French Antiquary, Paſchier, in his learned Recherches, hath taken great pains to make her a perfect Innocent, if not a Martyr. He is ſo long upon it, that it requires a good time, to read him; much more, ſhould any man attempt it, to confute him. I will leave it free to them that read him, to judge as they pleaſe. But I have ſome reaſons, to incline me rather, to Baronius his cenſure of one, that had begun to juſtifie her, before Paſchier; that he did but laterem lavare; that is, waſh a Blackmoor, to make him white. Beſides Baronius his authority; Vignier, not inferior, I dare ſay, to any in knowledge of Antiquity, and a very judicious man, makes her guilty. Strange indeed, that any woman ſhould be ſo wicked, and cruel; or live ſo long, to act ſo much wickedneſs. But again, her death, and judgment, (her perſon, a Queen, and the daughter of a King conſidered) is ſo full of horror, that ſome have attempted to make a fable of that too, as well as of her wickedneſs, as altogether incredible. But I do not find that any body takes any notice of their attempt, againſt ſuch publick evidences, whileſt they have nothing to ſay for it, but becauſe they think it incredible. Her wickedneſs, is another thing. One particular of her indictment is, that ſhe had been the death of ten Kings. So is the indictment: but it muſt be underſtood, of ſome actual Kings, partly; and partly, of other Princes of the Royal bloud, who might have been Kings. Of ten, ſuch; hard to believe, even of a man: much more, of a woman: whom ſome ſtill look upon, as the weaker Sex, and upon that ſcore will think it an uncharitable credulity, to harbour ſuch cruel thoughts of them. But in very truth; If a vertuous woman, that is chaſt, religious, diſcreet; eſpecially, if of a gracious and beautiful aſpect, (for that alſo, is the gift of God, and doth add much) may be compared to an Angel: to whom can one, that hath none of thoſe good qualities, and is ſet upon wickedneſs; more fitly be compared, than to a Devil? And in that caſe, the more Beautiful, the arranter Devil. Corruptio optimi, peſſima; Philoſophers and Phyſicians ſay: and our late learned King James, of Glorious memory, (whom I had the happineſs, more than once, when very young, to wait upon, and can truly ſay, that I never parted from him, but in great admiration of his learning and piety) by the authority of his judgment, which was excellent; and by ſundry pregnant inſtances, hath taught us, that for that very reaſon, women, becauſe the weaker Sex, therefore the apter they are, naturally, to be cruel and revengeful.

THUS, truth may be toſſed up, and down, ſometimes; though all this, that hath been mentioned, is nothing to the maſter-piece of our age: Epicurus, his Saintſhip, and filial fear, or worſhip. But toſſed up and down (I ſay) ſometimes, I deny it not. But they that will take the pains, prepared firſt with humility, (which to Saint Auguſtine, is all in all, in this great buſineſs) to dig for it, may find enough of it, to comfort them, that they ſhall not loath to live. Nihil eſt tanti, niſi verum, was the ſpeech of a Heathen, upon what occaſion, I ſhall not inquire: but a ſpeech, in the moſt obvious ſenſe, well worthy the mouth of a Chriſtian: What live we for, but to learn what is truth? Or if you will, ſomewhat more Paraphraſtically: What is the reward, propoſed unto a rational Creature, of this, otherwiſe, miſerable life; but truth; or, the knowledge of what is, truly, and really? But ſhould we have perfect truth here upon earth, we might ſay, What need of Heaven? For, where perfect Truth is, there God is.

I WOULD end in Simplicius, the Philoſopher, his Prayer; an excellent Prayer to this purpoſe; and well would become a Chriſtian Litany, but that it ends in a Verſe of Homer's; though that, an excellent Verſe alſo. But I will not do that Infidel, (for he lived ſome ages after Chriſt) ſo much honour. There is enough in the Lords Prayer; which all true Chriſtians, I hope, ſay more than once, in a day. For it comprehends all that we can, or ſhould, at leaſt, wiſh. I ſhall willingly end in the commendation, or recommendation of that excellent Prayer; which, in the late confuſions, was in no ſmall danger, (the publick uſe of it) to be baniſhed out of the land, had not the happy Reſtoration of our Gracious King, Charles, the Second; (whom God bleſs, and preſerve) and by Him of the Church; happily prevented it.

FINIS.

ADDITIONS.

PAge 119. line 30. I ſhould not, the wonders of thunder and lightning, as ſet out by Seneca, and others, well conſidered, make any great wonder of them,

Page 220. line 14. after theſe words, Then his promiſcuous company did from one another. Add,

That Epicurus notwithſtanding that ſpecious allegation, That true pleaſure could not, or cannot be purchaſed, without a vertuous life; did ſtill keep to his firſt, and fundamental aſſertion, that the happineſs of man conſiſted in bodily pleaſure; and that as they did explain themſelves, there's no ſuch contradiction between theſe two propoſitions, as many do phanſie; any man, that ſhall but read them; or read Cicero, or Seneca, to name no others, will eaſily underſtand. Beſides, their great and chiefeſt argument uſed by them to prove, that it is ſo, that pleaſure is the end, becauſe even children, aſſoon as they are born, and all other creatures, without any teaching, ſeek after pleaſure, (not mental certainly, but bodily) will eaſily evince. Add to this, their definition of pleaſure, wherein they placed happineſs, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], a conſtant well ſetled conſtitution of the fleſh, or body; what can be more plain. But becauſe they maintained, or pretended at leaſt, that ſuch a conſtant well ſetled conſtitution of the fleſh, or body, without temperance and ſobriety, (who knows not, that from intemperance, riotouſneſs, &c. all, or moſt bodily diſeaſes do generally proceed) could not be attained, or maintained; nay, they would ſay, not without innocency, and a good conſcience, ſo far, (ſo they did explain themſelves) as may preſerve a man from fear of the laws, and publick animadverſions, and infamy, likewiſe: which things, in ordinary language, are commonly adſcribed unto vertue; therefore they alſo, to ſpeak as others did; ſometimes commended vertue, and a good conſcience; with many ſpecious words, it cannot be denied, and plauſible reaſons, but ſtill upon that account, and no otherwiſe. For they ſtill plainly maintained, that there was no difference between what was called vertue, and vice, but in conceit; and that a wiſe man would refrain no manner of pleaſure, or voluptuouſneſs, but for the evil conſequence to his bodily health: nor no manner of injuſtice, or wickedneſs, which his phanſie did lead him unto, but for fear of the laws, and that he could never be ſecure, that it ſhould not be known. This is acknowledged by Ding. Laertius, and by Gaſſendus alſo. By theſe fine devices and pretences, many were caught: ſo that, they that had a mind to it, or natural inclination, might live ſoberly, (and ſome did, certainly) and innocently, and yet profeſs themſelves of their Sect. But others, (the far greater number, God knows) gladly entertaining what they were taught, and was inculcated unto them as a main principle, that, might but a man ſecure himſelf, that he ſhould not be known, or ſhake off all fear of the laws, there was no difference between vertue and vice, in nature, but in opinion only; if they did rob, and kill; proſtitute themſelves to man or beaſt, to ſatisfie their luſt, and the like; (promiſing themſelves ſecrecy, as many are apt to do) what reaſon had they, by this doctrine, to think the worſe of themſelves for it?

There is a Letter of one of Epicurus his Whores, &c.

Page 224. line. 4. &c. Where I ſay; That Gaſſendus himſelf was an Atheiſt, really, &c. I deſire it may be read: That Gaſſendus himſelf, though we have too much occaſion to fear, that he hath made many, was an Atheiſt, I will not ſay; God forbid; neither of him, nor any other particular man, who doth not openly profeſs it. I will ſay more; I believe not. He hath commended Piety in others, as in that incomparable Patron of learning, noble Peireskius, whoſe life he hath learnedly ſet out. Learnedly, I am ſure; but whether ſo faithfully, always, or every where: that is, whether he do not ſometimes impoſe his thoughts and ſentiments, or happily, miſtakes, upon that worthy man; by what was objected to him whileſt he lived, by a very learned man, in Paris, Jean Triſtan, Commentaires Hiſtoriques, Tome primier, page 108. &c. we may very well doubt. He hath taken good pains, when many much nearer, and more concerned, (as now, God help, in theſe times, too many) were ſilent, to ſet out, and lay open, the horrible impieties, and blaſphemies, of Robert Flud, a Welch, or Engliſh (I know not which) Chymiſt: with a ſhew (if he did not afterwards fall from it) of much zeal, for the Catholick Faith. Laſtly, he hath written (though ſtill ſhewing too great deſire, and vainly endeavouring, to extenuate groſſeſt enormities) againſt ſome of Epicurus his opinions, very well. I ſaid therefore, I believe, not. But in diſcharge of my duty to God, &c.

Page 229. line 7. and then content our ſelves with what every day doth afford. Add, It is in the Greek, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: which may alſo be tranſlated, So, to take care ([〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) of every days neceſſaries: or, what may be fit and requiſite from day to day. Which will well agree with thoſe words of our daily Prayers, (which have troubled many) [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. I do rather incline to this ſenſe, becauſe of the words that follow, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: that is, For theſe alſo (daily neceſſaries) muſt be taken care of, provided that the care of better things (or Philoſophy) go along, (or, be not intermitted) and thoſe no longer, or further cared for, than may ſtand with the vigorous purſuit of the former. Gaſſendus is much miſtaken in the ſenſe of theſe words. And ſo he is, in the ſenſe of thoſe, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]: which need not any correction. And yet worſe, in thoſe, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉], &c. But beſides theſe, there be other words in the ſame paſſage, produced by Gaſſendus, as the words of ſome Epicuraean, (which, I am ſure, cannot be true of all he produceth) wherein I find my ſelf as much grounded, as it ſeems he was. They that have the old tranſlation of the book, may do well to have recourſe unto it. But to return to thoſe firſt words, which have given us this occaſion; Gaſſendus by correcting, &c.

ERRATA: whether of the Preſs, or Copy.

PAge 2. line 21. read, grounded upon D. 9.5. The Cont. 18. examples 13.31. or app. 18.26. Galeotus 19.3. But to return to our ſpiritual roſe: the teſt. 22.20, 21. nature, only 23.10. Series▪ 32.1. Augerius Ferr. 37.30. writings 39.16. to have c. 40.4. thoſe ſup. 50.22. Abſtinens Con[•]ol. 52.13, 14. Sure I am, in m. 53.20. ſo much adm. 21. any, whon. 56.33. were comm. 57.7. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]. 58.13. goes on 59.19. particulars 60.25. tempeſtatib. 28. Querolus 62.33. in thoſe d. 68.27. to the art. 30. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] 69.18. Merl. 71.22. Odyſſ. 74.3. irrupt. 29. So he. Beſ. 84.1. in the firmament 87.13. So G. 16. of hair: others, (trib. 18. it muſt needs) of th. 89.29. how much m. 90.2. miſtake, that it is not alw. 96.12. nor certain r. 99.6. But upon a pr. 100.3. at leaſt 31. [•]eras 102.10. otherwiſe: of w. 14. thing elſe; but 103.21. no where 104.2. hath m. aſſ. 110.18. after I rem. 112.7. Cogn. 114.2. (but not unjuſt) ag. 12. leni[•]nd. 116.29. refuſed 119.1. Ʋella 7. vulgaria 120.23. worn out 122.19. rugged. 125.3. where I.K. 129.4. Medicam. 5. Archig. 134.33. of what 0.136.33. in ext. 142, 39. doth app. ceaſe 144.23. The manner 145.26. of Rome, ſent 146.21. ly, and n.h. of more) 150. laſt l. was commendable: w. 151.15. Civ. wars 153.6. no hard thing to a. 157.30. generation only: 160.10, 16, &c. Naudaeus 161.32. ocular 165.32. Empiricks 167.15. read it 169.20. would I 170.26. dealt with 174.17. vine tend. 175.30. Pipinus 176.4. datum 6. coruſ[•]. 18. contrect. 22. dict[••] mir. 25. ma cum ut. 28. ut te 178.16. Eue. 35. Ʋeron. 179.9. played 180.23. Levinus Lemn. 184.5. eget 185.3. that are ſuch: f. 186.18, 19. So he, the m. 188.7. it may be true 8. true, as ſome learned men are of opinion, of an. 192.29. nev. heard 206.32. number 215.28. chapter. 217.2. can ſay 2[•]1.23. to ſpeak of Ep. 224.15. this, that they m. 24. The R. therefore w. 28, 29. futility of D. 225. last l. that w. 228.2. diſcommended 22. doth not in P. 233.28. Th[•] 234.22. or diſcret. 235.30. Arion 238.18. ſent 241.34, 35. I have at this t. 250.7. no great account, or auth. 25. quond. 254.6. Peucerus 256.11. Brennus 258.10. beſides 400.260.24. beſides w. 265.22. and a Pro. 266: last l. ſtorians, now extant 268.16. works of th. 271.5. where in th. 275.3. could not be h. 279.21. Maer[•]is 285.19. teach others cont. 30. Mad 286.16. of better or. 34. Smyndir. 289.9. which, ſince th. 10. rowes 26, 27. had four thouſand rowers, beſides mariners 400. and ſ. 31. the num. 290.25. [•]iorouanti 293.11. Will. T. 294.23. and ſee w. 298. 6. and when 291.31. forgo 300.17. or Euth. 304.18. to the wit a.