The Unparalleled Sufferings of John Coustos

FREE-MASONRY.

UNPARALLELED SUFFERINGS OF JOHN COUSTOS, WHO NINE TIMES UNDERWENT The moſt Cruel Tortures ever invented by Man, AND Sentenced to the Galley Four Years, By command of the INQUISITORS at LISBON, IN ORDER TO EXTORT FROM HIM THE SECRETS OF FREE-MASONRY; FROM WHENCE He was releaſed by the gracious Interpoſition of his late Majeſty, KING GEORGE II.

TO THIS EDITION IS ADDED, A SELECTION OF MASONIC SONGS, AND A COMPLETE LIST OF LODGES, FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.

NEW-YORK: PRINTED BY JACOB S. MOTT, FOR CHARLES SMITH, NO. 51, MAIDEN-LANE. —1797—

To the R. W. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Eſq CHANCELLOR, GRAND MASTER, AND R. W. JACOB MORTON, DEPUTY GRAND MASTER OF THE ANTIENT AND HONORABLE FRATERNITY OF FREE AND ACCEPTED MASONS OF THE STATE of NEW-YORK, THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY CHARLES SMITH.

PREFACE.

IN preſenting the following work of COUSTOS'S Sufferings to the public, it may be remarked that few publications have received ſo extenſive a patronage from the fraternity as the preſent, and none held in more eſtimation, as is fully evinced by the reſpectable liſt of ſubſcribers annexed to the Engliſh copy, prefaced with a dedication to his Royal Highneſs the duke of Cumberland, the then Grand Maſter. This proving the character and merit of the narrative, has induced the publiſher to preſume it will be equally acceptable to the craft on this ſide the Atlantic, particularly as maſonry flouriſhes in this country in a manner hitherto unequalled in the hiſtory of cur noble order. A work of this nature well authenticated muſt be conſidered as a valuable tract—which for the honour of humanity it is firmly hoped, the like ſcenes will again be never repeated.

An original attempt to arrange in order the different domeſtic lodges, will appear obviouſly difficult to effect with accuracy; but ſo far as the ſubject has admitted, no attention has been withheld.^[1] Foreign lodges are enumerated from the lateſt maſons calender that could be procured.

The ſongs, it is preſumed, will prove an acceptable pocket companion to our meetings, and if they have a tendency in promoting recreating pleaſure, the wiſhes of the editor will be amply gratified.

INTRODUCTION.

I CAN juſtly affirm, that it was not vanity that induced me to publiſh the following accurate and faithful relation of my ſufferings in the Inquiſition of Liſbon. A ſtrong deſire to juſtify myſelf with regard to the falſe accuſations brought by that tribunal againſt me; as well as againſt the brotherhood of Free-Maſons, of which I have the honour to be a member, were the chief motives for my taking up the pen. To this I will add, that I was very willing the whole world ſhould receive all the lights and informations I was capable of giving it, concerning the ſhocking injuſtice, and the horrid cruelties exerciſed in the pretended holy office. Perſons who live in countries where this tribunal is had in abomination, will, from the peruſal of the following ſheets, have freſh cauſe to bleſs providence, for not fixing their abode among the Spaniards, the Portugueze, or the Italians.

Such of my readers as may happen to go and reſide in countries where this barbarous tribunal is eſtabliſhed, will here find very ſalutary inſtructions for their conduct; and, conſequently, be leſs liable to fall into the hands of the unrelenting Inquiſitors.

Thoſe who, ſpite of all the precautions taken by them, may yet have the ſad misfortune to become their innocent victims, will here be taught to avoid the ſnares laid, in order to aggravate the charge brought againſt them. Theſe ſnares ought the more to be guarded againſt, as they are but too often ſpread by the Inquiſitors, merely to give a ſpecious air of juſtice and equity to their iniquitous proſecutions.

For this reaſon, I ſhall firſt give an impartial relation of my own proſecution and ſufferings, on account of my being a Free-Maſon. I ſhall add, for the ſatisfaction of the curious, a ſuccinct hiſtory of the pretended holy office; its origin; its eſtabliſhment in France, Italy, Spain and Portugal; the manner how it graſped, by inſenſible degrees, the ſupreme authority now exerciſed by it, not only againſt thoſe conſidered by it as heretics, but even againſt Roman Catholics; how priſoners are proceeded againſt; the tortures inflicted on them, in order to extort a confeſſion: the execution of perſons ſentenced to die; with an accurate deſcription of the Auto da Fé, or gaol delivery, as we may term it; together with the ſufferings of many perſons who fell victims to this tribunal. I likewiſe will add a plan of the houſe of the Inquiſition at Liſbon, in which I was confined ſixteen months, and whence I was removed to the galley, as it is called, in that city. I will deſcribe this Portugueze galley; and the manner how priſoners are lodged and treated in both thoſe places.

I ſhall conclude with a compariſon between the methods employed by the primitive church, in order to ſuppreſs hereſy, and convert heretics; and thoſe now made uſe of by the Inquiſitors (under the cloak of religion) indiſcriminately towards all mankind, for the ſame purpoſe, as they pretend. I ſhall relate what I myſelf was eye-witneſs of; and will annex the remarks of many ill-fated Roman Catholics, who, as well as myſelf, were the innocent victims to this dreadful tribunal.

I ſhall think it a happineſs,—if the relation which I now offer ſhould be found of uſe to the public; and ſhall conſider it as a ſtill greater, in caſe it may help to open the eyes of thoſe, who, hurried on by an indiſcreet, or rather blind zeal, think it a meritorious work, in the ſight of heaven, to perſecute all perſons whoſe religious principles differ from theirs.

In order to give the reader all the proof poſſible, in the nature of the thing, that I have really undergone the tortures mentioned in the following account of my ſufferings, I ſhewed the marks ſtill remaining on my arms and legs, to Dr. Hoadly, Mr. Hawkins, and Mr. Cary, ſurgeons: and I think myſelf particularly obliged to theſe gentlemen, for the leave they have given me to aſſure the public, they were quite ſatisfied that the marks muſt have been the effect of very great violence; and that, in their ſituation, they correſpond exactly to the deſcription of the torture.

THE HISTORY OF THE SUFFERINGS OF JOHN COUSTOS, IN THE INQUISITION AT LISBON.

I AM a native of Berne in Switzerland, and a lapidary by profeſſion. In 1716, my father came, with his whole family, to London; and as he propoſed to ſettle in England, he got himſelf naturalized there.

After living twenty-two years in that city, I went, at the ſolicitation of a friend, to Paris, in order to work in the galleries of the Louvre. Five years after I left this capital, and removed to Liſbon, in hopes of finding an opportunity of going to Braſil, where I flattered myſelf that I ſhould make my fortune. But the king of Portugal, whom I addreſſed in order to obtain permiſſion for this purpoſe, being informed of my profeſſion, and the ſkill I might have in diamonds, &c. his majeſty, by the advice of his council, refuſed my petition, upon the ſuppoſition that it would be no way[•] proper to ſend a foreigner, who was a lapidary, into a country abounding with immenſe treaſures, whoſe value the government endeavours, by all means poſſible, to conceal, even from the inhabitants.

Whilſt I was waiting for an anſwer from court, to my petition, I got acquainted with ſeveral ſubſtantial jewellers, and other perſons of credit, in Liſbon; who made me the kindeſt and moſt generous offers, in caſe I would reſide among them, which I accepted, after having loſt all hopes of going to Braſil. I now was ſettled in the above mentioned city, equally to the ſatisfaction of my friends, my employers, and myſelf; having a proſpect of gaining wherewithal, not only to ſupport my family with decency, but alſo to lay up a competency for old age, could I but have eſcaped the cruel hands of the Inquiſitors.

I muſt obſerve, by the way, that the Inquiſitor have uſurped ſo formidable a power in Spain and Portugal, that the monarchs of thoſe kingdoms are no more, if I may be allowed the expreſſion, than as their chief ſubjects. Thoſe tyrants do not ſcruple to encroach ſo far on the privilege of kings, as to ſtop, by their own authority at the poſt-office, the letters of all whom they take it into their heads to ſuſpect. In this manner I myſelf was ſerved, a year before the Inquiſitors had ordered me to be ſeized; the deſign of which, I ſuppoſe, was to ſee, whether among the letters of my correſpondents, ſome mention would not be made of Free-Maſonry; I paſſing for one of the moſt zealous members of that art, which they reſolved to perſecute, upon pretence that enormous crimes were committed by its profeſſors. However, though the Inquiſitors did not find, by one of my intercepted letters, that Free-Maſonry either ſtruck at the Romiſh religion, or tended to diſturb the government; ſtill they were not ſatisfied, but reſolved to ſet every engine at work, in order to diſcover the myſteries and ſecrets of Maſonry. For this purpoſe, they concluded that it would be proper to ſeize one of the chief Free-Maſons in Liſbon; and accordingly I was pitched upon, as being the maſter of a lodge; they likewiſe-caſt their eye on [〈◊〉] warden, an intimate friend of mine, Mr. Alexander James Mouton, a diamond cutter, born in Paris, and a Romaniſt. He had been ſettled ſix years, before his ſeizure, at Liſbon, in which city he was a houſe-keeper; and where his integrity, ſkill, and behaviour were ſuch, as gained him the approbation of all to whom he was known.

The reader is to be informed, that our lodges, in Liſbon, were not kept at taverns, &c. but alternately at the private houſes of choſen friends. In theſe we uſed to dine together, and practiſe the ſecrets of Free-Maſonry.

As we did not know that our art was forbid in Portugal, we were ſoon diſcovered by the barbarous zeal of a lady, who declared, at confeſſion, that we were Free-Maſons; that is, in her opinion, monſters in nature, who perpetrated the moſt ſhocking crimes. This diſcovery immediately put the vigilant officers of the Inquiſition upon the ſcent after us: on which occaſion my friend Mr. Mouton fell the firſt victim, he being ſeized in manner following.

A jeweller and goldſmith, who was a familiar of the holy office, ſent a friend, (a Free-Maſon alſo) to Mr. Mouton; upon pretence that he wanted to ſpeak with him, about mending a diamond weighing four carrats. They agreed upon the price; but as this was merely an artifice, in order for our familiar to know the perſon of the ſaid Mouton, he put him off for two days; upon pretence that he muſt firſt enquire of the owner of the diamond, whether he approved of the price ſettled between them.

I happened to be at that time with Mr. Mouton; a circumſtance which gave the higheſt joy to the jeweller; finding that he had got a ſight, at one and the ſame time, of the very two Free-Maſons whom the Inquiſitors were determined to ſeize.

At our taking leave, he deſired us to come together, at the time appointed, to which we both agreed. The jeweller then made his report to the Inquiſitors, who ordered him to ſeize us, when we ſhould return about the diamond in queſtion.

Two days being elapſed, and my buſineſs not permitting me to accompany Mr. Mouton, he went alone to the jeweller, to fetch the diamond, which was computed to be worth an hundred moidores. The firſt queſtion the jeweller aſked, after the uſual compliments, was, "Where is your friend Couſtos?"—As this jeweller had before ſhown me ſome precious ſtones, which he pretended I ſhould go to work upon, Mr. Mouton, imagining he was deſirous of putting them inſtantly into my hands, replied: That I was upon 'Change; and that, if he thought proper, he would go and fetch me. However, as this familiar, and five ſubaltern officers of the Inquiſition, who were along with him, were afraid of loſing half their prey; they inveigled Mr. Mouton into the back ſhop, upon pretence of aſking his opinion concerning certain rough diamonds. After ſeveral ſigns and words had paſſed between them, the oldeſt of the company riſing up, ſaid, he had ſomething particular to communicate to Mr. Mouton; upon which he took him behind the curtain; when, enquiring his name and ſirname, he told him that he was his priſoner, in the king's name.

Being ſenſible that he had not committed any crime for which he could incur his Portugueze majeſty's diſpleaſure, he gave up his ſword the moment it was demanded of him. Immediately ſeveral truſty officers of the Inquiſition, called familiars, fell upon him to prevent his eſcaping; they then commanded him not to make the leaſt noiſe, and began to ſearch him. This being done, and finding he had no weapons, they aſked whether he was deſirous of knowing in whoſe name he had been ſeized? Mr. Mouton anſwered in the affirmative: We ſeize you (ſaid they) in the name of the Inquiſition; and, in its name, we forbid you to ſpeak, or murmur ever ſo little. Saying theſe words, a door at the bottom of the jeweller's ſhop, and which looked into a narrow byelane, being opened; the priſoner, accompanied by a commiſſary of the holy office, was thrown into a ſmall chaiſe, where he was ſo cloſely ſhut up, (it being noon day,) that no one could ſee him. This precaution was uſed to prevent his friends from getting the leaſt information concerning his impriſonment; and conſequently from uſing their endeavours to procure his liberty.

Being come to the priſon of the Inquiſition, they threw him into a dungeon, and there left him alone; without indulging him the ſatisfaction they had promiſed, which was, to let him ſpeak, immediately upon his arrival, to the preſident of the holy office; to know from him, the reaſon of his detainer. On the contrary, they were ſo cruel to Mr. Mouton's reputation, as to ſpread a report he was gone off with the diamond above-mentioned. But how greatly were every one of his friends ſurpriſed and ſhocked at this ſlander! As we all entertained the higheſt idea of his probity, none of us would give credit to this vile report; whence we unanimouſly agreed, after duly weighing this matter, to go in a body to the jeweller, who was the owner of the diamond, and offer him the full payment of it; firmly perſuaded, that nothing but the moſt fatal and unexpected accident could have made him diſappear thus ſuddenly, without giving ſome of his friends notice of it. However, the jeweller refuſed our offer in the politeſt manner; aſſuring us at the ſame time, that the owner of the diamond was ſo wealthy a man, that the loſs of it would be but a triſle to him.

But as truth frequently breaks through all the veils with which falſehood endeavours to cloud her; this generoſity in perſons to whom we were, in a great meaſure, ſtrangers, made us ſuſpect ſome iniquitous, dark act. Our conjecture appeared but too well grounded, from the ſevere perſecution that was immediately raiſed againſt the Free-Maſons; I myſelf being ſeized four days after.

I perhaps ſhould have eſcaped their mercileſs paws, had I not been betrayed, in the moſt barbarous manner, by a Portugueze friend of mine, as I falſely ſuppoſed him to be; and whom the holy office had ordered to watch me narrowly. This man ſeeing me in a coffee-houſe, the 5th of March, 1742-3, between nine and ten at night; went and gave notice thereof to nine officers of the Inquiſition, who were lying in wait for me, with a chaiſe, near that place.

I was in the utmoſt confuſion, when, at my going out of the coffee-houſe with two friends, the above officers ſeized me only. Their pretence for this was, that I had paſſed my word for the diamond which Mr. Mouton had run away with: that I muſt certainly be his accomplice, ſince I had engaged my friends to offer to pay for the diamond; all which (added they) I muſt have done in no other view than to conceal my villany. It was to no purpoſe that I alledged a thouſand things in my own juſtification. Immediately the wretches took away my ſword; hand-cuffed me; forced me into a chaiſe drawn by two mules; and in this condition I was hurried away to the priſon of the Inquiſition.

But, ſpite of theſe ſeverities, and their commanding me not to open my lips, I yet called aloud to one of my friends (Mr. Richard) who had been at the coffee-houſe with me, and was a Free-Maſon; conjuring him to give notice to all the reſt of our brethren and friends, of my being ſeized by command of the holy office, in order that they might avoid the misfortune which had befallen me, by going voluntarily to the Inquiſitors, and accuſing themſelves.

I muſt take notice, that the Inquiſitors very ſeldom cauſe a perſon to be ſeized in broad day light, except they are almoſt ſure that he will make no noiſe nor reſiſtance. This is a circumſtance they obſerve very ſtrictly, as is evident from the manner in which they took Mr. Mouton. Farther, they frequently make uſe of the king's name and authority on theſe occaſions, to ſeize and diſarm the pretended criminal, who is afraid to diſobey the orders he hears pronounced. But as darkneſs befriends deeds of villany, the Inquiſitors, for this reaſon, uſually cauſe their victims to be ſecured in the night.

The Portugueze, and many foreigners, are ſo apprehenſive of the ſiniſter accidents which often happen at Liſbon in the night-time, eſpecially to a perſon who ventures out alone, that few are found in the ſtreets of this city at a late hour.

I imagined myſelf ſo ſecure in the company of my friends, that I ſhould not have been afraid of reſiſting the officers in queſtion, had the former lent me their aſſiſtance. But unhappily for me, they were ſtruck with ſuch a ſudden panic, that every one of them fled; leaving me to the mercy of nine wretches, who fell upon me in an inſtant.

They then forced me to the priſon of the Inquiſition, where I was delivered up to one of the officers of this pretended holy place. This officer preſently calling four ſubalterns, or guards, theſe took me to an apartment, till ſuch time as notice ſhould be given to the preſident of my being catched in their ſnare.

A little after, the above-mentioned officer coming again, bid the guards ſearch me; and take away all the gold, ſilver, papers, knives, ſciſſors, buckles, &c. I might have about me. They then led me to a lonely dungeon, expreſsly forbidding me to ſpeak loud, or knock at the walls; but that, in caſe I wanted any thing, to beat againſt the door, with a padlock, that hung on the outward door; and which I could reach, by thruſting my arm through the iron grates. It was then that, ſtruck with all the horrors of a place of which I had heard and read ſuch baleful deſcriptions, I plunged at once into the blackeſt melancholy; eſpecially when I reflected on the dire conſequences with which my confinement might very poſſibly be attended.

I paſſed a whole day and two nights in theſe terrors, which are the more difficult to deſcribe, as they were heightened at every little interval, by the complaints, the diſmal cries, and hollow groans (echoing through this dreadful manſion) of ſeveral other priſoners, my neighbours; and which the ſolemn ſilence of the night made infinitely more ſhocking. It was now that time ſeemed to have loſt all motion, and theſe threeſcore hours appeared to me like ſo many years.

However, afterwards calling to mind, that grief would only aggravate my calamity, I endeavoured to arm my ſoul with patience; and habituate myſelf, as well as I could, to woe. Accordingly I rouſed my ſpirits; and baniſhing for a few moments, theſe dreadfully mournful ideas, I began to reflect ſeriouſly, on the methods how to extricate myſelf from this labyrinth of horrors. My conſciouſneſs that I had not committed any crime which could juſtly merit death, would now and then ſoften my pang[•]; but immediately after, dreadful thoughts o[•••]-ſpread my mind, when I imagined to myſelf the crying injuſtice of which the tribunal that was to judge me, is accuſed. I conſidered that, being a proteſtant, I ſhould inevitably feel, in its utmoſt rigours, all that rage and barbarous zeal could infuſe in the breaſt of monks; who cruelly gloried, in committing to the flames, great numbers of ill-fated victims, whoſe only crime was their differing from them in religious opinions; or rathe[•] [•]ho where obnoxious to thoſe tygers, merely becauſe they thought [•]orthily of human nature; and had, in the utmoſt deteſtation, theſe Romiſh barbarities, which are not to be paralleled in any other religion.

Theſe apprehenſions, together with the reflections which reaſon ſuggeſted to me, viz. that it would be highly incumbent on me to calm the tumult of my ſpirits, in order, to prevent my falling into the ſnares which my judges would not fail to ſpread round me; either by giving them an opportunity of pronouncing me guilty, or by forcing me to apoſtatize from the religion in which I was born; theſe things, I ſay, worked ſo ſtrongly on my mind, that, from this moment, I devoted my whole thoughts to the means of my juſtification. This I made ſo fami[••]ar to myſelf, that I was perſuaded neither the partiality of my judges, nor the dreadful ideas I had entertained of their cruelty, could intimidate me, when I ſhould be brought before them; which I accordingly was, in a few days, after having been ſhaved, and had my hair cut by their order.

I now was led, bare-headed, to the preſident and four Inquiſitors, [••••]o, upon my co[•]ing in, bid me kneel down, lay my right hand on the bible; and ſwear, in the preſence of Almighty God, that I would ſpeak truly with regard to all the queſtions they ſhould aſk me. Theſe queſtions were; my Chriſtian and ſirnames; thoſe of my parents; the place of my birth, my profeſſion, religion, and how long I had reſided in Liſbon. This being done, they addreſſed me as follows: — Son, you have offended and ſpoke injuriouſly of the holy office, as we know from very good hands; for which reaſon we exhort you to make a confeſſion of, and to accuſe yourſelf of the ſeveral crimes you may have committed, from the time you was capable of judging between good and evil, to the preſent moment. In doing this, you will excite the compaſſion of this tribunal, which is ever merciful and kind to thoſe who ſpeak the truth.

It was [•]hen they thought proper to inform me, that the diamond mentioned in the former pages, was only a pretence they had employed, in order to get an opportunity of ſeizing me. I now beſought them, To let me know the true cauſe of my impriſonment; that, having been born and educated in the proteſtant religion, I had been taught, from my infancy, not to confeſs myſelf to men, but to God, who, as he only can ſee into the inmoſt receſſes of the human heart, knows the ſincerity or inſincerity of the ſinner's repentance, who confeſſed to him; and being his creator, it was he only could abſolve him.

The reader will naturally ſuppoſe, that they were no ways ſatisfied with my anſwer; — They declaring, that it would be indiſpenſably neceſſary for me to confeſs myſelf, what religion ſoever I might be of; otherwiſe, that a confeſſion would be forced from me, by the expedients the holy office employed for that purpoſe.

To this I replied, That I had never ſpoke in my life againſt the Romiſh religion; that I had behaved in ſuch a manner, ever ſince my living at Liſbon, that I could not be juſtly accuſed of ſaying or doing any thing contrary to the laws of the kingdom, either as to ſpirituals or temporals; that I had alſo imagined the holy office took cognizance of none but thoſe perſons who were guilty of ſacrilege, blaſphemy, and ſuch like crimes, whoſe delight is to depreciate and ridicule the myſteries received in the Romiſh church, but of which I was no ways guilty.—They then remanded me back to my dungeon, after exhorting me to examine my conſcience.

Three days after, they ſent for me, to interrogate me a ſecond time. The firſt queſtion they aſked was; Whether I had carefully looked into my conſcience, purſuant to their injunction.' I replied, That after carefully reviewing all the paſt tranſactions of my life, I did not remember my having ſaid or done any thing that could juſtly give offence to the holy office; that from my moſt tender youth, my parents, who had been forced to quit France for their religion; and who knew, by ſad experience, how highly it concerns every one that values his eaſe, never to converſe on religious ſubjects, in certain countries; that my parents, (I ſay) had adviſed me never to engage in diſputes of this kind, ſince they uſually embittered the minds of the contending parties, rather than reconciled them; farther, that I belonged to a ſociety, compoſed of perſons of different religions; one of the laws of which ſociety expreſsly forbid its members ever to diſpute on thoſe ſubjects upon a conſiderable penalty. As the Inquiſitors confounded the word ſociety with that of religion; I aſſured them, that this ſociety could be conſidered as a religious one, no otherwiſe than as it obliged its ſeveral members to live together in charity and brotherly love, how widely ſoever they might differ in religious principles. They then enquired, how this ſociety was called? —I replied,—That if they had ordered me to be ſeized, becauſe I was one of its members, I would readily tell them its name; I thinking myſelf not a little honoured in belonging to a ſociety, which boaſted ſeveral Chriſtian kings, princes, and perſons of the higheſt quality among its members; and that I had been frequently in company with ſome of the latter, as one of their brethren.

Then one of the Inquiſitors aſked me, Whether the name of this ſociety was a ſecret? I anſwered, that it was not; that I could tell it them in French or Engliſh, but was not able to tranſlate it into Portugueze. Then all of them fixing, on a ſudden, their eyes attentively on me, repeated, alternately, the words Free-Maſon, or Franc-Macon. From this inſtant I was firmly perſuaded, that I had been impriſoned ſolely on account of Maſonry.

They afterwards aſked, What were the conſtitutions of this ſociety. I then ſet before them, as well as I could, the ancient traditions relating to this noble art, of which (I told them) James VI. king of Scotland,^[2] had declared himſelf the protector, and encouraged his ſubjects to enter among the Free-Maſons: that it appeared, from authentic manuſcripts, that the kings of Scotland had ſo great a regard for this honourable ſociety, on account of the ſtrong proofs its members had ever given of their fidelity and attachment; that thoſe monarchs eſtabliſhed the cuſtom among the brethren, of ſaying, whenever they drank, God preſerve the king and the brotherhood: that this example was ſoon followed by the Scotch nobility and the clergy, who had ſo high an eſteem for the brotherhood, that moſt of them entered into the ſociety.

That it appeared from other traditions, that the kings of Scotland had frequently been grand maſters of the Free-Maſons; and that, when the kings were not ſuch, the ſociety were impowered to elect, as grand maſter, one of the nobles of the country, who had a penſion from the ſovereign; and received, at his election, a gift from every Free-Maſon in Scotland.

I likewiſe told them; That queen Elizabeth, aſcending the throne of England, at a time that the kingdom was greatly divided by factions and claſhing intereſts; and taking umbrage at the various aſſemblies of great numbers of her ſubjects, as not knowing the deſigns of thoſe meetings; ſhe reſolved to ſuppreſs the aſſemblies of the Free-Maſons; however, that, before her Majeſty proceeded to this extremity, ſhe commanded ſome of her ſubjects to enter into this ſociety, among whom was the archbiſhop of Canterbury, primate of her kingdom: that theſe, obeying the queen's orders, gave her ſo very advantageous a character, of the fidelity of the Free-Maſons, as removed, at once, all her majeſty's ſuſpicions and political fears: ſo that the ſociety have, ever ſince that time, enjoyed in Great-Britain, and the places ſubject to it, all the liberty they could wiſh for, and which they have never once abuſed.

They afterwards enquired, What was the tendency of this ſociety?—I replied: Every Free-Maſon is obliged, at his admiſſion, to take an oath, on the holy goſpel, that he will be faithful to the king; and never enter into any plot or conſpiracy againſt his ſacred perſon, or againſt the country where he reſides: and that he will pay obedience to the magiſtrates appointed by the monarch.

I next declared, That charity was the foundation, and the ſoul, as it were, of the ſociety; as it linked together the ſeveral individuals of it, by the tye of fraternal love; and made it an indiſpenſable duty to aſſiſt, in the moſt charitable manner, without diſtinction of religion, all ſuch neceſſitous perſons as were found true objects of compaſſion.—It was then they called me liar; declaring, that it was impoſſible this ſociety ſhould profeſs the practice of ſuch good maxims, and yet be ſo very jealous of its ſecrets as to exclude women from it. The judicious reader will perceive, at once, the weakneſs of this inference, which perhaps would be found but too true, were it applied to the inviolable ſecrecy obſerved by this pretended holy office, in all its actions.

They preſently gave orders for my being conveyed into another deep dungeon; the deſign of which, I ſuppoſe, was to terrify me completely; and here I continued ſeven weeks. It will be naturally ſuppoſed, that I now was overwhelmed with grief. I will confeſs, that I then gave myſelf up entirely for loſt; and had no reſource left but in the Almighty, whoſe aid I implored continually with the utmoſt fervency.

During my ſtay in this miſerable dungeon, I was taken three times before the Inquiſitors. The firſt thing they made me do was, to ſwear on the bible, that I would not reveal the ſecrets of the Inquiſition; but declare the truth with regard to all ſuch queſtions as they ſhould put to me: they added, That it was their firm opinion that Maſonry could not be founded on ſuch good principles as I, in my former interrogatories, had affirmed; and that, if this ſociety of Free-Maſons was ſo virtuous as I pretended, there was no occaſion of their concealing, ſo very induſtriouſly, the ſecrets of it.

I told them, That as ſecrecy^[3] naturally excited curioſity, this prompted great numbers, of perſons to enter into this ſociety; that all the monies given by members, at their admiſſion therein, were employed in works of charity: that by the ſecrets which the ſeveral members practiſed, a true Maſon inſtantly knew whether a ſtranger, who would introduce himſelf into a lodge, was really a Free-Maſon; that, was it not for ſuch precautions, this ſociety would form confuſed aſſemblies of all ſorts of people, who, as they were not obliged to pay obedience to the orders of the maſter of the lodge, it conſequently would be impoſſible to keep them within the bounds of that decorum and good manners, which are exactly obſerved, upon certain penalties, by all Free-Maſons.

That the reaſon why women were excluded this ſociety, was, to take away all occaſion for calumny and reproach, which would have been unavoidable, had they been admitted into it. Farther, that ſince women had, in general, been always conſidered as not very well qualified to keep a ſecret; the founders of the ſociety of Free-Maſons, by their excluſion of the other ſex, thereby gave a ſignal proof of their prudence and wiſdom.

They then inſiſted upon my revealing to them the ſecrets of this art.— The oath (ſays I) taken by me at my admiſſion, never to divulge them directly or indirectly, will not permit me to do it: conſcience forbids me; and I therefore hope your lordſhips are too equitable to uſe compulſion.' They declared, 'That my oath was as nothing in their preſence, and that they would abſolve me from it.—Your lordſhips (continued I) are very gracious; but as I am firmly perſuaded, that it is not in the power of any being upon earth to free me from my oath, I am firmly determined never to violate it. This was more than enough to make them remand me back to my dungeon, where, a few days after, I fell ſick.

A phyſician was then ſent, who finding me exceedingly ill, made a report thereof to the Inquiſitors. Theſe, upon their being informed of it, immediately gave orders for my being removed from this frightful dungeon, into another, which admitted ſome glimmerings of day light. They appointed, at the ſame time, another priſoner to look after me during my ſickneſs, which, very happily, was not of long continuance.

Being recovered, I was again taken before the Inquiſitors, who aſked me ſeveral new queſtions with regard to the ſecrets of Maſonry; and whether, ſince my abode in Liſbon, I had received any Portugueze into the ſociety?'—I replied, 'that I had not: that it was true, indeed, that Don Emanuel de Souſa, Lord of Calliaris, and captain of the German Guards, hearing that the perſon was at Liſbon, who had made the Duke de Villeroy a Free-Maſon by order of the French king Lewis XV. Don Emanuel had deſired Mr. de Chavigny, at that time miniſter of France at the Portugueze court, to enquire for me: but that, upon my being told that the king of Portugal would not permit any of his ſubjects to be Free-Maſons, I had deſired two of the brethren to wait on Mr. de Calliaris above-mentioned, and acquaint him with my fears; and to aſſure him, at the ſame time, that, in caſe he could obtain the king's leave, I was ready to receive him into the brotherhood; I being reſolved not to do any thing which might draw upon me the indignation of his Portugueze majeſty: that Mr. de Calliaris having a very ſtrong deſire to enter into our ſociety, declared, that there was nothing in what I had obſerved with regard to his majeſty's prohibition; it being (added this nobleman) unworthy of the regal dignity, to concern itſelf with ſuch trifles. However, being certain that I ſpoke from very good authority; and knowing that Mr. de Calliaris was a nobleman of great oeconomy: I found no other expedient, to diſengage myſelf from him, than by aſking fifty moidores for his reception; a demand which, I was perſuaded, would ſoon leſſen, or rather ſuppreſs at once, the violent deſire he might have to enter into the ſociety of Free-Maſons.

To this one of the Inquiſitors ſaid:— That it was not only true that his Portugueze majeſty had forbid any of his ſubjects to be made Free-Maſons; but that there had been fixed up, five years before, upon the doors of all the churches in Liſbon, an order from his holineſs, ſtrictly enjoining the Portugueze in general, not to enter into this ſociety; and even excommunicated all ſuch as were then, or ſhould afterwards become members of it.—Here I beſought them to conſider, that if I had committed any offence in practiſing Maſonry at Liſbon, it was merely through ignorance; I having reſided but two years in Portugal: that, farther, the circumſtance juſt now mentioned by them, entirely deſtroyed the charge brought againſt me, viz. of my being the perſon who had introduced Free-Maſonry in Portugal.—They anſwered, that as I was one of the moſt zealous partizans of this ſociety, I could not but have heard, during my abode in Liſbon, the orders iſſued by the holy father.' I ſilenced them by 'the compariſon I made between myſelf and a traveller, (a foreigner) who, going to their capital city, and ſpying two roads leading to it, one of which was expreſsly forbid (upon pain of the ſevereſt puniſhment) to ſtrangers, though without any indication or tokens being ſet up for this purpoſe; that this ſtranger, I ſay, ſhould thereby ſtrike accidentally, merely thro' ignorance, into the forbidden road.

They afterwards charged me with drawing away Roman Catholics, of other nations, reſiding in Liſbon. I repreſented to them, that Roman Catholics muſt ſooner be informed of the pope's injunction than I, who was a proteſtant: that I was firmly of opinion, that the ſevere orders iſſued by the Roman pontiff, had not a little prompted many to enter among the Free-Maſons: that a man, who was looked upon as a heretic, was no ways qualified to win over perſons who conſidered him as ſuch: that a Free-Maſon, who profeſſed the Romiſh religion, was, I preſumed, the only man fit to ſeduce and draw away others of the ſame perſuaſion with himſelf; to get into their confidence; and remove ſucceſsfully ſuch ſcruples as might ariſe in their minds, both with regard to the injurious reports ſpread concerning Maſonry, and to the pope's excommunication; of which a vile heretic entertained an idea far different from that of the Romaniſts.—They then ſent me back to my dungeon.

Being again ordered to be brought before the Inquiſitors, they inſiſted upon my letting them into the ſecrets of Maſonry; threatening me, in caſe I did not comply. —I perſiſted, as before, in refuſing to break my oath; and beſought them, either to write, or give orders for writing, to his Portugueze majeſty's miniſters both at London and Paris; to know from them, whether any thing was ever done in the aſſemblies of the Free-Maſons, repugnant to decency and morality; to the dictates of the Romiſh faith; or to the obedience which every good Chriſtian owes to the injunctions of the monarch in whoſe dominions he lives. I obſerved farther, that the king of France, who is the eldeſt ſon of the church, and deſpotic in his dominions, would not have bid his favourite enter into a ſociety proſcribed by mother-church; had he not been firmly perſuaded that nothing was tranſacted in their meetings, contrary to the ſtate, to religion, and to the church. I afterwards referred them to Mr. Dogood, an Engliſhman, who was born a Roman Catholic and a Free-Maſon. —This gentleman had travelled with, and was greatly beloved by Don Pedro Antonio, the king's favourite; and who (I obſerved farther) having ſettled a lodge in Liſbon fifteen years before, could acquaint them, in caſe he thought proper, with the nature and ſecrets of Maſonry.—The Inquiſitors commanded me to be taken back to my diſmal abode.

Appearing again before them, they did not once mention the ſecrets of Maſonry; but took notice that I, in one of my examinations, had ſaid, that it was a duty incumbent on Free-Maſons to aſſiſt the needy; upon which they aſked, whether I had ever relieved a poor object?— I named to them a lying-in woman, a Romaniſt, who being reduced to the extremes of miſery, and hearing that the Free-Maſons were very liberal of their alms, ſhe addreſſed herſelf to me, and I gave her a moidore. I added, that the convent of the Franciſcans having been burnt down, the fathers made a gathering; and I gave them, upon the exchange, three quarters of a moidore. I declared farther, that a poor Roman Catholic, who had a large family, and could get no work; being in the utmoſt diſtreſs, had been recommended to me, by ſome Free-Maſons; with a requeſt that we would make a purſe, among ourſelves, in order to ſet him up again, and thereby enable him to ſupport his family: that accordingly we raiſed among ſeven of us who were Free-Maſons, ten moidores; which money I myſelf put into his hands.

They then aſked me, whether I had given my own money in alms?' I replied, that theſe aroſe from the forfeits of ſuch Free-Maſons as had not attended properly the meetings of the brotherhood.' What are the faults (ſaid they) committed by your Brother-Maſons, which occaſion their being fined? Thoſe who take the name of God in vain, pay the quarter of a moidore; ſuch as utter any other oath, or pronounce obſcene words, forſeit a new cruſade;^[4] all who are turbulent, or refuſe to obey the orders of the maſter of the lodge, are likewiſe fined. They remanded me back to my dungeon, having firſt enquired the name and habitation of the ſeveral perſons hinted at a little higher; on which occaſion I aſſured them, that the laſt mentioned was not a Free-Maſon; and that the Brethren aſſiſted, indiſcriminately, all ſorts of people, provided they were real objects of charity.

I naturally concluded, from the behaviour of the Inquiſitors, at my being brought before them four days after, that they had enquired into the truth of the ſeveral particulars related before. They now did not ſay a word concerning Maſonry, but began to work with different engines.

They then employed all the powers of their rhetoric to prove, that it became me to conſider my impriſonment, by order of the holy office, as an effect of the goodneſs of God; who (added they) intended to bring me to a ſerious way of thinking; and, by this means, lead me into the paths of truth, in order that I might labour efficaciouſly at the ſalvation of my ſoul. That I ought to know that Jeſus Chriſt had ſaid to St. Peter; Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell ſhall not prevail againſt it; ^[5] whence it was my duty to obey the injunctions of his holineſs, he being St. Peter's ſucceſſor.— I replied with ſpirit and reſolution, that I did not acknowledge the Roman pontiff, either as ſucceſſor to St. Peter, or as infallible: that I relied entirely, with regard to doctrine, on the Holy ſcriptures, theſe being the ſole guide of our faith: I beſought them to let me enjoy, undiſturbed, the privileges allowed the Engliſh in Portugal: that I was reſolved to live and die in the communion of the church of England: and that therefore all the pains they might take to make a convert of me, would be ineffectual.

Notwithſtanding the repeated declarations made by me, that I would never change my religion, the Inquiſitors were as urgent as ever. Encouraged by the apoſtacy of one of my Brother-Maſons, they flattered themſelves with the hopes of prevailing on me to imitate him; and, for this purpoſe, offered to ſend ſome Engliſh friars to me, who (they ſaid) would inſtruct me; and ſo fully open my eyes, that I ſhould have a diſtinct view of my wretched condition, which (they declared) was the more deplorable, as I was now wholly inſenſible of its danger.

Finding me ſtill immoveable, and that there was no poſſibility of their making the leaſt impreſſion on me; the indulgence which they ſeemed to ſhow at the beginning of my examination, was ſuddenly changed to fury; they venting the moſt injurious expreſſions; calling me heretic, and ſaying that I was damned. Here I could not forbear replying, that I was no heretic; but would prove, on the contrary, that they themſelves were in an error. and now, raiſing their voice; take care (cried they, with a tone of authority) what you ſay.' 'I advance nothing, (replied I) but what I am able to prove. Do you believe (continues I) that the words of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, as found in the New Teſtament are true?—They anſwered in the affirmative. But what inference (ſaid they) do you draw from thence?' 'Be ſo good (adds I) as to let me have a bible, and I will inform you concerning this. I then laid before them the paſſage where our Saviour ſays thus: Search the ſcriptures, for in them ye think ye have eternal life, and they are they which teſtify of me ^[6]. Likewiſe the following: We alſo have a more ſure word of propheſy; whereunto ye do well that you take heed *; and yet (ſays I) both the pope and your lordſhips forbid the peruſal of them; and thereby act in direct oppoſition to the^[7] expreſs command of the Saviour of the world.' To this the Inquiſitors replied, that I ought to call to mind, 'that our Saviour ſays to St. Peter, (and in his name, to all the popes his ſucceſſors) I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven; and whatſoever thou ſhalt bind on earth, ſhall be bound in heaven; and whatſoever thou ſhalt looſe on earth ſhall be looſed in heaven ^[8]. 'That none but a heretic, like myſelf, would dare to diſpute the authority and infallibility of the pope, who is Chriſt's vicar here below: that the reaſon of not allowing the peruſal of this book was, to to prevent the common people from explaining the obſcure paſſages contained therein, contrary to their true ſenſe; as was daily the practice of ſchiſmatics and heretics like myſelf. I ſhall omit the other controverſial points that afterwards occurred, all which I anſwered to the beſt of my ſlender abilities.

One thing I can aſſure my reader is, that the Inquiſitors were not able to alter, in any manner, the firm reſolution I had taken, to live and die a proteſtant: on the contrary, I can affirm, that their remonſtrances, and even menaces, ſerved only to ſtrengthen my reſiſtance; and furniſh me abundant proofs to refute, with vigour, all the arguments offered by them.

I acknowledge, that I owe this wholly to the divine goodneſs, which graciouſly condeſcended to ſupport me under theſe violent trials, and enabled me to perſevere to the end; for this I return unfeigned thanks to the Almighty; and hope to give, during the remainder of my life, convincing teſtimonies of the ſtrong impreſſion which thoſe trials made on my mind, by devoting myſelf ſincerely to the duties of religion.

I was ordered back, by the Inquiſitors, to my diſmal abode; after they had declared to me, that if I turned Roman Catholic, it would be of great advantage to my cauſe; otherwiſe that I perhaps might repent of my obſtinacy when it was too late. I replied, in a reſpectful manner, that I could not accept of their offers.

A few days after, I was again brought before the preſident of the holy office, who ſaid, that the proctor would read, in preſence of the court, the heads of the indictment or charge brought againſt me. The Inquiſitors now offered me a counſellor, in caſe I deſired one, to plead my cauſe.

Being ſenſible that the perſon whom they would ſend me for this purpoſe, was himſelf an Inquiſitor, I choſe rather to make my own defence, in the beſt manner I could. I therefore deſired that leave might be granted me to deliver my defence in writing; but this they refuſed, ſaying, that the holy office did not allow priſoners the uſe of pen, ink, and paper. I then begged they would permit me to dictate my juſtification, in their preſence, to any perſon whom they ſhould appoint; which favour was granted to me.

The heads of the charge or indictment brought againſt me, were; 'That I had infringed the pope's orders, by my belonging to the ſect of the Free-Maſons; this ſect being a horrid compound of ſacrilege, ſodomy, and many other abominable crimes: of which the inviolable ſecrecy obſerved therein, and the excluſion of women, were but too manifeſt indications: a circumſtance that gave the higheſt offence to the whole kingdom: and the ſaid Couſtos having refuſed to diſcover, to the Inquiſitors, the true tendency [•••]d deſign of the meetings of Free-Maſons: and perſiſting, on the contrary, in aſſerting, that Free-Maſonry was good in itſelf: wherefore the proctor of the Inquiſition requires, that the ſaid priſoner may be proſecuted with the utmoſt rigour; and, for this purpoſe, deſires the court would exert its whole authority, and even proceed to tortures, to extort from him a confeſſion, viz. that the ſeveral articles of which he ſtands accuſed, are true.

The Inquiſitors then gave me the above heads, ordering me to ſign them, which I abſolutely refuſed. They thereupon commanded me to be taken back to my dungeon, without permitting me to ſay a ſingle word in my juſtification.

I now had but too much leiſure to reflect on their menaces; and to caſt about for anſwers to the ſeveral articles concerning Maſonry, whereof I ſtood accuſed; all which articles I remembered but too well.

Six weeks after, I appeared in preſence of two Inquiſitors, and the perſon whom they had appointed to take down my defence; which was little more than a recapitulation of what I before had aſſerted with regard to Maſonry.

Your priſoner (ſays I to them) is deep[••] afflicted, and touched to the ſoul, to find himſelf accuſed (by the ignorance or malice of his enemies) in an infernal charge or indictment, before the lords of the holy office, for having practiſed the art of Free-Maſonry, which has been, and is ſtill, revered, not only by a conſiderable number of perſons of the higheſt quality in Chriſtendom; but likewiſe by ſeveral ſovereign princes and crowned heads, who, ſo far from diſdaining to become members of this ſociety, ſubmitted, engaged, and obliged themſelves, at their admiſſion, to obſerve religiouſly, the conſtitutions of this noble art; noble, not only on account of the almoſt infinite number of illuſtrious perſonages who profeſs it; but ſtill more ſo, from the ſentiments of humanity with which it equally inſpires the rich and poor, the nobleman and artificer, the prince and ſubject: for theſe, when met together, are upon a level as to rank; are all brethren, and conſpicuous only from their ſuperiority in virtue: in fine, this art is noble, from the charity which the ſociety of Free-Maſons profeſſedly exerciſes; and from the fraternal love with which it ſtrongly binds and cements together the ſeveral individuals who compoſe it, without any diſtinction as to religion or birth.

Your priſoner thinks is very hard, to find himſelf thus become [••]e victim of this tribunal, merely becauſe he belongs to ſo venerable a ſociety. The rank and exalted dignity of many, who have been and ſtill are, members thereof, ſhould be conſidered as faithful and ſpeaking witneſſes, now pleading in his defence, as well as in that of the brotherhood, ſo unjuſtly accuſed.

Farther; could any one ſuppoſe, without ſhowing the greateſt raſhneſs, or being guilty of the higheſt injuſtice; that Chriſtian princes, who are Chriſt's vicegerents upon earth, would not only tolerate, in their dominions, a ſect that ſhould favour the abominable crimes of which this tribunal accuſes it; but even be accomplices therein, by their entering into the ſociety in queſtion.

What I have ſaid above, ſhould be more than ſufficient to convince your lordſhips, that you are quite miſinformed as to Maſonry; and oblige you to ſtop all proſecution againſt me. However, I will here add ſome remarks, in order to corroborate my former aſſertions; and deſtroy the bad impreſſions that may have been made on your lordſhips minds concerning Free-Maſonry.

The very ſtrict enquiry made into the paſt life and conduct of all perſons that deſire to be received among the Brotherhood; and who are never admitted, except the ſtrongeſt and moſt indiſputable teſtimonies are given, of their having lived irreproachably; are farther indications, that this ſociety is no ways guilty of the crimes with which it is charged by your tribunal; the utmoſt precautions being taken, to expel from this ſociety, not only wicked wretches, but even diſorderly perſons.

The works of charity, which the Brotherhood think it incumbent on themſelves to exerciſe, towards ſuch as are real objects of compaſſion, and whereof I have given your lordſhips ſome few inſtances; ſhow likewiſe, that it is morally impoſſible for a ſociety, ſo execrable as you have deſcribed that of the Free-Maſons to be, to practice a[•••]tue ſo generally neglected; and ſo oppoſite to the love of riches, at this time the predominant vice, the root of all evil.

Beſides, wicked wretches ſet all laws at defiance; deſpiſe kings, and the magiſtrates eſtabliſhed by them for the due adminiſtration of juſtice. Abandoned men, ſuch as thoſe hinted at here, foment inſurrections and rebellions; whereas Free-Maſons pay an awful regard to the prince in whoſe dominions they live; yield implicit obedience to his laws; and revere, in the magiſtrates, the ſacred perſon of the king, by whom they were nominated; rooting up, to the utmoſt of their power, every ſeed of ſedition and rebellion: and being ready, at all times, to venture their lives, for the ſecurity both of the prince, and of his government.

Wicked wretches, when got together, not only take perpetually the name of God in vain; but blaſpheme and deny him: whereas the Free-Maſons puniſh very ſeverely, not only ſwearers, but likewiſe ſuch as utter obſcene words: and expel from their ſociety, all perſons hardened in thoſe vices.

Wicked wretches contemn religions of every kind; turn them into ridicule; and ſpeak in terms unworthy of the deity worſhipped in them. But the Free-Maſons, on the contrary, obſerving a reſpectful ſilence on this occaſion, never quarrel with the religious principles of any perſon; but live together in fraternal love, which a difference in opinion can no ways leſſen.—I cloſed my defence with the four lines following, compoſed by a Free-Maſon.

Through trackleſs paths each Brother ſtrays,

And nought ſiniſter can entice:

Now temples, we, to Virtue raiſe:

Now dungeons ſink, fit place for Vice.

To which I added (in my own mind)

But here, the contrary is found;

Injuſtice reigns, and killing dread:

In rankling chains bright Virtue's bound;

And Vice, with triumph, lifts its head.

Such, my lords, (continued I) are our true and genuine ſecrets. I now wait, with all poſſible reſignation, for whatever you ſhall think proper to decree; but ſtill hope, from your equity and juſtice, that you will not paſs ſentence upon me, as though I was guilty of the crimes mentioned in the indictment; upon the vain pretence, that inviolable ſecrecy can be obſerved in ſuch things only as are of a criminal nature.

I was remanded back to my uſual ſcene of woe, without being able to gueſs what impreſſion my defence might have made on my judges. A few days after I was brought before his eminence Cardinal da Cunha, Inquiſitor and director general of all the Inquiſitions dependent on the Portugueze monarchy.

The preſident, directing himſelf to me, declared, that the holy tribunal was aſſembled, purpoſely to hear and determine my cauſe: that I therefore ſhould examine my own m[•]nd; and ſee whether I had no other arguments to offer in my juſtification.'—I replied, 'that I had none; but relied wholly on their rectitude and equity, Having ſpoke theſe words, they ſent me back to my ſad abode, and judged me among themſelves.

Some time after, the preſident ſent for me again; when being brought before him, he ordered a paper, containing part of my ſentence, to be read. I thereby was doomed to ſuffer the tortures employed by the holy office, for refuſing to tell the truth, (as they falſely affirmed;) for my not diſcovering the ſecrets of Maſonry, with the true tendency and purpoſe of the meetings of the Brethren.

I hereupon was inſtantly conveyed to the torture-room, built in form of a ſquare tower, where no light appeared, but what two candles gave: and to prevent the dreadful cries and ſhocking groans of the unhappy victims from reaching the ears of the other priſoners, the doors are lined with a ſort of quilt.

The reader will naturally ſuppoſe that I muſt be ſeized with horror, when, at my entering this infernal place, I ſaw myſelf, on a ſudden, ſurrounded by ſix wretches, who, after preparing the tortures, ſtripped me naked, (all to linen drawers); when, laying me on my back, they began to lay hold of every part of my body. Firſt, they put round my neck an iron collar, which was faſtened to the ſcaffold; they then fixed a ring to each foo[•]; and this being done, they ſtretched my [••]mbs with all their might. They next wound two ropes round each arm, and two round each thigh, which ropes paſſed under the ſcaffold, through holes made for that purpoſe

and were all drawn tight, at the ſame time, by four men, upon a ſignal made for this purpoſe.

The reader will believe that my pains muſt be intolerable, when I ſolemnly declare, that theſe ropes, which were of the ſize of one's little finger, pierced through my fleſh quite to the bone; making the blood guſh out at the eight different places that were thus bound. As I perſiſted in refuſing to diſcover any more than what has been ſeen in the interrogatories above; the ropes were thus drawn together four different times. At my ſide ſtood a phyſician and a ſurgeon, who often felt my temples, to judge of the danger I might be in; by which means my tortures were ſuſpended, at intervals, that I might have an opportunity of recovering myſelf a little.

Whilſt I was thus ſuffering they were ſo barbarouſly unjuſt as to declare, that, were I to die under the torture, I ſhould be guilty, by my obſtinacy, of ſelf-murder. In fine, the laſt time the ropes were drawn tight, I grew ſo exceedingly weak, occaſioned by the bloods circulation being ſtopped, and the pains I endured, that I fainted quite away; inſomuch that I was carried back to my dungeon, without my once perceiving it.

Theſe barbarians finding that the tortures above deſcribed could not extort any farther diſcovery from me; but that, the more they made me ſuffer, the more fervently I addreſſed my ſupplications, for patience, to heaven; they were ſo inhuman, ſix weeks after, as to expoſe me to another kind of torture, more grievous, if poſſible, than the former. They made me ſtretch my arms in ſuch a manner, that the palms of my hands were turned outward; when, by the help of a rope that faſtened them together at the wriſt, and which they turned by an engine; they drew them gently nearer to one another behind, in ſuch a manner that the back of each hand touched, and ſtood exactly parallel one to the other; whereby both my ſhoulders were diſlocated, and a conſiderable quantity of blood iſſued from my mouth. This torture was repeated thrice; after which I was again taken to my dungeon, and put into the hands of phyſicians and ſurgeons, who, in ſetting my bones, put me to exquiſite pain.

Two months after, being a little recovered, I was again conveyed to the torture

room; and there made to undergo another kind of puniſhment twice. The reader may judge of its horror, from the following deſcription thereof.

The torturers turned twice round my body a thick iron chain, which, croſſing upon my ſtomach, terminated afterwards at my wriſts. They next ſet my back againſt a thick board, at each extremity whereof was a pulley, thro' which there run a rope, that catched the ends of the chains at my wriſts. The tormentors then ſtretching theſe ropes, by means of a roller, preſſed or bruiſed my ſtomach, in proportion as the ropes were drawn tighter. They tortured me on this occaſion, to ſuch a degree, that my wriſts and ſhoulders were put out of joint.

The ſurgeons, however, ſet them preſently after; but the barbarians not having yet ſatiated their cruelty, made me undergo this torture a ſecond time, which I did with freſh pains, though with equal conſtancy and reſolution [〈◊〉] I then was remanded back to my dungeon, attended by the ſurgeons who dreſſed my bruiſes; and here I continued till their Auto da Fé, or gaol delivery.

The reader may judge, from the [〈◊〉] deſcription, of the dreadful anguiſh I muſt have laboured under, the nine different times they put me to the torture. Moſt of my limbs were put out of joint, and bruiſed in ſuch a manner, that I was unable, during ſome weeks, to lift my hand to my mouth; my body being vaſtly ſwelled, by the inflammations cauſed by the frequent diſlocations. I have but too much reaſon to fear, that I ſhall feel the ſad effects of this cruelty ſo long as I live; I being ſeized from time to time with thrilling pains, with which I never was afflicted, till I had the misfortune to fall into the mercileſs and bloody hands of the Inquiſitors.

The day of the Auto da Fé being come, I was made to walk in the proceſſion, with the other victims of this tribunal. Being come to St. Dominic's church, my ſentence was read, by which, I was condemned to the galley (as it is termed during four, years.

Four days after this proceſſion, I was conveyed to this galley; and joined, on the morrow, in the painful occupations o[•] my follow ſlaves. However, the [••]b[•]r[••] had of ſpeaking [〈◊〉] my friends, after ha[•••]

been deprived of even the ſight of them, during my tedious, wretched abode in the priſon of the Inquiſition; the open air I now breathed; with the ſatisfaction I felt in being freed from the dreadful apprehenſions which always overſpread my mind, whenever I reflected on the uncertainty of my fate; theſe circumſtances united, made me find the toils of the galley much more ſupportable.

As I had ſuffered greatly in my body, by the tortures inflicted on me in the priſon of the Inquiſition, of which the reader has ſeen a very imperfect, though faithful narrative, in the foregoing ſheets; I was quite unfit to go about the painful labour that was immediately allotted me, viz. the carrying water (an hundred pounds weight) to the priſons of the city. But the fears I was under, of being expoſed to the inhumanity of the guards or overſeers who accompany the galley ſlaves, cauſed me to exert myſelf ſo far beyond my ſtrength, that, twelve days after, I fell grievouſly ſick. I then was ſent to the Infirmary, where I continued two months. During my abode in this place, I was often viſited by the Iriſh friars belonging to the convent of Corpo Santo, who offered to get my releaſe, provided I would turn Roman Catholic. I aſſured them, that all their endeavours would be fruitleſs; I expecting my enlargement from the Almighty alone, who, if He, in his profound wiſdom thought proper, would point out other expedients for my obtaining it, than my becoming an apoſtate.

Being unable, after this, to go through the toils to which I had been ſentenced, I was excuſed, by my amply rewarding the overſeers. It was now that I had full leiſure, to reflect ſeriouſly on the means of obtaining my liberty; and, for this purpoſe, deſired a friend to write to my brother-in-law, Mr. Barbu, to inform him of my deplorable ſtate; and to intreat him, humbly to addreſs the Earl of Harrington, in my favour; my brother-in-law having the honour to live in his lordſhip's family. This nobleman, whoſe humanity and generoſity have been the theme of infinitely abler pens than mine, was ſo good as to declare, that he would endeavour to procure my freedom. Accordingly, his lordſhip ſpoke to his grace the duke of Newcaſtle, one of the principal ſecretaries of ſtate; in order to ſupplicate 'for leave, from our Sovereign, that his miniſter at Liſbon might demand me, as a ſubject of Great Britain.

His Majeſty, ever attentive to the felicity of his ſubjects, and deſirous of relieving them in all their misfortunes, was ſo gracious as to interpoſe in my favour. Accordingly his commands being diſpatched to Mr. Compton, the Britiſh miniſter at Liſbon, that gentleman demanded my liberty of the king of Portugal, in his Britannic majeſty's name; which accordingly I obtained the latter end of October, 1744. The perſon who came and freed me from the galley, by order of the Inquiſitors, took me before them. The preſident then told me, that Cardinal da Cunha had given orders for my being releaſed. At the ſame time, he bid me return to the holy office in three or four days.

I could perceive, during this interval, that I was followed by the ſpies of the Inquiſition, who kept a watchful eye over my behaviour, and the places I frequented I waited upon our envoy, as likewiſe upon our conſul, whom I informed of the commands which had been laid upon me at the Inquiſition; and thoſe gentlemen adviſed me to obey them. They cautioned me, however, to take a friend with me, in order to give them notice in caſe I ſhould be ſeized again. I accordingly returned to the Inquiſitors five days after, when the preſident declared; that the tribunal would not permit me to continue any longer in Portugal; and therefore that I muſt name the city and kingdom whither I intended to retire.'—' As my family, (replied I) is now in London, I deſign to go thither as ſoon as poſſible. They then bid me embark in the firſt ſhip that ſhould ſail for England; adding, that the inſtant I had found one, I muſt inform them of the day and hour I intended to go on board, together with the captain's name, and that of his ſhip.

A report prevailed ſome days after, that one of the perſons ſeized by the Inquiſition for Free-Maſonry, and who obtained his liberty by turning Roman Catholic, had been ſo indiſcreet as to divulge the cruelties exerciſed in this tribunal.

I now imagined that prudence required me to ſecure myſelf from a ſecond perſecution. As there was, at this time, no Engliſh ſhip in the port of Liſbon, I waited upon Mr. Vantil, the reſident of Her and beſought him to ſpeak to the Dutch admiral to admit me on board his fleet. The reſident, touched with my calamities, hinted my requeſt to the admiral, who generouſly complied with it. I then went, together with a friend, and informed the Inquiſitor, that I deſigned to embark for England, in the Damietta, commanded by vice admiral Cornelius Sereiver, who was to ſail in a few days. Upon the Inquiſitor's enquiring the exact time when I intended to go on board; I replied, at nine o'clock the next morning. He then bid me come to him preciſely at that hour; adding, that he would ſend ſome officers of the Inquiſition to ſee me on ſhipboard.

Theſe orders giving me great uneaſineſs, I waited upon the ſeveral gentlemen above mentioned; when telling them the injunctions laid upon me, they adviſed me to act very cautiouſly on this occaſion. I therefore thought it would be ſafeſt for me to go on board immediately, without giving any notice of it to the Inquiſitors. We lay at anchor, after this, near three weeks before Liſbon.

The Inquiſitor no ſooner found that I failed coming to him at the time appointed, in order to be conducted to the ſhip, than he ſent out about thirty ſpies. Nine of theſe coming to enquire after me, at the houſe where I uſed to lodge, ſearched it from top to bottom; examining every trunk, cheſt of drawers and cloſet. But their endeavours to find me being fruitleſs, ſome officers of the Inquiſition getting into a boat, rowed ſeveral times round the three Dutch men of war lying at anchor: Theſe officers imagined, that if I was on board, and conſequently in a place of ſecurity, I ſhould not be afraid of ſhowing myſelf; a circumſtance that would have put an end to their ſearch, which coſt them ſome pains and expence. As I did not gratify their curioſity, and we weighed anchor a few days after, I know not whether they continued it.

Their ſearch was ſo open, both at the houſe where I lodged, as well as at other places, that I was ſoon informed of it; at which I ſhould have been delighted, had not my joy been damped by the apprehenſions I was under, left my dear friend, Mr. Mouton, the companion of my ſufferings and tortures, merely on account of Free-Maſonry, ſhould likewiſe fall a victim to their barbarity. Speaking concerning him to the admiral, he, with the utmoſt humanity, gave me leave to ſend for him on board. He coming accordingly next day, was received, with great ſatisfaction, by the whole ſhip's company, eſpecially by myſelf, I having a peculiar eſteem for him, which I ſhall ever entertain.

We ſet ſail two days after. We had occaſion to obſerve, during our whole voyage, the true pleaſure which a generous mind feels, in doing a h[•]mane action, and in protecting the unhappy. This was particularly conſpicuous in the admiral, he ordering the utmoſt care to be taken of us, all the time we were on board his ſhip; he ſometimes condeſcending to admit us to his table, when he would talk to us with the utmoſt familiarity. This diſtinction won us the civility of every perſon in the ſhip, which continued till our arrival at Portſmouth, where we landed; without having been put to a farthing expence during the whole voyage.

All theſe favours, ſo generouſly beſtowed by the admiral, call aloud for the ſtrongeſt acknowledgments of gratitude.

To conclude, I arrived in London the 15th of December 1744, after a long and dangerous voyage.

I here return thanks, with all the powers of my ſoul, to the Almighty, for his having ſo viſibly protected me from that infernal band of friars, who employed the various tortures mentioned in the former pages, in order to force me to apoſtatize from my holy religion.

I return our ſovereign King George II. (the inſtrument under heaven for procuring me my liberty) the moſt dutiful and moſt reſpectful thanks, for his ſo graciouſly condeſcending to interpoſe in favour of an ill-fated galley ſlave. I ſhall retain, ſo long as I have breath, the deepeſt ſenſations of affection and loyalty for his ſacred perſon; and will be ever ready to expoſe my life, for his majeſty and his moſt auguſt family.

ORIGIN OF THE INQUISITION, AND Its ESTABLISHMENT in various Countries.

THE Roman pontiffs employed every expedient, and ſet every engine at work (among which none has ſerved their purpoſe better than religion) in order to increaſe their authority. Pretending to be the ſucceſſors of St. Peter, they aſcribed to themſelves characteriſtics of holineſs ſuperior even to that of the apoſtles; and were ſo extravagant as even to boaſt their being infallible. Monarchs, infatuated with this pretended ſanctity of the popes, whom they conſidered as deities upon earth, and diſpenſers of celeſtial bleſſings; ſtrove to rival one another in beſtowing territories, &c. upon theſe pontiffs, in hopes of obtaining their favour; adding ſuch extenſive privileges, that theſe pontiffs became, at laſt, the arbiters of crowned heads, who did not diſcover, till it was too late, that they themſelves were become ſlaves to the papal authority.

Some of theſe princes being oppreſſed with the weight of their chains, and deſirous of throwing them off, reſiſted the will of the holy father, and thereupon were declared heretics, and excommunicated. Nor did theſe popes ſtop here; for, if theſe kings perſiſted in their obſtinacy, they were dethroned, and their dominions given to others, who readily offered to pay the obedience claimed by the ſee of Rome.

The emperors, jealous to ſee the Roman pontiffs, and their adherents, extend their authority ſo far beyond its juſt limits; did all that lay in their power to reſtrain and reduce it within narrower bounds. About the middle of the XIth. century, there broke out violent conteſts between them, which raged above fifty years.

The emperors and popes being thus exaſperated againſt each other, no longer acted in concert, in order to ſuppreſs hereſy; ſo that theſe commotions gave occaſion to the ſtarting up of ſeveral new hereſiarchs. Hitherto the latter had oppoſed only the myſteries; but now, leaving the myſteries, they attacked morality and diſcipline, and eſpecially the papal authority. This was more than ſufficient to open the eyes of the court of Rome, with regard to the danger which threatened it, in caſe a ſpeedy remedy ſhould not be found, in order to check theſe heretics, before the contagion was become general; under favour of the diſputes ſubſiſting between the emperor and the pope.

But as theſe heretics, or rather enemies of the pontifical authority of Rome, were exceedingly numerous; not to mention their being ſupported, clandeſtinely, by kings; the popes were forced, at firſt, to wink at, and even tolerate thoſe heretics, till ſuch time as an opportunity might offer, for ſuppreſſing, or rather rooting them out. For this reaſon, the Roman pontiffs now contented themſelves with writing often to the princes, magiſtrates and biſhops; exhorting them to exert their utmoſt endeavours, in order to extirpate the enemies of the ſee of Rome. However, princes and magiſtrates took little pains to check them; whether it were that they did not care to ſacrifice a ſet of people who were of ſo much uſe to them, in order for reſtraining the papal authority, and increaſing their own; or, whether they did not think them ſo criminal as the popes pretended; or whether politics, which often vary according to times and intereſts, cauſed them to conſider theſe heretics as perſons whom it was incumbent on them to tolerate, for their own advantage.

The biſhops, either through indolence, or becauſe they were not ſtrong enough to oppoſe the ſtream, were equally unſucceſſful, whereby heretics became ſo powerful, that, at length, they were able to make head againſt the ſee of Rome.

The Arnaldiſts,^[9] who were among theſe, reduced the popes to the greateſt diſtreſſes; they forcing them, more than once, to quit Rome, and to ſeek an aſylum elſewhere, in order to ſecure themſelves from their fury.

The Waldenſes and Albigenſes, (people of France) riſing up after them, were no leſs enemies to the authority uſurped by the Roman pontiff, nor leſs zealous in attacking it: and the protection indulged thoſe people by Raymond Count de Toulouſe, and by Counts de Foix and de Comminges, cauſed them to be ſtill more enterpriſing and more formidable.

Pope Innocent III. a man of great ſpirit, and fortunate in his enterprizes, formed a deſign of promulgating a cruſade^[10] againſt them, which had been of ſuch vaſt ſervice to his predeceſſors, in order for increaſing their authority; however, he thought it neceſſary, before he carried things to extremities, to have recourſe to gentle methods. For this purpoſe, he ſent into Languedoc, miſſionaries, at whoſe head were Dominic, a native of Old Caſtle, who had lately founded an order of friars, called from his name; together with the bleſſed Peter of Chateauneuf (as he is termed by the Romaniſts) who was butchered at Toulouſe, anno 1200. And now the pope, reſolving to employ temporal weapons againſt them, publiſhed a cruſade, whereby indulgences were granted to all ſuch as ſhould take up arms, or furniſh monies, &c. for aſſiſting this enterprize againſt the Mahommedans; for thus he called thoſe people, to enflame ſtill more the cruſaders againſt them.^[11] The papal arms being ſucceſsful Raymund ſubmitted himſelf (about the year 1209) and gave, as a pledge of his word, ſeven of the chief towers in Provence and Languedoc. On this occaſion ſeveral cities were taken, and the moſt ſhocking cruelties practiſed; numberleſs multitudes of the inhabitants being put to the ſword, without diſtinction of age or ſex. Counts de Foix, de Comminges, and de Beziers, afterwards followed the example of Raymund. Count Simon de Montfort, general of the church, ſignalized himſelf but too much at the head of theſe cruſaders.

The origin of the Inquiſition is thus related, by Fleury, in his eccleſiaſtical hiſtory. In 1198, Innocent III. ſent into the ſouthern provinces of France, two Ciſtercian monks, Reinier and Gui, to convert the Manichees, with which thoſe parts ſwarmed; to excommunicate the obſtinate; and to command the lords to conſiſcate the poſſeſſions of the excommunicated; to baniſh them, and puniſh them with ſeverity: impowering, at the ſame time, Reinier to force the lords likewiſe; to excommunicate them, and put their lands under ſequeſtration.— Theſe commiſſioners, thus ſent againſt the heretics, were afterwards called Inquiſitors. The Jeſuits of Trevoux obſerve, that the council of Narbonne, held in 1235, and that of Beziers in 1246, gave the Dominicans (Inquiſitors) in the provinces of Arles, of Aix, of Embrum, and Vienne, a rule or ordinance, conſiſting of thirty-ſeven articles; and theſe were the baſis of the procedures which have been obſerved, ſince that time, in the tribunals of the Inquiſition.

Some imagine, that they find the origin of the Inquiſition, in a conſtitution made by pope Lucius, in the council of Verona, anno 1184; becauſe that he commands biſhops to examine perſonally, or by commiſſioners, people ſuſpected, of hereſy; diſtinguiſhes the various degrees of perſons ſuſpected, convicted, penitent, or relapſed, for all whom different puniſhments are enacted; and that, after the church has employed, againſt criminals, ſpiritual weapons, it delivers them over to the ſecular arm, in order for corporeal puniſhments to be inflicted on them; experience having ſhown, (ſays my Romiſh author) that ſeveral Chriſtians, and particularly the new heretics of this age, little regarded eccleſiaſtical cenſures, and deſpiſed theſe ſpiritual puniſhments. What bleſſed times were theſe, when ignorance, ſuperſtition, and tyranny ſwayed the earth!

Dawn of the INQUISITION in FRANCE, with the farther conteſts between the Emperor and Popes.

THIS open war againſt the Albigenſes and Waldenſes, was followed by the eſtabliſhment of the Inquiſition, which completed the deſtruction of the unhappy people in queſtion. It had been founded, a little before, by pope Innocent III. under the direction of Dominic, upon whom the title of ſaint was beſtowed.

This pope, reflecting that, what open force ſoever might be exerted againſt them, ſtill vaſt numbers would carry on their worſhip in private, thought it neceſſary to eſtabliſh a ſtanding and perpetual remedy; that is, a tribunal compoſed of men, whoſe ſole occupation ſhould be the ſearching after, and puniſhing heretics. This tribunal was named, 'The Inquiſition,' and Dominic was the firſt Inquiſitor.

Dominic having been ſent, as was obſerved, to Toulouſe, to convert the heretics, took up his reſidence at the houſe of a nobleman of this city, infected with hereſy. However, our miſſionary found means to bring him back to the church; after which the nobleman devoted his houſe, with his family, to St. Dominic and his order. The tribunal of the Inquiſition was eſtabliſhed in this place, which is ſtill called, 'The houſe of the Inquiſition.'

It may hence be concluded, that Dominic was the firſt Inquiſitor, and Toulouſe the firſt city where the Inquiſition was ſettled. Some ſay that this was in 1208, and others in 1212, or 1215; but whichſoever may be the true aera, is of no great conſequence.

Theſe Inquiſitors had, at firſt no particular tribunal, their function being only to enquire or ſearch after heretics (whence the former received their name;) to examine into their number, ſtrength and riches; which being done, they made a report thereof to the biſhops, who, as yet, were the only perſons authorized to take cognizance of ſpiritual matters. On theſe occaſions, the Inquiſitors uſed to urge the prelates to excommunicate and puniſh all heretics who ſhould be impeached.

Pope Innocent being wholly diſſatisfied with the indolence of the biſhops, and their officials (judges) whoſe zeal he thought much too lukewarm againſt heretics; imagined that he perceived, in the Dominican and Franciſcan friars, whoſe orders were but lately founded, all the qualities requiſite for directing this new eſtabliſhment. The monks of thoſe orders were fired with an implicit and boundleſs zeal for the court of Rome, and wholly devoted to its intereſts. They had full leiſure to purſue that glorious work, as this would be their only buſineſs. They were deſcended from the dregs of the people; and had no kindred, as it were, or any other tie which might check the rigours of this tribunal; they were ſevere and inflexible; the ſolitude and auſtere life profeſſed by them, and of which they ſeemed already tired; the meanneſs of their dreſs and monaſteries, ſo widely different from their preſent ſtate; and eſpecially the humility and mendicant life to which they, perhaps, had too heedleſsly devoted themſelves; theſe things, I ſay, rendered them exceedingly fit for the office in queſtion, which, (in the opinion of the pontiffs) would ſoften the aſperity of their vows, and ſooth their ambition, ſome ſeeds whereof were ſtill left in their minds. The Roman pope having thus made ſure of a ſet of people, ſo firmly devoted to his ſervice, and ſo admirably well qualified to exerciſe an employment, whoſe chief characteriſtics are extreme ſeverity and cruelty; ſought for every opportunity to encreaſe their authority, by appointing them a particular tribunal, where they were to ſit, hear, and pronounce ſentence againſt hereſies and heretics, as judges delegated by him, and repreſenting his perſon.

This pope firſt enlarged their authority, by empowering them to beſtow indulgences, to publiſh cruſades, and to excite nations and princes to join the cruſaders, and march forth in order to extirpate hereſy.

In 1244, the emperor Frederic II. increaſed their power much more, by publiſhing four edicts in Pavia. He therein declared himſelf protector of the Inquiſitors; decreed, that the clergy ſhould take cognizance of hereſy, and the lay judges proſecute heretics, after that the former had heard them. He likewiſe enacted, that all obſtinate heretics ſhould be burnt; and ſuch as repented, impriſoned for life. The reaſon why Frederic teſtified ſo much zeal for the Chriſtian religion was, in order to deſtroy the report which the popes, with whom he had been engaged in violent conteſts, ſpread, throughout all the courts of Chriſtendom, viz. that he intended to renounce the Chriſtian religion, and turn Mahomedan. This, very probably, induced him to exert himſelf with greater ſeverity againſt the heretics, than any of his predeceſſors; he being the firſt emperor who ſentenced to death all heretics without diſtinction.

Here follows what other authors ſay, concerning the riſe of the Inquiſition in France. Du Cange tells us, that the Inquiſitors were eſtabliſhed in this country about the year 1229, againſt the Waldenſes, by the council of Toulouſe; which Inquiſitors were choſen from among the Dominicans; and ſome were appointed under Francis I. againſt the Lutherans; and eſtabliſhed, by a bull of pope Clement VII. in 1225. Though the tribunal of the Inquiſition was never ſettled in France, after the ſame manner as in Spain and Italy, yet Inquiſitors were delegated to France, during many years, by the pope; to preſerve the purity of doctrine, and keep the people obedient to the church. Twelve years after the death of St. Dominic, pope Gregory IX. named two friars of the ſame order, anno 1233, to exerciſe the like functions; and this apoſtolical commiſſion was perpetuated, not only in the convent of Toulouſe, but extended to ſeveral other convents in the kingdom. One of the commiſſioners, nominated in the cauſe of the Templars, was the Inquiſitor general in France. We find by l'hiſtoire de la Pucelle d'Orleans [the maid of Orleans] that, anno 1430, John Magiſtri, vicegerent [ſubſtitute] of John Goverant, Inquiſitor of the faith, was one of her judges; that 35 years after, John Br[•]hal (who was an Inquiſitor) and ſome prelates, deputed by pope Calixtus, declared her innocent. It does not appear that there were, from this time till the reign of Francis I. any Inquiſitors (of this ſort) in France; whether it were that the popes did not think them neceſſary, in an age when errors were in a great meaſure rooted up; or that the then reigning princes, being more jealous of the regal authority than their predeceſſors, would not ſuffer any infringement (as this ſeemed to be) of the liberties of the Gallican church. See father Bouhours' life of St. Ignatius, Book II. This author obſerves farther, that, under Francis I. Matthew Ori, was raiſed, by pope Clement VII. to the employment of Inquiſitor, on occaſion of the hereſies of Germany.—There are now no footſteps of the Inquiſition left in France, c[•]cept in Toulouſe, where there is an Inquiſitor, a Dominican; but then his authority relates only to the examining of books concerning doctrine.

The Inquiſition would have been introduced into this kingdom under Francis II. had not the excellent Mighel de l'Hoſpital, chancellor of France, ſtrongly oppoſed that deſign. When the paſſing the edict of the Inquiſition of Spain came before Chancellor de l'Hoſpital; as he knew that the members of the privy council and the parliaments had conſented to it, he drew up another edict, in which he tempered matters ſo happily, and gave ſuch excellent reaſons for this, that even the Guiſes, though ſtrong advocates for the tribunal in queſtion, approved his opinion; and even brought over the Spaniſh miniſtry to the ſame way of thinking, notwithſtanding that theſe were very deſirous that France ſhould be modelled and governed as Spain was. This was done in May, 1560, in the town of Romorantin.^[12]

INQUISITION of ROME.

THE Inquiſition of Rome is compoſed of twelve cardinals, and ſome other officers. The pope preſides perſonally in this aſſembly. The Inquiſition is the chief tribunal of Rome. The congregation of the Inquiſition was firſt eſtabliſhed in 1545. The above cardinals aſſume to themſelves the title of Inquiſitors general throughout the Chriſtian world; but they have no juriſdiction in France, and ſome other Romiſh countries. They are empowered to deprive or remove all inferior Inquiſitors, at leaſt thoſe of Italy.

Popes, Innocent, Alexander, Urban, Clement, and the ſeven pontiffs their ſucceſſors, exerted their utmoſt endeavours, but to no purpoſe, to prevail with the Venetians to follow the example of the other ſtates of Italy in this particular.

The conduct of the Inquiſitors, were circumſtances which ſtrongly induced the republic of Venice to refuſe admiſſion to that tribunal in its territories. The only topic of diſcourſe, in all places, was the diſorders and ſeditions cauſed by the ſermons, as well as the imprudent behaviour of the Inquiſitors: for theſe zealots would, upon any caprice, publiſh cruſades againſt the heretics; when the cruſaders in queſtion, who had been drawn together on a ſudden, inſtead of aſſiſting the cauſe of religion, only revenged themſelves of their enemies; and ſeized the poſſeſſions of a numberleſs multitude of innocent perſons, upon the falſe pretence of their being heretics. Milan and Parma were very near ruined by the ſeditions raiſed in them on theſe occaſions; and nothing was heard, all over Italy, but bitter complaints againſt the Inquiſition and the Inquiſitors. The ſenate of Venice, who underſtood their intereſt as well as any body of men in the world, took advantage of the diſorders above-mentioned, to juſtify their conſtant refuſal of this tribunal.

However, pope Nicholas IV. being no ways diſheartened at all the fruitleſs attempts made by his predeceſſors, renewed them; when the ſenate perceiving that they, in caſe they perſiſted in their refuſal, would, at laſt, be forced to admit an Inquiſition dependant on that of Rome: they eſtabliſhed one by their own authority, compoſed of both eccleſiaſtical and lay judges. This Inquiſition has its own laws, which differ from thoſe of the tribunals of this kind ſettled in Italy, and is far leſs rigorous. The utmoſt precautions were taken by thoſe who eſtabliſhed this Inquiſition, to prevent ſuch diſorders as had broke out in all other places where it had been admitted.

The ſenate having thus taken the reſolution to admit the Inquiſition, an act or inſtrument for that purpoſe, was drawn up the 4th of Aug. 1289, in the moſt authentic manner, and ſent to the pope. Though the pontiff was not pleaſed with the modifications introduced by the ſenate, he nevertheleſs expreſſed, in outward ſhow, his approbation of the inſtrument preſented to him; and ratified it by a bull dated the 28th of Auguſt above-mentioned; in hopes that the Venetians might afterwards be prevailed upon to comply with the deſires of the court of Rome, which, however, they have not yet done. On the contrary, this ſage republic, ſo far from repealing the old laws, eſtabliſhes new ones, whenever it is apprehenſive that the court of Rome intends to leſſen its authority, by enlarging that of the Inquiſition. How glorious it is for this republic, to ſee, in its territories, the tribunal of the Inquiſition, ſubject to the ordinances and laws which the ſenate formerly preſcribed, and ſtill preſcribe to it; at a time that this tribunal governs and commands; in the moſt deſpotic manner, in all the other ſtates where it was received without reſtriction; and is now become the moſt formidable, the moſt dreadful, and moſt cruel tribunal in the univerſe; inſomuch that even kings themſelves are not ſecure from its proſecutions, at leaſt from its reſentment!

With regard to the kingdom of Naples, the Inquiſition has never been received there. This was owing, at firſt, to the almoſt perpetual diſſentions which reigned between the Neapolitan kings and the Roman pontiffs. From the time that the Spaniſh monarchs have poſſeſſed that kingdom, how great a harmony ſoever might ſubſiſt between them and the court of Rome, yet things have always continued on the ſame foot, and this from a ſingular circumſtance, viz. that the popes themſelves oppoſed it; and for this reaſon, becauſe the kings of Spain inſiſted perpetually, that the Neapolitan Inquiſitors ought to be dependant on the Inquiſitor General of Spain, and not on the general Inquiſition of Rome, as the popes aſſerted. This the latter would never conſent to; and from this argument, that as the kingdom of Naples held, of the ſee of Rome. and not of Spain; the Inquiſition ſhould conſequently hold likewiſe of the pope. But as theſe two courts were never able to agree about this matter, the Neapolitan biſhops have always enjoyed the privilege of judging heretics. However the pope may, in certain caſes, depute commiſſaries to Naples, to judge of heretical matters; but this happens ſeldom or never. In 1544, Don Pedro, of. Toledo, viceroy of Naples under the emperor Charles V. endeavoured to ſettle the Inquiſition in that kingdom; but the people mutinying his deſign was defeated.

The INQUISITION eſtabliſhed in SPAIN.

THOUGH the Inquiſition had been ſtrongly oppoſed in France and Germany, it yet gained footing in Spain; the kings of Arragon admitting it into the ſeveral ſtates dependant on their crown. Endeavours were uſed, but to no purpoſe, to force it into the weſtern parts of Europe; the people oppoſing it with the utmoſt vigour, whereby it loſt a conſiderable part of its power in the kingdom of Arragon; till Ferdinand, king of that country, and Iſabella of Caſtile, uniting under one monarchy, by their marriage, almoſt all the Spaniſh dominions; reſtored the tribunal in queſtion to its priſtine authority in Arragon, and afterwards in all Spain, which was not properly brought under the yoke of the Inquiſition, till about the year 1484.

The court of Rome was indebted for this to John de Torquemada, a Dominican. This friar, who was confeſſor to Iſabella, had made her promiſe, before ſhe came to the throne, that, in caſe ſhe ſhould be raiſed to it, ſhe would uſe all poſſible methods to extirpate heretics and infidels. As ſhe afterwards was queen, and brought the kingdom of Caſtile, by way of dower, to Ferdinand; they finding themſelves exceedingly powerful, reſolved to conquer the kingdom of Granada, and to drive back the Moors into Barbary. The Moors were accordingly ſubdued; and all the territories poſſeſſed by them in Spain ſeized, ſo that prodigious multitudes of them were forced to return into Africa. Nevertheleſs, great numbers ſtill continued in Spain; a circumſtance owing to their having poſſeſſions or wives in this country, or their being ſettled in traffic there.

As Ferdinand and Iſabella conſidered that, in caſe they ſhould baniſh theſe Moors from Spain, they thereby would depopulate the countries conquered by them; their majeſties conſented that they, as well as the Jews, ſhould continue in it, provided they would turn Chriſtians; upon which thoſe people, finding that all reſiſtance would be vain, embraced the Chriſtian religion, in outward appearance.

But now Torquemada aſſuring the queen, that this diſſimulation would be of infinite prejudice both to the church and ſtate, was urgent with her to perform the promiſe ſhe had made him, viz. of proſecuting the infidels and heretics as ſoon as ſh[•] ſhould be ſeated on the throne. He enforced his entreaties with all the arguments which falſe politics and falſe religion could ſuggeſt; concluding, that the beſt expedient would be, to introduce and ſettle the Inquiſition under the authority of their majeſties. In a word, the queen, after many ſolicitations, promiſed to uſe her utmoſt endeavours to get the kings conſent; which ſhe afterwards obtaining, their majeſties demanded and procured, from pope Sixtus IV. anno 1478, bulls^[13] for the purpoſes abovementioned.

Torquemada had been of ſuch important ſervice to the ſee of Rome, that it was natural he ſhould be rewarded by it; the pope raiſing him to the purple. He afterwards was appointed by Ferdinand and Iſabella, Inquiſitor General of the whole monarchy of Spain; and he diſcharged the functions of his employment, ſo much to their expectation, that he proſecuted, in 14 years, above 100,000 perſons, 6000 of whom were ſentenced to the flames.

Matters were afterwards carried to ſuch a height, by the barbarous zeal of princes, that Philip II. king of Spain, eſtabliſhed the Inquiſition even on board of ſhips of war. This bigotted monarch, would, doubtleſs, have introduced it into the ſkies, had it been in his power. In 1571, he fitted out a fleet called the Invincible, commanded by Don John of Auſtria; and, as it had been found neceſſary to employ ſailors of all nations, Philip fearing, that a mixture of religions would corrupt the Romiſh faith, conſulted pope Pius V. on this occaſion; when the pontiff ſent one of the Inquiſitors of Spain, who had been appointed by the Inquiſitor General of that monarchy, as Inquiſitor of the fleet; with power to preſide in the ſeveral tribunals; and ſolemnize Auto da Fés in all places they might put into.— The firſt Auto da Fé was held in the city of Meſſina, where various puniſhments were inflicted on many perſons.

This tribunal was introduced into Sicily and Sardinia, at the time that thoſe iſlands were ſubject to the crown of Spain.

The Inquiſition eſtabliſhed in Portugal.

THE account of the manner in which the Inquiſition was brought into Portugal, ſeems a little fabulous; however, we ſhall give it in few words.

This tribunal is ſaid to have been introduced by the artifice of John Peres de Saavedra, a native of Corduba, or Jaen, in Spain. We are told that he, having found the ſecret to counterfeit apoſtolical letters, amaſſed, by that means, about thirty thouſand ducats, which were employed by him in order to bring the Inquiſition into Portugal, and that in manner following. He aſſumed the character of Cardinal Legate from the ſee of Rome; when forming his houſhold, of one hundred and fifty domeſtics, he was received, in the above-mentioned quality, at Seville, and very homo[•]eably lodged in the archiepiſcopal palace. Advancing after this, towards the frontiers of Portugal, he diſpatched one of his ſecretaries to the king, to acquaint him with his arrival; and to preſent him with fictitious letters from the emperor, the king of Spain, the pope, and ſeveral other princes both eccleſiaſtical and ſecular; who all intreated his majeſty to ſavour the legate's pious deſigns. The king, overjoyed at this legation, ſent a lord of his court to compliment him, and attend him to the royal palace, where he reſided about three months. The mock legate having ſucceeded in his deſigns, by laying the foundation of the Inquiſition, took leave of his majeſty; and departed, greatly ſatisfied with his atchievement: but, unluckily for himſelf, he was diſcovered on the confines of Caſtile, and known to have been formerly a domeſtic of a Portugueze nobleman. He was then ſeized, and ſentenced ten years to the gallies, where he continued a very long time, till, at laſt, he was releaſed from thence anno 1556, by a brief from pope Paul IV. This pontiff, who uſed to call the Inquiſition, the grand ſpring of the papacy, wanted to ſee him.

We are told, that the Inquiſition of Portugal, was copied from that of Spain, and introduced in the former, anno 1535. But Mr. de la Neuville, in his hiſtory of Portugal, tom. I. page 59, declares, that the Inquiſition was introduced there anno 1557, under John III. and ſettled in the cities of Liſbon, Coimbra and Evora.

The Inquiſition has ſubſiſted ever ſince in Portugal, and is the moſt ſevere, the moſt rigid, and cruel of any in the world.

The tribunal in queſtion roſe, afterwards, with the Spaniſh and Portugueze names; and ſhared, as it were, in their acquiſitions: for thoſe two nations, making boundleſs conqueſts in both the Indies, eſtabliſhed the Inquiſition, in the ſeveral countries won by their arms, after the ſame methods, and under the ſame regulations, as in their dominions in Europe.

Attempts made to introduce the Inquiſition into England.

ENDEAVOURS were uſed to introduce the Inquiſition here, under the reign of queen Mary, ſiſter to queen Elizabeth. The juſtices of peace (ſays biſhop Burnet) were now every where ſo ſlack in the proſecution of heretics, that it ſeemed neceſſary to find out other tools. So the courts of Inquiſition were thought on. Theſe were ſet up firſt in France againſt the Albigenſes, and afterwards in Spain, for diſcovering the. Moors; and were now turned upon the heretics. Their power was uncontroulable; they ſeized on any thing they pleaſed, upon ſuch informations, or preſumptions as lay before them. They managed their proceſſes in ſecret, and put their priſoners to ſuch ſorts of torture, as they thought fit for extorting confeſſions or diſcoveries from them. At this time [in 1557] both the pope and king Philip, tho' they differed in other things, agreed in this, that they were the only ſure means for extirpating hereſy. So, as a ſtep to the ſetting them up, a commiſſion was given to Bonner, and twenty more, the greateſt part lay men, to ſearch all over England for all ſuſpected of hereſy, that did not hear maſs, go in proceſſions, or take holy bread or holy water: they were authorized, three being a quorum, to proceed either by preſentments, or other politic ways: they were to deliver all they diſcovered to their ordinaries; and were to uſe all ſuch means as they could invent; which was left to their diſcretions and conſciences, for executing their commiſſion. Many other commiſſions, ſubaltern to theirs, were iſſued out for ſeveral counties and dioceſes. This was looked on as ſuch an advance towards an Inquiſition, that all concluded it would follow ere long. The burnings were carried on vigorouſly in ſome places, and but coldly in moſt parts; for the diſlike of them grew to be almoſt univerſal. ^[14] How greatly are we indebted to ſuch of our generous anceſtors, as under the immortal queen Elizabeth, reſcued us, at the hazard of their lives and fortunes, from that diabolical yoke, the Inquiſition. And hence, what Engliſhman but muſt read, with the utmoſt deteſtation, the following words, ſpoke by a recorder of London, at the trial of the celebrated quakers, William Penn and William Mead.^[15] Till now I never underſtood the reaſon of the policy and prudence of the Spaniards, in ſuffering the Inquiſition among them. And certainly it will never be well with us, till ſomething like the Spaniſh Inquiſition be in England. Nothing ſure can be more horrid than theſe words! which muſt throw eternal infamy round the name of this recorder (Sir John Hovel.) The Britons, it is to be hoped, will never fall ſo low, as to let the Inquiſition take footing among them.

— The baleful dregs

Of theſe late ages, the inglorious draught

Of ſervitude and folly have not yet,

Bleſt be th' eternal ruler of the world,

Defil'd to ſuch a depth of ſordid ſhame

The native honours of the human ſoul,

Nor ſo effac'd the image of its ſire.

Pleaſures of the Imagination, b. II.

We find (by biſhop Burnet) that previous to the perſecution under queen Mary, hinted at above, there were conſultations concerning the methods to proceed againſt heretics. Cardinal Pool had been ſuſpected to bear ſome favour to them formerly, but he took great care to avoid all occaſions of being any more blamed for this: and indeed he lived in that diſtruſt of all the Engliſh, that he opened his thoughts to very few, for his chief confidents were two Italians who came over with him, Priuli and Ormaneto. Secretary Cecil, who in matters of religion complied with the preſent time, was obſerved to have more of his favour than any Engliſhman had. Pool was an enemy to all ſevere proceedings; he thought churchmen ſhould have the tenderneſs of a father, and the care of a ſhepherd; and ought to reduce, but not devour the ſtray ſheep. He had obſerved, that cruelty rather inſlamed than cured that diſtemper. He thought the better and ſurer way, was to begin with an effectual reformation of the manners of the clergy, ſince it was the ſcandal given by their ill conduct and ignorance, that was the chief cauſe of the growth of hereſy; ſo he concluded, that if a primitive diſcipline ſhould be revived, the nation would, by degrees, lay down their prejudices, and might, in time, be gained by gentle methods. Gardiner, on the other hand, being of an abject and cruel temper himſelf, thought the ſtrict execution of the laws againſt the Lollards, was that to which they ought chiefly to truſt. If the preachers were made public examples, he concluded the people would be eaſily reclaimed; for he pretended, that it was viſible, if king Henry had executed the act of the ſix articles vigorouſly, all would have ſubmitted. He confeſſed a reformation of the clergy was a good thing, but all times would not bear it.—If they ſhould proceed ſeverely againſt ſcandalous churchmen, the heretics would take advantage from that, to defame the church the more, and raiſe a clamoun againſt all clergymen. The queen was for joining both theſe councils together; and intended to proceed, at the ſame time, both againſt ſcandalous churchmen and heretics.^[16] In the courſe of the perſecutions, endeavours were uſed, by the different parties, to urge the queen to continue them, and to diſſuade her from theſe barbarities. At this time (ſays biſhop Burnet) a petition was printed beyond ſea, by which the reformers addreſſed themſelves to the queen; they ſet before her the danger of her being carried by a blind zeal, to deſtroy the members of Chriſt, as St. Paul had done before his converſion. They remembered her of Cranmer's interpoſing to preſerve her life in her father's time. They cited many paſſages out of the books of Gardiner, Bonner and Tonſtall, by which ſhe might ſee that they were not acted [actuated] by true principles of conſcience, but were turned as their fears or intereſt led them. They ſhowed her how contrary perſecution was to the ſpirit of the goſpel; that Chriſtians tolerated Jews; and that the Turks, notwithſtanding the barbarity of their tempers, and the cruelty of their religion, yet tolerated Chriſtians. They remembered her, that the firſt law for burning in England, was made by Henry IV. as a reward to the biſhops, who had helped him to depoſe Richard II. and ſo to mount the throne. They repreſented to her, that God had truſted her with the ſword, which ſhe ought to employ for the protection of her people, and was not to abandon them to the cruelty of ſuch wolves. The petition alſo turned to the nobility, and the reſt of the nation; and the danger of a Spaniſh yoke, and a bloody Inquiſition were ſet before them.—Upon this the popiſh authors writ ſeveral books in juſtification of theſe proceedings. They obſerved, that the Jews were commanded to put blaſphemers to death; and ſaid the heretics blaſphemed the body of Chriſt, and called it only a piece of bread. It became Chriſtians to be more zealous for the true religion, than heathens were for the falſe. St. Peter, by a divine power, ſtruck Ananias and Sapphira dead. Chriſt, in the parable, ſaid, Compel them to enter in. St. Paul ſaid, I would they were out off that trouble you, St. Auſtin was once againſt all ſeverities in ſuch caſes, but changed his mind, when he ſaw the good effect which ſome baniſhments and fines had on the Donatiſts. That on which they inſiſted moſt, was, the burning of the anabaptiſts in king Edward's time. So they were now fortified in their cruel intentions; and reſolved to ſpare none, of what age, ſex or condition ſoever they might be.^[17] The reader of good ſenſe, of what religion ſoever, will ſee at once the weakneſs of the arguments on the popiſh ſide, compared with thoſe of the proteſtants; and yet the former, (ſo horrid was this miniſtry) prevailed.

The Inquiſition has not enlarged its juriſdiction ſince the attempts made to force it into the Netherlands. Such countries as had admitted this tribunal before, are ſtill ſubject to it; and thoſe which had refuſed it, have been ſo happy as to keep it out; ſo that it is now confined to a great part of Italy, and the dominions ſubject to the crowns of Spain and Portugal; yet its power extends over a larger extent of ground than all Europe; and, in the ſeveral places where it is eſtabliſhed, the ſad marks thereof are but too apparent.

Come! by whatever ſacred name diſguis'd,

OPPRESSION, come! and in thy works rejoice!

See Nature's richeſt plains to putrid fens

Turn'd by thy rage. From their unchearful bounds

See raz'd th' enliv'ning village, farm, and ſeat.

Firſt rural toil, by thy rapacious hand

Robb'd of his poor reward, reſign'd the plow;

And now he dares not turn the noxious glebe.

'Tis thine entire. The lonely ſwain himſelf,

Who roves at large along the graſſy downs

His ftocks to paſture, thine abhorrent flies.

Far as the ſick'ning eye can ſweep around

'Tis all one deſart, deſolate and grey,

Graz'd by the ſullen buffalo alone;

And where the rank unventilated growth

Of rotting ages taints the paſſing gale.

Beneath the baleful blaſt the city pines,

Or ſinks enfeebled, or infected burns.

Beneath it mourns the ſolitary road,

Roll'd in rude mazes o'er the abandon'd waſte,

While ancient ways, ingulph'd are ſeen no more.

Such thy dire plaints, thou ſelf deſtroyer! Foe To human kind.

THOMSON'S LIBERTY, part I.

A DISTINCT ACCOUNT OF THE INQUISITION, AND Of the ſeveral things appertaining to it.

THERE are, in the dominions of the king of Portugal, four Inquiſitions, viz. at Liſbon, Coimbra, Evora and Goa, in the Eaſt Indies. The juriſdiction of the laſt mentioned extends over all the countries poſſeſſed by his Portugueze majeſty on the other ſide of the Cape of Good Hope.

Beſides theſe four Inquiſitions, there is a ſupreme council held in Liſbon, to which all the other Portugueze Inquiſitions are ſubordinate. This tribunal conſiſts of an Inquiſitor General, who is appointed by the king, and confirmed by the pope. He is empowered to nominate the Inquiſitors in all the countries dependant on the crown of Portugal. Under him are five counſellors, a fiſcal proctor,^[18] a ſecretary of the king's bed chamber, two ſecretaries of the council, an alcayde or goaler, a receiver, two reporters, two qualificators, and a great number of ſubaltern officers.

This ſupreme council has an unlimited authority over all the Inquiſitors of Portugal; they not being permitted to ſolemnize an Auto da Fé without its permiſſion. This is the only tribunal of the Inquiſition, from which there is no appeal. It may enact new laws at pleaſure. It determines all ſuits or conteſts ariſing between the Inquiſitors. It puniſhes the miniſters and officers of the Inquiſition. All appeals are made to it. In fine, the authority of this tribunal is ſo great, that there is ſcarce any one but trembles at its bare name; and even the king himſelf does not dare to oppoſe it.

We obſerved that, beſides the ſupreme council, there are four other tribunals of the Inquiſition. Each of them is compoſed of three Inquiſitors or judges, a fiſcal proctor, two ſecretaries, a judge, a receiver, and a ſecretary of confiſcated poſſeſſions, aſſeſſors, counſellors, an executor, phyſicians and ſurgeons, a gaoler, a meſſenger, door-keepers, familiars, and viſitors.

There are, in the Romiſh church, two ſorts of judges in matters of faith. The firſt are ſo by virtue of the employment with which they are inveſted; ſuch is the pope and the biſhops, who, immediately after their conſecration, are ſuppoſed to receive, from heaven, a right and an abſolute juriſdiction over heretics.

The ſecond ſort of judges, are thoſe delegated by the pope, who ſets himſelf up as ſupreme judge in matters of faith; and gives the judges in queſtion an entire juriſdiction over all heretics and apoſtates. Theſe are called apoſtolical Inquiſitors.

This employment is of ſuch eminence, that thoſe who are raiſed to it have the fame title with biſhops: and Clement IV. to do them the greater honour, and enlarge their power, freed them from the juriſdiction of the biſhops where they reſide; making them dependant only on the General Inquiſitor of the kingdom. They likewiſe may publiſh edicts againſt heretics; heighten their puniſhment; excommunicate, or take off the excommunication from ſuch as have incurred it, except theſe are dying.

The Inquiſitors may ſeize a heretic, though he ſhould have ſled for refuge into a church; which the biſhop muſt not oppoſe, on any pretence whatſoever; a circumſtance that gives the Inquiſitors greater power than is enjoyed by the kings of the countries where the Inquiſition is eſtabliſhed.

No prelate, or legate from the ſee of Rome, can pronounce ſentence of excommunication, ſuſpenſion or interdict, againſt the Inquiſitors and their ſecretaries, without an expreſs order from the pope; to prevent, as is pretended, the affairs of religion from being injured, and heretics from going unpuniſhed.

The Inquiſitors may forbid the ſecular judges to proſecute any perſon, even in a proſecution carried on, at firſt, by their order.

Any perſon who ſhall kill, or employ another to kill, abuſe or beat an Inquiſitor and official of the Inquiſition, ſhall be delivered over to the ſecular arm, in order to be ſeverely puniſhed.

Pope Urban IV. granted them likewiſe the privilege of abſolving one another, and their aſſiſtants, with regard to any faults committed by them, ariſing from human frailty; and for which they may have incurred the ſentence of excommunication. They, farther, may grant an indulgence of twenty or forty days, (as they may think proper) to perſons whom they ſhall think penitent.

They are impowered to abſolve all friars, companions, and notaries of the Inquiſition, from the penance which may have been enjoined them during three years; provided ſuch had endeavoured ſincerely, and perſonally aided and inſiſted in the proſecution of heretics, and of all who favour, defend or conceal them. And if any of the perſons in queſtion ſhould die in the purſuit of ſo pious (as it is ſtrangely termed) a work, the Inquiſitors may give them full abſolution, after ſuch perſons ſhall have made a confeſſion of all their ſins.

To theſe privileges we ſhall add ſuch as relate more immediately to the proſecution of perſons impeached. All affairs relating to the pretended holy office, are managed by the Inquiſitors, who, by virtue of the denunciations, informations, and accuſations, brought againſt all ſorts of perſons; iſſue their orders for citing, ſeizing, impriſoning, and laying in irons, thoſe who are accuſed.

Run, with your noſe to earth:

Run, blood hound, run; and ſcent out royal murder.

You ſecond rogue, but equal to the firſt,

Plunder, fly, hang: nay, take your tackling with you,

For theſe ſhall hold them faſt: (hang, hang the ſlaves)

To the mid region in the ſun.

Plunder, begone, vipers, aſps and adders.

Dryden's Tragedy of the duke of Guiſe, Act III. ſcene I.

The Inquiſitors receive the confeſſions and depoſitions of thoſe perſons, and appoint the various tortures, in order for extorting from them whatever they deſire ſhould be confeſſed. In fine, they condemn definitively, all who have the ſad fate to be their priſoners, without anyappeal whatſoever. The Inquiſitors may, for their own eaſe, appoint perſons to aſſiſt as judges, in their names, in caſe of ſickneſs or abſence; and theſe are allowed much the ſame prerogatives with thoſe who eſtabliſhed them; and can be removed by none but the Inquiſitors by whom they were nominated. They likewiſe may appoint more aſſiſtants or commiſſaries, proportionably to the cities or towns in the provinces dependant on this tribunal.— There muſt be one commiſſary at leaſt, in every town.

The ſecond officer of the Inquiſition is the fiſcal proctor. This man, upon informations made againſt perſons, receives the depoſitions of the witneſſes; and addreſſes the Inquiſitors, in order for their being ſeized and impriſoned. In a word, he is their accuſer, and pleads againſt them, after their being taken up. The ſecretaries keep an exact regiſter of the priſoners from the time of their commitment; of the principle articles of the indictment; with the names of the witneſſes who ſwore againſt them. In a word, they write down the proceedings in all cauſes, and the defence made by the priſoner. They likewiſe regiſter all the orders given by the executor, and other officers of the tribunal in queſtion. All writings muſt be carefully locked up, to prevent their being peruſed by any perſons except thoſe acquainted with the ſecrets of the Inquiſition. The judge of the goods and chattels confiſcated, is judge between the fiſc or exchequer, and private perſons, in all cauſes relating to the effects of priſoners.

The receiver is to take exact care of the confiſcated poſſeſſions; muſt ſell them, and apply the monies purſuant to the orders given him. He likewiſe muſt be preſent, when the executor, and the other officers, ſequeſter the poſſeſſions of priſoners; which is not done without an expreſs command from the Inquiſitor. The ſecretary of the ſequeſtrations, takes [•]n exact inventory of all the effects belonging to the priſoners ſound in their poſſeſſion; or in the hands of other perſons, who, ſhould they alienate the leaſt part of them, would be expoſed to the utmoſt rigours of this tribunal. All the effects and poſſeſſions belonging to the priſoners, are lodged with the receiver of the ſequeſtrations; together with an exact inventory, ſigned by the executor, who, as well as the ſecretary, has a copy thereof.

The duties of the executor, is to execute the orders of the Inquiſitors, and particularly to take criminals, and go in purſuit of them, if they are at a diſtance; to look carefully after them, when in their hands; and even to fetter them, &c. in order to convey them, with the greates ſecurity, to the priſons of the Inquiſition.

The familiars are the bailiffs or catchpoles of the Inquiſition. Though this is a moſt ignominious employment in all other criminal courts, it yet is looked upon as ſo honourable in the Inquiſition, that every nobleman in Portugal is a familiar of this tribunal. It is not ſurpriſing, that perſons of the higheſt quality ſhould be ſolicitous for this poſt, ſince the pope has granted, to theſe familiars, the like plenary indulgencies as the council of Lateran gave to ſuch perſons as ſhould go to the ſuccour of the holy land againſt the infidels. They are the ſatellites of the Inquiſitors; they attending on them and defending them if neceſſary, againſt the inſults of heretics. They accompany the executo, whenever he goes to ſeize criminals; and muſt obey all orders given them by the chief officers of the Inquiſition. Several privileges are allowed them, eſpecially the carrying arms; but they are ordered to uſe thoſe with diſcretion.

Aſſeſſors and counſellors are perſons ſkilled in the canon and civil law. The Inquiſitors conſult them in all difficult points, but follow their opinions no farther than they think proper. They commonly make uſe of thoſe perſons to give the greater weight to their ſentences, by the ſpecious precautions they take; but in no other view than to impoſe on mankind.

The viſitor is a perſon appointed by the Inquiſitor General, to inſpect all the towns, cities and provinces where commiſſaries are eſtabliſhed. They muſt inform him of the care which theſe commiſſaries take in ſearching after heretics; and make a report thereof, in order that he, with his council, may uſe ſuch meaſures as may be thought fitting: the viſitor muſt pay the moſt exact obedience to the inſtructions of the Inquiſitor: he is forbid to lodge at the houſes of thoſe over whoſe conduct he is to have an eye; to receive the leaſt preſent from them, or any one ſent in their name. The number of theſe viſitors is always in proportion to that of the towns, and the extent of the provinces where the Inquiſition is eſtabliſhed.

The ſeveral officers of this tribunal muſt make oath, before the Inquiſitors, to diſcharge faithfully the duties of their employment; not to divulge the moſt minute particular relating to the Inquiſition of its priſons, on any pretence whatſoever, upon pain of being turned out, and puniſhed with the utmoſt ſeverity. The Inquiſitors admit of no excuſe on theſe occaſions; ſecrecy being the ſoul, as it were, and the mighty ſupport of this tribunal.

Beſides theſe ſeveral officers of the Inquiſition, the popes have likewiſe commanded, by their bulls, magiſtrates in general, to give all the aſſiſtance in their power, not only to the Inquiſitors; but likewiſe to their various ſubaltern officers, who may ſtand in need thereof, in the exerciſe of their employments, upon pain of their being ſubject to eccleſiaſtical puniſhments.

The Inquiſitors being, as was obſerved, judges delegated by the pope, for enquiring into matters of faith, and for extirpating hereſy; they, upon this ſpecious pretence, are impowered to proſecute all ſorts of friars, of what rank or condition ſoever, either in their own names, by the ſupreme council of the kingdom, or by the pope. 'Tis ſo much the intereſt of the Roman pontiff to ſupport the Inquiſitors, that he exerts his whole authority for this purpoſe; ſome examples whereof will be given hereafter.

In ſine, they may proſecute indiſcriminately, any layman infected with hereſy, not excepting princes or kings. However, the Inquiſitors, to ſecure themſelves from any ill conſequences which might attend their attacking perſons in ſuch exalted ſtations, conſult the pope on theſe occaſions, and proceed as he may direct. This precaution is not uſed out of reſpect to perſons of high eminence and crowned heads; but, for fear leſt a ſevere treatment ſhould exaſperate them, and cauſe them to oppoſe the Inquiſition in places where it is poor, and not powerfully eſtabliſhed. No perſons would be exempt from the proſecutions of this tribunal, how great ſoever his privileges might otherwiſe be, ſhould he preſume to ſpeak contemptuouſly of this tribunal; this being an infinitely worſe crime than the moſt pernicious hereſy.

Having thus mentioned the privileges, &c. of the Inquiſition, let us now ſpecify the

Caſes or Circumſtances which ſubject a perſon to this tribunal.

THE firſt is hereſy.—Under the name of heretics are comprehended all perſons who have ſpoke, writ, taught or practiſed any tenets contrary to the ſcriptures, to the articles of the creed; and, eſpecially, to the traditions of the church of Rome. Likewiſe ſuch as have denied the catholic faith, by going over to ſome other religion; or who, though they do not quit the Romiſh communion, praiſe the cuſtoms and ceremonies of other churches; practiſe ſome of them; or believe that perſons may be ſaved in all religions, provided they profeſs them with ſincerity.

They likewiſe conſider as heretics, all who diſapprove any ceremonies, uſages, or cuſtoms received, not only by the church, but even by the Inquiſition.

All who think,^[19] ſay, or teach any thing contrary to the opinion received at Rome, with regard to the pope's ſupreme, unlimited authority, and his ſuperiority over general councils; as likewiſe ſuch as ſpeak, teach or write any thing contrary to the papal deciſions, on what occaſion ſoever, are looked upon as heretics.

A ſuſpicion of hereſy, which is the ſecond caſe, is ſtill more extenſive; for to incur ſuch ſuſpicion, it is enough that a perſon only ſtarts ſome propoſition which may offend the hearers; or does not impeach thoſe who advance any ſuch. That perſon is likewiſe ſuſpected of hereſy, who contemns, inſults or mutilates any images. Likewiſe all thoſe who read books condemned by the Inquiſition, or who lend them to others.

That perſon alſo incurs a ſuſpicion of hereſy, who deviates from the ordinary cuſtoms relating to religion, practiſed by the Romaniſts; ſuch as letting a year paſs, without going to confeſſion and communion; the eating meat on fiſh days; or neglecting to go to maſs at the times enjoined by the church.

Thoſe alſo are ſuſpected of hereſy, who, being in holy orders, repeat ſuch ſacraments as ſhould not be repeated; endeavour to enter into the marriage ſtate; or marry two or more wives.

In ſine, ſuch incur a ſuſpicion of hereſy, as go but once, to the ſermons of heretics, or to any other of their public exerciſes. Likewiſe thoſe who neglect to appear before the Inquiſitors, when ſummoned; or procure abſolution, the ſame year they were excommunicated. Alſo, the contracting a friendſhip with heretics; the lodging ſuch; the making them preſents, or even viſiting them; eſpecially the preventing their being impriſoned in the Inquiſition; the furniſhing them with opportunities of eſcaping, though induced thereto by the ſtrongeſt ties of blood, of gratitude or pity. This article is carried to ſuch lengths by the Inquiſitors, that perſons are not only forbid to ſave heretics, but are obliged to diſcover them, though a father, brother, huſband, or wife; and this upon pain of excommunication; of incurring a ſuſpicion of hereſy; and of being obnoxious to the rigours of the tribunal in queſtion, as fautors or abettors of hereſy. How unnatural, how cruel is ſuch an injunction! Theſe conſtitute the third caſe, ſubject to the judgment of the Inquiſition. Under the name of fautors, are comprehended all who favour, defend, or give advice or aſſiſtance, of what kind ſoever, to thoſe whom the Inquiſitors have begun to proſecute.

Thoſe likewiſe become obnoxious, who, knowing perſons to be heretics, or to have eſcaped out of the priſons of the Inquiſition; or who, upon their being cited to appear, refuſe to obey the ſummons; conceal, or give them advice or aſſiſtance in order for their eſcaping; likewiſe ſuch as moleſt, by threats or otherwiſe, the agents of this tribunal in the execution of their office; or who, tho' they do not obſtruct it themſelves, aid or abet ſuch as oppoſe them.

Under the name of ſautors of hereſy, are alſo included thoſe who ſpeak, without permiſſion, to the priſoners; or who write to them, either to give them advice, or merely to comfort them. Such as prevail upon, by money or otherwiſe, witneſſes to be ſilent, or to favour the priſoners in their depoſitions; or who conceal, burn, or get poſſeſſion in what manner ſoever, of papers which may be of uſe in convicting perſons accuſed.

The fourth caſe ſubject to the judgment of the Inquiſition, includes magicians, wizards, ſoothſayers, and ſuch like, of whom there are ſuppoſed to be (very idly ſure) more in Italy than in any other country, the Italian women being ſtrangely curious and credulous. We ſhall not ſpecify the various accuſations brought on thoſe occaſions; they conſiſting of ridiculous ſuperſtitions, ariſing from a heated imagination and blind credulity, rather than from a depraved will and a corrupt heart. We will only obſerve, that, among the ſeveral caſes ſubject to the Inquiſition, none ſill its priſons with a greater number of women of all conditions.

Blaſphemy, (the fifth caſe) though very common, and one of the greateſt crimes, yet the Inquiſitors do not take cognizance of it, except it contains ſome hereſy. We ſhall forbear giving inſtance thereof here, it being much better for [•]nkind, that ſuch things ſhould be buried in oblivion.

Though neither Jews, Mahomedans, or ſuch like, are ſubject to the Inquiſition, in many things, they yet are obnoxious to it, in all the caſes above-mentioned; thoſe crimes not being tolerated in Jews and Mahomedans, &c. more than in Chriſtian. Farther, the above-mentioned become ſubject to the Inquiſition, if they aſſert, write, or publiſh any particulars contrary to the Romiſh communion. Thus, for inſtance, ſhould a Jew or Mahomedan deny the trinity, or a providence, he would be puniſhed as an heretic; as alſo, was he to hinder a perſon profeſſing any of thoſe religions from turning Chriſtian; or convert a Romaniſt to theirs, or favour ſuch a deſign.

Jews are not allowed to vend, publiſh, or even keep the Talmud; or any book, which ſpeaks contemptuouſly of the Chriſtian religion, or is prohibited by the Inquiſition.

In fine; Jews are not permitted to have Chriſtian nurſes, or to do any thing in contempt of the Romiſh religion. The Inquiſitors take cognizance of all ſuch caſes; and puniſhes offenders in them with the utmoſt ſeverity; ſo that the dread of this obliges thoſe unhappy people to become converts to popery. However, ſuch a converſion does not make them better men. Theſe are always diſtinguiſhed by the title of new Chriſtians, a name which is ſo much deteſted, that the old Chriſtians can ſeldom be prevailed upon to marry among the new, though the families of the latter had been Chriſtians from their great grandfathers. The utter abhorrence in which theſe new converts are held, makes them unite more cloſely one with the other, in order to perform mutual ſervices, which they could not expect from the old Chriſtians: but this very union is commonly the ſource of their misfortunes. To illuſtrate this, I need but obſerve that, if a new Chriſtian, who is ſincerely ſuch, happens to contract a very ſtrict intimacy with other new Chriſtians, this alone would be ſufficient to make him ſuſpected of practiſing Jewiſh ceremonies with them, in ſecret. In conſequence of this ſuſpicion, ſuch perſon is ſeized by order of the holy office; and accuſed, by the depoſition of ſome perſon, of being a Jew. Being conſcious of his innocence, he ſlatters himſelf that nothing will be eaſier for him than to prove it publicly; whence he makes no difficulty to comply with the cuſtom eſtabliſhed by the Inquiſitors, viz. of giving in immediately a complete inventory of all his effects, &c. upon the firm perſuaſion that they will be reſtored to him, the inſtant he ſhall have juſtified himſelf. But he is miſtaken; for, preſently after he has given in ſuch inventory, the Inquiſitors ſeize his effects, and ſell them publicly by auction. The bare accuſation pronounces him guilty; and he has no other way to eſcape the flames, than by making a confeſſion, conformably to the articles of the indictment. As his accuſer, the witneſſes, and himſelf, are not brought face to face, his innocence is of no ſervice. His riches prove his ruin, thoſe being certainly ſeized; and his life would inevitably fall a ſacrifice, ſhould he not acknowledge himſelf a relapſed Jew, though he had always been a zealous Romaniſt.

The ſixth and laſt caſe ſubject to the judgment of the Inquiſition, is of thoſe who reſiſt its officers, or any way oppoſe its juriſdiction. As one of the chief maxims of this tribunal is to ſtrike terror, and to awe ſuch as are ſubject to it; it puniſhes with the utmoſt ſeverity all who offend its agents and officers. On theſe occaſions, the ſlighteſt fault is conſidered as a heinous crime. Neither birth, employment, dignity or rank, can protect. To threaten ever ſo little the loweſt officer belonging to the Inquiſition, its informers, or witneſſes, would be puniſhed with the extremelt rigour.

Such are the caſes which ſubject a perſon to the Inquiſition; and there are four ways, by which ſuch a one uſually, becomes ſo. Firſt, by common fame, which declares him to be guilty of one or more of the crimes ſpecified above: ſecondly, by the depoſition of witneſſes, who impeach him: thirdly, by his being informed againſt by the ſpies of the Inquiſition, who are diſperſed every where: laſtly, by the confeſſion of the priſoner, who accuſes himſelf, in hopes of being treated with greater humanity, than if he had been informed againſt by others.

We ſhall now proceed to the manner of proſecuting a perſon impeached; and this, ſometimes, upon the ſlighteſt ſuſpicion. Firſt, he is ſummoned, three ſeveral times, to appear before the Inquiſitors; when, if through fear or contempt, he ſhould neglect to do this, he would be excommunicated, and ſentenced, proviſionally, to pay a conſiderable fine; after which, ſhould he be ſeized, a more ſevere ſentence would inevitably be paſſed upon him.

The ſafeſt courſe therefore, for a perſon impeached, is, to obey the firſt ſummons. The longer he delays on this occaſion, the more criminal he makes himſelf, in the eye of the Inquiſitors, though he ſhould really be innocent. To diſobey the command of the Inquiſitors, is ever conſidered by them as a crime. They always look upon delays to be certain indications of guilt, as ſhowing a dread to appear before the judges. When, therefore, a perſon is reduced to this ſad extremity, nothing can ſecure him from the moſt rigorous puniſhment, but a voluntary and perpetual exile: nothing is forgot by the Inquiſitors; time cannot obliterate any crime; and preſcription is a thing unknown to them.

It frequently happens, that the Inquiſitors, either from their conſidering the crime of which a perſon ſtands impeached, as enormous, and that they have ſufficient evidence againſt him: or from their apprehending that he may eſcape; immediately iſſue their orders, without firſt ſending a ſummons, for his being ſeized, in any place whatſoever. When this is the caſe, no aſylum or privilege can ſtop, a ſingle moment, the proſecution, nor abate its rigours. The Inquiſitors give an order, under their own hands, to the executor, who takes a ſufficient number of familiars along with him, to prevent a reſcue.

Words could ſcarce deſcribe the calamity of a man under theſe circumſtances. He, perhaps, is ſeized, when in company with his friends, and ſurrounded by his family; a father by his ſon's ſide; a ſon by that of his father, and a wife in company with her huſband. No perſon is allowed to make the leaſt reſiſtance, or even to ſpeak a ſingle word in favour of the priſoner; who is not indulged a moment's reſpite to ſettle his moſt important affairs.

Hence the reader may judge, of the continual apprehenſions with which perſons, inhabiting countries where the Inquiſition is eſtabliſhed, muſt neceſſarily be filled; ſince, in order to ſecure themſelves from it, one friend is obliged to ſacrifice another; ſons their parents; parents their children; huſbands their wives, and wives their huſbands, by accuſing them to the pretended holy office. How horrid a ſource have we here of perfidy and inhumanity! What kind of community muſt that be, whence gratitude, love, and a mutual forbearance with regard to human frailties, are baniſhed! What muſt that tribunal be, which obliges parents, not only to eraſe from their minds the remembrance of their own children; to extinguiſh all the ſenſations of tenderneſs and affection, which nature inſpires for them; but even to extend their inhumanitiy ſo far, as to force them to become their accuſers, and conſequently the cauſe of the cruelties inflicted on them.

What idea ought we to form to ourſelves of a tribunal, which obliges children, not only to ſtifle every ſoft impulſe of gratitude, love and reſpect due to thoſe who gave them birth; but even forces them, upon the moſt rigorous penalties, to be ſpies over their parents; and to diſcover to the mercileſs Inquiſitors, the crimes, the errors, and even the little lapſes to which human frailty ſo often urges: in a word, a tribunal which will not permit relations, when impriſoned in its horrid dungeons, to give each other the ſuccours, or to perform the duties which religion enjoins. What diſorder and confuſion muſt ſuch a conduct give riſe to, in a tenderly-loving family! An expreſſion, innocent in itſelf, and perhaps but too true, ſhall, from an indiſcreet zeal, or a panic fear, give infinite uneaſineſs to a family; ſhall ruin it intirely; and, at laſt, cauſe one or more of its members to be the innocent, ſad victims of the moſt barbarous of all tribunals.

What diſtractions muſt neceſſarily break out, in a family where the huſband and wife are at variance, and the children looſe and wicked! Will ſuch children ſcruple to ſacrifice a father who endeavours to reſtrain them by his exhortations. by reproaches or paternal corrections? Alas, no! theſe will plunder his houſe, to ſupport themſelves in their extravagance and riot; and afterwards deliver up their unhappy parent to all the horrors of a tribunal, whoſe proceedings are founded on the blackeſt injuſtice.

A riotous huſband, or a looſe wife, have likewiſe an eaſy opportunity, by means of the proſecutions in queſtion, to rid themſelves of any one who is a check to their vices, by delivering up him or her to the rigours of the Inquiſition. Every deteſtable expedient, ſuch as falſe oaths and teſtimonies, are employed, with impunity, to ſacrifice an innocent perſon. Very juſtly, therefore, might an ingenious French author, a Romaniſt, write thus (ſpeaking of the various courts in Lima:)

The moſt formidable of all the tribunals is that of the Inquiſition, whoſe bare name ſtrikes terror univerſally.— I. Becauſe the informer is admitted as a witneſs. II. As the perſons impeached never know thoſe who inform againſt them. III. As the witneſſes are never confronted.—Hence innocent people are daily ſeized, whoſe only crime is, that certain perſons are bent upon their deſtruction. ^[20]

When a perſon is once impriſoned by the Inquiſitors, his treatment is ſtill more cruel. He is thoroughly ſearched, to diſcover, if poſſible, any books or papers which may ſerve to convict him; or ſome inſtrument he may employ to put an end to his life, in order to eſcape the torture, &c. Of this there are but too many ſad examples; and ſome priſoners have been ſo raſh, as to daſh their brains out againſt the wall, upon their being unprovided with ſciſſars, a knife, a rope, and ſuch like.

After a priſoner has been carefully ſearched; and that his money, papers, buckles, rings, &c. have been taken from him, he is conveyed to a dungeon, the bare ſight of which muſt fill him with horror. Torn from his family and his friends, who are not allowed acceſs to, or even to ſend him one conſolatory letter; or to take the leaſt ſtep in his favour, in order to prove his innocence; he ſees himſelf inſtantly abandoned to his inflexible judges, to his melancholy, to his deſpair; and even often to his moſt inveterate enemies, quite uncertain of his fate. Innocence, on ſuch an occaſion, is as a weak reed, nothing being eaſier than to ruin an innocent perſon.

Being come to priſon, the Inquiſitor, attended by the officers of this mock holy tribunal, goes to the priſoner's abode; and there cauſes an exact inventory to be taken of all his papers, effects, and of every thing found in his houſe. They frequently ſeize all the priſoners other poſſeſſions; at leaſt the greateſt part of them, to pay themſelves the fine to which he may be ſentenced; for very few eſcape out of the Inquiſition without being half ruined, unleſs they happen to be very wealthy indeed.

The houſe of the Inquiſition in Liſhon. is a very ſpacious edifice. There are four courts, each about forty foot ſquare, round which are galleries (in the dormitory form) two ſtories high. In theſe galleries are the cells or priſons, being about three hundred. Thoſe on the ground-floor are alloted for the vileſt of criminals (as they are termed;) and are ſo many frightful dungeons, all of freeſtone, arched over, and very gloomy. The cells on the firſt floor are filled with leſs guilty perſons; and women are commonly lodged in thoſe of the ſecond ſtory. Theſe ſeveral galleries are hid from view, both within and without, by a wall above fifty feet high; and built a few feet diſtance from the cells, which darkens them exceedingly. The houſe in queſtion is of ſo great an extent, and contains ſo vaſt a variety of turnings, that I am perſuaded a priſoner could ſcarce find his way out, unleſs he was well acquainted with its windings; ſo that this horridly ſpacious priſon may be compared to Daedalus's labyrinth.

Here rooms within themſelves encircled lie,

With various windings to deceive the eye.

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

Such is the work, ſo intricate the place,

That ſcarce the workmen all its turns could trace;

And Daedalus was puzzled how to find

The ſecret ways of what himſelf deſign'd.

OVID'S Metamorp. b. VIII. tranſlated by Dr. CROXALI.

The apartments of the chief Inquiſitor, which likewiſe are very large, make part of this houſe. The entrance to it is through a coach gate,^[21] which leads to a large court or yard, round which are ſeveral ſpacious apartments, where the king and his court commonly ſtand, to view the proceſſion of the priſoners the day of the Auto da Fé.

The furniture of theſe miſerable dungeons is, a ſtraw bed, a blanket, ſheets, and ſometimes a mattreſs. The priſoner has likewiſe a frame of wood about ſix feet long, and three or four wide. This he lays on the ground, and ſpreads his bed upon it. He alſo has a great earthen pot to eaſe nature in; an earthen pan for waſhing himſelf; two pitchers, one for clean and the other for foul water; a plate, and a little veſſel with oil to light his lamp. He is not, however, allowed any books, not even thoſe of devotion.

With regard to proviſions, the Inquiſitors allow every priſoner a teſtoon, [ſeven pence half-penny Engliſh money] per day for his ſubſiſtence. The gaoler, accompanied by two other officers, viſits, at the end of every month, all the priſoners, to enquire of them how they would have their monthly allowance laid out. The priſoner uſually expends nine teſtoons for part of his proviſions; that is, for a porringer of broth, and half a pound of boiled beef daily; eight teſtoons for bread, four for cheeſe, two for fruit, four for brandy, and the reſt for oranges, lemons, ſugar and waſhing. The gaoler's ſecretary, who accompanies him, takes an exact account of what particulars every priſoner requeſts to be provided with during the month; which orders are punctually obſerved; the perſon who is appointed to furniſh the priſoners on theſe occaſions being puniſhed in caſe he infringes them. Such as have a great appetite, or deſire wine, (as foreigners particularly do) petition for an audience, in order to ſet forth their wants; and theſe are uſually ſupplied, provided ſuch indulgence does not foment intemperance, or is too expenſive. I myſelf addreſſed the Inquiſitors for this purpoſe, and my requeſt was granted.

It is only on ſuch occaſions, or in ſickneſs, that the Inquiſitors ſhow ſome little humanity. Theſe excepted, nothing is found in them, but ſeverity and barbarity. They are quite inflexible; for when once a perſon has the misfortune to be their priſoner, he is not only forbid all correſpondence with his family and friends, (as was obſerved before) but even to make the leaſt noiſe, to complain, ſigh, addreſs heaven aloud, to ſings pſalms or hymns.— Theſe are capital crimes, for which the guards or attendants of the Inquiſition, who are ever walking up and down the paſſages, firſt reprove him ſeverely; but if he happens to make any noiſe a ſecond time, they open his cell, beat him ſeverely; and this, not only to puniſh the priſoner himſelf, but likewiſe to intimidate others, who, by reaſon of the horrid ſilence which reigns, and the proximity of the cells, hear the blows and cries of the wretched victim. I ſhall here give an inſtance of this barbarity, atteſted by ſeveral perſons. A priſoner having a violent cough, one of the guards came and ordered him not to make a noiſe; he replied, that it was not in his power to forbear; when his cough increaſing, he was commanded, a ſecond time, to be ſilent; but this being impoſſible, they ſtripped the poor creature naked, and beat him ſo unmercifully, that his cough grew worſe; and the blows being again repeated, he died ſoon after.

By this ſilence which the guards or keepers force priſoners to keep, they not only deny them every little conſolation, but prevent ſuch as are neighbours from making the leaſt acquaintance; for, the inſtant this ſhould be found, they would be removed to other cells.

They never lodge two priſoners in the ſame cell; to prevent, (as the Inquiſitors pretend) their conſulting together, in order to ſuppreſs or conceal the truth, or to baffle the interrogatories; but the chief motive for keeping thoſe unhappy perſons apart, is to extort from them, by the dread ſolitude of their confinement, a confeſſion of whatever the Inquiſitors may require from them.

However, on ſome occaſions, two priſoners are l[•]dged together in the ſame cell; as, for inſtance, when a huſband and wife are impriſoned for the like crime; and that there is no room to ſuſpect, that one of them will prevent the other from freely confeſſing the ſeveral articles of which he or ſhe may ſtand indicted. When a priſoner is ſick, a companion is given him, in order to aſſiſt him as he is told. Likewiſe, when the Inquiſitors have not been able to prevail with a priſoner to plead guilty, and that there are no, proofs ſufficient to convict him; they then ſend him a companion, who has been taught his leſſon beforehand, by the officers of the Inquiſition; and this companion artfully glides into the confidence of the priſoner; wins his friendſhip; and inveighs ſtrongly againſt the Inquiſitors; accuſes them of injuſtice, cruelty and barbarity; and, inſenſibly, cauſes the unhappy victim to join his reproaches, againſt the Inquiſitors and the Inquiſition. This is a black and unpardonable crime; and ſhould the priſoner fall inadvertently into this trap, he would be inevitably undone; for then his companion immediately deſires to be admitted to audience; appears as a witneſs againſt him; and is no longer his fellow priſoner.

A day or two after a priſoner is brought into his cell, his hair is cut off, and his bead ſhaved. On theſe occaſions no diſtinction is made in age, ſex, or birth. He then is ordered to tell his name, his profeſſion; and to make a diſcovery of whatever he is worth in the world. To induce him to do this the more readily, the Inquiſitor promiſes, that, if he be really innocent, the ſeveral things diſcloſed by him will be carefully reſtored; but that, ſhould any effects, &c. concealed by him, be afterwards found, they all will be conſiſcated, though he may be cleared. As moſt of the Portugueze are ſo weak, as to be firmly per[•]u[•••]d of the ſanctity and integrity of this tribunal. they do not ſcruple to diſcover even ſuch things as they might moſt eaſily conceal; from a firm belief that every particular will be reſtored to them, the moment their innocence ſhall be proved. However, theſe hapleſs perſons are impoſed upon; for thoſe who have the ſad fortune to fall into the mercileſs hands of the iniquitous judges, are inſtantly bereaved of all their poſſeſſions. In caſe they plead their innocence with regard to the crimes of which they ſtand accuſed, and yet ſhould be convicted by the witneſſes who ſwore againſt them, they then would be ſentenced as guilty, and their whole poſſeſſions confiſcated. If priſoners, in order to eſcape the torture, and in hopes of being ſooner ſet at liberty, own the crime or crimes of which they are impeached, they then are pronounced guilty by their own confeſſion; and the public, in general, think their effects, &c. juſtly confiſcated. If ſuch priſoners come forth as repentant criminals, who had accuſed themſelves voluntarily, they yet dare not plead their innocence; ſince they thereby would run the hazard of being impriſoned again, and ſentenced, not only as hypocritical penitents; but likewiſe as wretches who accuſe the Inquiſitors of injuſtice; ſo that, what courſe ſoever theſe perſons might take, they would certainly loſe all ſuch poſſeſſions belonging to them, as the Inquiſitors had ſeized.

Sometimes a priſoner paſſes ſeveral months in his cell, without hearing a ſingle word of his being brought to trial; without his knowing the crime of which he ſtands impeached, or a ſingle witneſs who ſwore againſt him. At laſt the gaoler tells him, as of his own accord, that it will be proper for him to ſue to be admitted to audience. He then is conducted, for the firſt time, bare-headed to the judges; an under gaoler walking firſt, himſelf next, and laſtly the gaoler. Being come to one of the doors of the Inquiſition, the firſt mentioned knocks thrice; upon which the door is opened by one of the attendants on, or porter of the Inquiſition. The priſoner, &c. are then commanded to ſtay in this anti-chamber, until the porter has knocked three times at the door of the great hall of the Inquiſition. This is done in order to give the Inquiſitors time to prepare for, and to receive the priſoner; that is, for him to diſmiſs all perſons to whom he may be giving audience; thereby to prevent the priſoners from ſeeing, or being ſeen, by them.

Every thing being ready, purſuant to the orders given for that purpoſe, the judge who preſides in the great hall, anſwers by a little bell; upon which the porter of the hall in queſtion opens the door. The priſoner then enters, guarded by the two officers before-mentioned; when theſe, advancing towards the table, give the priſoner a ſtool; after which they retire, bending the knee.

Then the preſident bids the priſoner kneel; ordering him at the ſame time, to lay his right hand on a book, which is ſhut. He then addreſſes theſe words to him: will you promiſe to conceal the ſecrets of the holy office, and to ſpeak the truth?—The priſoner anſwering in the affirmative, the preſident commands him to ſit down; and afterwards aſks him a great variety of queſtions with regard to all ſuch crimes, as may be committed, cognizable by the Inquiſition.

The ſecretary writes down very accurately, the ſeveral interrogatories and anſwers; which being done, he rings the little bell, when the priſoner is conveyed back to his cell, in the ſame manner as he had been brought from it; but not till after he has been exhorted, to recollect all the ſins he may have committed, ever ſince his being come to years of diſcretion.

By my ſufferings and examination the reader will ſee how priſoners are examined, and the methods made uſe of to make them accuſe themſelves, &c.

The Inquiſitors do not confine their power merely to the living, or to thoſe who die in their priſons. They even proſecute ſuch as died many years before their being indicted; cauſe their bodies to be dug up, and burn their bones in the Auto da Fé. The Inquiſitors likewiſe confiſcate their poſſeſſions, of which they do not ſcruple to diſpoſſeſs their heirs, not excepting even their children. It is certain that nothing can be caſier than to condemn bones, as theſe are unable to defend themſelves; but ſuch proceedings will not be wondered at, when the reader is aſſured, that ſuch of the living as become victims to the Inquiſitors, are not better heard in their own juſtification than if they were really dead.

Among the ſeveral inſtances of proſecuting dead bodies in England, are the following.^[22] When Cardinal Pool went, after the acceſſion of Queen Mary, to the univerſity of Cambridge, to reſtore all things there to their former ſtate; a proſecution with regard to the taking up the dead bodies of Bucer and Fagius was commenced. The dead perſons were accordingly cited by two edicts, and various witneſſes brought againſt them. When no one would undertake their defence, they were condemned for contumacy; [ridiculous cruelty!] and on the ſame day ſentence was pronounced before the whole univerſity; by which their bodies were ordered to be dug up, and delivered to the queen's officers. An order was afterwards ſent, from her majeſty, for inflicting the puniſhment. In fine, Feb. 6, the bodies were dug up; when a large ſtake being fixed in the ground, in the market-place, the bodies were tied to it. After this the cheſts or coffins, with the bodies in them, were ſet up; being faſtened on both ſides, and bound to the poſt with a long iron chain. The pile being fired, a great number of proteſtant books were thrown into it, and theſe were ſoon conſumed. Not long after, Brookes, biſhop of Gloceſter, gave the like treatment [〈◊〉] Oxford, to the corps of Catharine, wife of Peter Martyr, who dying a few years before, had been buried in Chriſt-Church, near the remains of St. Fridiſ-wide, who was greatly venerated in that college: for the above Catharine being convicted, of imbibing her huſband's hereſy, ſhe was condemned; her dead body was dug up, carried upon men's ſhoulders, and caſt upon a dunghill. However, in queen Elizabeth's reign, her corpſe, by order of archbiſhop Parker, and other commiſſioners, was taken from the dunghill, and buried in its former place.

After judgment has paſſed on all the priſoners, a mock religious ceremony is performed; when they all walk in diſmal proceſſion to St. Dominick's church, and there hear their articles of impeachment read, together with the ſentences.

The ceremony of the Auto da Fé, or act of faith.

HERE follows a ſuccinct deſcription of one ſolemnized at Madrid, in 1682.

The officers of the Inquiſition, preceded by trumpets, kettle-drums, and their banner, marched. May 30, 1682, in cavalcade to the palace of the great ſquare; where they declared, by proclamation, that on the 30th of June, the ſentences of the priſoners condemned to the flames, and to other puniſhments, would be put in execution. There had not been a ſpectacle of this kind, in Madrid, during forty years before, for which reaſon it was expected, by the inhabitants, with as much impatience as though it had been the merrieſt holiday. The 30th of June being come, numberleſs multitudes of people appeared, as ſplendidly dreſſed as for a royal wedding. In the great ſquare was raiſed a high ſcaffold: into this ſquare, from ſeven in the morning, till nine at night, came criminals of both ſexes; all the Inquiſitions in the kingdom having ſent their priſoners to Madrid. The proſecutions and ſentences were read aloud. There were twenty Jews, men and women, and one Renegado Mahommedan, who were all burnt. Fifty Jews and Jeweſſes having never been impriſoned before, and repenting of their crimes, were ſentenced to a long impriſonment, and to wear a yellow ſcapulary. Ten more, indicted for bigamy, witchcraft, and other crimes, were ſentenced to be whipt, and afterwards ſent to the gallies; theſe wore large paſte-board caps on their heads, with inſcriptions on them; having halters about their necks and torches in their hands.

The whole court was preſent: the king, the queen, the embaſſadors, courtiers, and numberleſs multitudes of people.— The Inquiſitor's chair was placed in a ſort of tribunal, far above that of the king. The unhappy victims were executed ſo near to the place where the king ſtood, tha[•] he could hear their groans; the ſcaffold on which they ſtood, touching his balcony. The nobles of Spain, acted here the ſame part as the ſheriffs officers in England. Thoſe noblemen led ſuch criminals as were to be burnt; and held them when they were faſt bound with thick cords; the reſt of the criminals being conducted by the familiars, or common ſervants of the Inquiſition. Several friars, both learned and ignorant, argued with great vehemence, to convince theſe unhappy creatures of the truth of the Chriſtian religion. Some of thoſe criminals (Jews) were perfectly well ſkilled in their religion: and made the moſt ſurpriſing replies, and that without the leaſt emotion. Among them was a maiden of exquiſite beauty, and but ſeventeen years of age; who being on the ſame ſide with the queen, addreſſed her, in hopes of obtaining her pardon, as follows; Great queen! will not your royal preſence be of ſome ſervice to me in my miſerable condition? have regard to my youth; and conſider that I profeſs a religion which I imbibed from my infancy. The queen turned away her eyes, and though ſhe ſeemed greatly to pity her diſtreſs, yet ſhe did not dare to ſpeak a word in her behalf.

Now maſs began, in the midſt of which the prieſt came from the altar, and ſeated himſelf in a chair prepared for that purpoſe. The chief Inquiſitor deſcended from the amphitheatre, dreſſed in his cope, and having a mitre on his head; when, after bowing to the altar, he advanced towards the king's balcony; went up to it by the ſtairs, at the end of the ſcaffold; attended by ſome officers of the Inquiſition, carrying the croſs and the goſpels; with a book containing the oath by which the kings of Spain oblige themſelves to protect the catholic faith; to extirpate heretics; and to ſupport, with all their power, the proſecutions of the Inquiſition.

The king ſtanding up, bareheaded, having, on one ſide, the conſtable of Caſtile, who held the royal ſword lifted, ſwore to maintain the oath, which was read by a counſellor of the royal council. His majeſty continued his poſture till the Inquiſitor returned to his place; when a ſecretary of the Inquiſition mounted a ſort of pulpit, and read the like oath, adminiſtering it to the counſellors and the whole aſſembly. Maſs began about twelve, and did not end till nine at night, becauſe of the ſentences of the ſeveral criminals: they being all read, aloud, one after another. The intrepidity with which thoſe hapleſs priſoners ſuffered death was very aſtoniſhing. Some threw themſelves into the fire; others burnt their hands, and afterwards their feet, thruſting them into the flames, and holding them therein with ſo much reſolution, that many were ſorry ſuch heroic ſouls were not enlightened by the goſpel. I myſelf (ſays the author) did not go to ſee the executions, for beſides its being midnight, and at a conſiderable diſtance from my abode. I was ſo deeply ſtruck with the ſight of them in the day time, that it put me very much out of order. The king could not be abſent from this horri[•] ſpectacle, as it was a religious one; he being obliged to give a ſanction, by [••]s preſence, to all acts of the In[••••]on. However, this extreme ſeverity [〈◊〉] not contribute to the converſion [〈…〉] Jews, it not making the le[••••] [〈…〉] on them.— There are gre[••] [〈…〉] of theſe in Madrid, who are [〈◊〉] to be ſuch, and yet enjoy poſts in the [〈◊〉] [•••]y, [〈◊〉] l[•]ve unmoleſted. When they are very rich, the government only terrifies them, in order to make them pay a large ranſom for their lives, whereby conſiderable funds are raiſed: th[•]ſe perſons, provided they have but money, ſecure themſelves from the flames, though they merit them no leſs than the pooreſt wretch.^[23] Thus far this author, who was a Romaniſt. If ſo many of theſe exclaim againſt the Inquiſition, what moderation can be expected from a proteſtant.

The learned Doctor Geddes, vol. I. page 447, and ſeq. of his tracts, thus deſcribes an Auto da Fé in Liſbon, of which he himſelf was a ſpectator.—The priſoners are no ſooner in the hands of the civil magiſtrate, than they are loaded with chains, before the eyes of the Inquiſitors; and being carried firſt to the ſecular gaol, are, within an hour or two, brought from thence before the Lord Chief Juſtice, who, without knowing any thing of their particular crimes, or of the evidence that was given in againſt them, aſks them, one by one, in what religion they intend to die? If they anſwer that they will die in the communion of the church of Rome, they are condemned by him, to be carried forthwith to the place of [〈◊〉], and there to be firſt ſtrangled and afterwards burnt to aſhes:—But if they ſay, they will die in the proteſtant, or in any other faith that is contrary to the romiſh, they then are ſentenced by hm to be carried fortwith to the place of execution, and there to be burnt alive.

At the place of execution, which at Liſbon is the Ribera, there are ſo many ſtakes ſet up, as there are priſoners to be burnt, with a good quantity of dry furze about them. The ſtakes of the profeſſed, as the Inquiſitors call them, may be about four yards high; and have a ſmall board, whereon the priſoner is to be ſeated, within half a yard of the top. The negative and relapſed being firſt ſtrangled and burnt; the profeſſed go up a ladder, betwixt the two Jeſuits, who attended them all day: and, when they are come even with the forementioned board, they turn about to the people, and the Jeſuits ſpend near a quarter of an hour, in exhorting the profeſſed to be reconciled to the church of Rome; which, if they refuſe to be, the Jeſuits come down, and the executioner aſcends; and having turned the profeſſed off the ladder upon the ſeat, and chained their bodies cloſe to the ſtake, he leaves them; and the Jeſuits go up to them a ſecond time, to renew their exhortation to them; and at parting tell them, that they leave them to the devil, who is ſtanding at their elbow to receive their ſouls, and carry them with him into the flames of hell-ſire, ſo ſoon as they are out of their bodies. Upon this a great ſhout is raiſed; and as ſoon as the Jeſuits are got off the ladder, the cry is; let the dogs beards be made; which is done by thruſting flaming furzes faſtened to a long pole, againſt their faces. And this inhumanity is commonly continued until their faces are burnt to a coal; and is always accompanied with ſuch loud acclamations of joy, as are not to be heard upon any other occaſion; a bull feaſt, or a farce, being dull entertainments, to the uſing a profeſſed heretic thus inhumanely.

The profeſſed beards being thus made, or trimmed, as they call it in jollity; fire is ſet to the furze, which is at the bottom of the ſtake, and above which the profeſſed are chained ſo high, that the top of the ſlame ſeldom reaches higher than the ſeat they ſit on; and if there happens to be a wind, to which that place is much expoſed, it ſeldom reaches ſo high as their knees. So that if there is a calm, the profeſſed are commonly dead in about half an hour after the furze is ſet on ſire; but if the weather is windy, they are not, after that, dead in an hour and half, or two hours; and ſo are really roaſted and not burnt to death. But though, out of hell, there cannot poſſibly be a more lamentable ſpectacle than this, being joined with the ſufferers (ſo long as they are able to ſpeak) cries, viz. Miſerecordia por amor de Dios, "Mercy for the love of God;" yet it is beheld by people of both ſexes, and all ages, with ſuch tranſports of joy and ſatisfaction, as are not, on any other occaſion to be met with.—Thus far Doctor Geddes, who obſerves, p. 450, (a very remarkable circumſtance,) That this inhuman joy is not the effect of natural cruelty, but ariſes from the ſpirit of their religion; a proof of which is, that all public malefactors, except heretics, are no where more tenderly lamented than by the Portugueze; and even when there is nothing in the manner of their deaths that appear inhuman or cruel.

The Solemnization of the Auto da Fé in which JOHN COUSTOS had the ill fate to walk.

A FORTNIGHT before the ſolemnization of this Auto da Fé, notice was given in all the churches, that it would be celebrated on Sunday the 21ſt June 1744. At the ſame time, all who intended to be ſpectators thereof, were exhorted not to ridicule the priſoners, but rather pray to God for their converſion. On Saturday the 20th of the month above-mentioned, we were all ordered to get ready by next morning; and, at the ſame time, a band was given to each of us, and old black cloathes to ſuch as had none.

Thoſe accuſed of Judaiſm, and who, through fear of the torture, confeſſed their being ſuch, were diſtinguiſhed by large ſcapularies called ſan benidos. This is a piece of yellow ſtuff, about two ells long; and in the middle of which a hole is made, to put the head through: on it were ſowed ſtripes of red ſtuff, and this falls behind and before, in form of a St. Andrew's croſs. Thoſe who are condemned for ſorcery, magic, and ſuch like, wear the ſame kind of ſcapulary deſcribed above. They are diſtinguiſhed only by wearing a paſteboard cap, about a foot and half high, on which devils and flames are painted; and, at the bottom, the word WIZARD is writ in large characters.

I muſt obſerve, that all ſuch perſons as are not ſentenced to die, carry a lighted yellow wax taper in their hands. I was the only perſon to whom one was not given, on account of my being an obſtinate proteſtant.

The relapſed Jews, and ſuch heretical Roman Catholies, as are ſentenced to die for refuſing to confeſs the crimes whereof they are accuſed, are dreſſed in grey ſamaras, much ſhorter than the fan benidos above-mentioned. The face of the perſon who wears it, is copied (before and behind) from the life, ſtanding on ſirebrands; with flames curling upwards, and devils round it, at the bottom of the ſamara, their names and ſurnames are writ.

Blaſphemers are dreſſed as above, and diſtinguiſhed only by a gag in their months.

The pr[••]on[••] being thus habited, the proceſſion opened with the Dominican Friars, preceded by the banner of their order. Afterwards came the banner and crucifix of the Inquiſition, which was followed by the criminals, each whereof walked between two familiars, who were to be anſwerable, for them, and bring back to priſon, ſuch as were not to be executed, after the proceſſion was ended.

The accompanying priſoners on theſe diſmal occaſions is thought ſo great an honour, that ſuch as attend, to execution, theſe unhappy victims, and even lean upon them, are always the firſt noblemen in the kingdom; who are ſo proud of acting in this character, that they would not reſign that honour for any other that ſhould be offered them, ſo cruelly blind is their zeal.

Next came the jewiſh converts, followed by ſuch as were indicted for witchcraft and magic, and had confeſſed their crimes.

The proceſſion cloſed with the unhappy wretches who were ſentenced to the flames.

The march then began, when the whole proceſſion walked round the court of the chief Inquiſitor's palace, in preſence of the king, the royal family, and the whole court, who were come thither for this purpoſe. The priſoners being all gone through the court juſt mentioned, proceeded along one of the ſides of Rocio Square; and went down Odreyros-Street; when, returning by Eſcudeyros-Street, and up another ſide of Rocio-Square, they came, at laſt, to St. Dominick's church, which was hung, from top to bottom, with red and yellow tapeſtry.

Before the high altar was built an amphitheatre, with a pretty conſiderable number of ſteps, in order to ſeat all the priſoners and their attendant familiars. Oppoſite was raiſed another greater altar, after the romiſh faſhion, on which was placed a crucifix ſurrounded with ſeveral lighted tapers, and maſs books. To the right of this was a pulpit, and to the left, a gallery, magnificently adorned, for the king, the royal family, the great men of the kingdom, and the foreign miniſters, to ſit in. To the right of this gallery was, a long one, for the Inquiſitors; and between theſe two galleries, a room, whither the Inquiſitors retire to hear the confeſſions of thoſe who, terrified at the horrors of impending death, may be prompted to confeſs what they had before perſiſted in denying; they ſometimes gladly ſnatching this laſt moment allowed them to eſcape a cruel exit.

Every perſon being thus ſeated in the church, the preacher aſcended the pulpit, whence he made a panegyric on the Inquiſition; exhorted ſuch priſoners as were not ſentenced to die, to make good uſe of the clemency indulged them, by ſincerely renouncing that inſtant, the hereſies, and crimes of which they ſtood convicted. Then directing himſelf to the priſoners who were to be burnt, he exhorted them to make a good uſe of the little time left them by making a ſincere confeſſion of their crimes, and thereby avoiding a cruel death.

During the ſermon, the priſoners have ſome refreſhments; the open air having a very ſtrong effect on moſt, and the length of the march fatiguing them greatly. On this occaſion dry fruits are given them, and as much water as they can drink.

The preacher being come from the pulpit, ſome prieſts belonging to the Inquiſition aſcend it ſucceſſively, to read the trial of each priſoner, who was ſtanding all the time holding a lighted taper. Each priſoner, after hearing it returned to his place. This laſted till ten at night.

The trials of all the priſoners not ſentenced to die, being read, the preſident of the Inquiſition, dreſt in his ſacerdotal veſtments, appeared with a book in his hand; after which five or ſix prieſts, in ſurplices, tapped, with a ſort of wands, the heads and ſhoulders of the priſoners in queſtion: ſaying certain prayers uſed in the Romiſh church, when the excommunication is taken off.

Then another prieſt went up into the pulpit, to read the trials of the ill-fated perſons ſentenced to the flames; after which theſe ſad victims were delivered up to the ſecular power, whoſe officers take them to the Relacaon,^[24] whither the king comes. Thus the Inquiſition, to conceal their cruelties, calls in the ſecular arm, which condemns the priſoners to die; or rather ratifies the ſentence paſt by the Inquiſitors. This laſted till ſix in the morning.

At laſt theſe miſerable creatures, accompanied by the familiars and prieſts, were conducted under the guard of a detachment of foot, to Campo da Laa, or the Woolheld. Here they were faſtened, with chains, to poſts, and ſeated on pitch barrels. Afterwards the king appeared, in a ſorry coach, at which were ropes inſtead of harneſſes. He then ordered the friars to exhort each of the victims in queſtion, to die in the Romiſh faith, upon pain of being burnt alive; but to declare, that ſuch as complied with the exhortation of the prieſt, ſhould be ſtrangled before they were committed to the flames. His majeſty ſtaid till all the priſoners were executed.

In this Auto da Fé, were burnt the following perſons:

• 1. Father Joſeph de Seguira, a prieſt, convicted of various hereſies, and obſtinate.
• 2. Thereſa Carvalla, a widow, found guilty of different hereſies, and confeſſing them.
• 3. Francis Dias Cabaco, a ſcrivener, convicted of hereſy, and obſtinate.
• 4. Charles Joſeph, a barber, convicted of hereſy, and obſtinate.
• 5. Gabriel Roderiguez Bicudo, a ſhoemaker, who, after publicly abjuring judaiſm in a former Auto da Fé; and being taken up a ſecond time for committing a like crime, was convicted, and proved obſtinate.
• 6. Pedro de Rates Henequim, living on his eſtate, condemned for invening, writing, following and defending the doctrines of heretics; for turning hereſiarch with execrable blaſphemies; convicted, falſe, diſſembling, conſident, varying and impenitent.
• 7. Joſepha Maria, ſpinſter, daughter of Gabriel Roderiguez Bicudo, abjuring in the ſame manner as her father, (above) and convicted a ſecond time; falſe, diſſembling, and impenitent.
• 8. Mecia da Coſta, a widow, reconciled in a former Auto da Fé for the crime of witchcraft, and living a-part from the catholic ſaith; making a contract with the devil, whom ſhe worſhipped as God; convicted, denying, obſtinate and relapſed.

The inſtant the ſad victims above-mentioned were delivered up to the ſecular arm, all the reſt of the priſoners wereded back, with the like ceremony, about ten at night, from St. Dominick's church to the Inquiſition. Being arrived there, we were carried through ſeveral galleries, till we came to the abode allotted us. Here were ſeveral chambers, the doors of which were open; when each of us choſe that which he liked beſt. There then were given to each a ſtraw bed, a blanket, and ſheets which had been laid in. Moſt of theſe things were far from clean, there not having been an Auto da Fé for two years before. The women were lodged a ſtory above us.

Being thus ſettled, to the beſt of our power, we thought ourſelves the happieſt perſons upon the earth, though we had little to boaſt of. However, we were now together, and breathed the freſh air; we enjoyed the light of the ſky, and had a view of a garden: in a word, we knew that we ſhould not be put to death; all which circumſtances proved a great conſolation. The alcayde or gaoler, and his brother-keeeper brought each of us a loaf, a cake, and water ſufficient for the whole company; permitting us, at the ſame time, to divert ourſelves, provided we did not make a noiſe. This was the firſt time we had ſupped, in the Inquiſition, with any ſatisfaction. Having been greatly fatigued by the ceremony deſcribed in the foregoing pages, I ſlept very ſoundly.

I am to obſerve that, from the time of our returning from the proceſſion, we were ſupported at the expence of the Cardinal-Inquiſitor, and not at that of the mock holy office. We were ſoon ſenſible of this change of maſters, not only by the advantages deſcribed above; but alſo by the permiſſion allowed us, of ſending to our relations and friends, for ſuch proviſions as we might want, if we did not like thoſe given us; or had not enough to ſatisfy our appetites. It would be the higheſt ingratitude in me not to mention the very eſſential favours which I myſelf, as well as the three brethren, my fellow priſoners, received from the Free-Maſons at Liſbon. Theſe could not be eaſ[•••] till they had obtained leave to viſit us, which gave us inexpreſſible joy; and their bounty proved of the moſt ſignal advantage to us. We imagined at firſt, that the reaſon why the cardinal ordered us to be conſined, during ſome days, in this part of the priſon, was to accuſtom us, by inſenſible degrees, to the open air; and to diſpel the dreadful melancholy which had ſo long oppreſſed us. However, the true cauſe of it was, that each of us might be the more eaſily conveyed to the place to which he was doomed by his ſentence; to put into our hands a bill of the expences the Inquiſitors had been at; and to give the various officers the inſtructions neceſſary, for conveying us afterwards to the ſeveral places appointed by the Inquiſitors.

During the courſe of the week in queſtion, ſome of the priſoners were baniſhed: ſuch as had more huſbands or wives than one were whipt through the ſtreets of Liſbon, and others ſent to the galley, among whom I was.

The GALLEY.

THE Portugueze Galley is a priſon ſtanding by the river ſide, and conſiſts of two very ſpacious rooms built one over the other. That on the ground floor is the apartment of the ſlaves, and the other is for the ſick, and the officers of this priſon; it being the receptacle, not only of ſuch as are condemned by the Inquiſitors, but likewiſe by the lay judges. Among theſe priſoners are Turks and Moors, taken on board the corſair veſſels; together with fugitive ſlaves, and bad or villainous ſervants, whom their maſters ſend to this galley, as a chaſtiſement.

Theſe ſeveral priſoners, of what quality ſoever, are employed in tolls equally low and grievous. Some work in the dock yards; they carrying timber to the carpenters, unloading the ſhips, and providing water and proviſions for victualling ſuch as are outward bound.— They likewiſe carry water to the priſons in Liſbon; and to the king's gardens, in order for refreſhing them; in a word, they are obliged to ſubmit to any labours, how ignominious and painful ſoever, for the ſervice of his Portugueze majeſty, or of the officers who command over them. Theſe ſlaves are treated with the greateſt ſeverity and cruelty, except they find means to bribe their overſeers to gentleneſs, by giving them, at intervals, a little money.

In this Galley, all the ſlaves are faſtened two and two, by one foot only, with a chain eight foot long. At their girdle is an iron hook, by which they ſhorten or lengthen their chain, to make the weight of it leſs troubleſome. Their heads and beards are ſhaved once a month. They wear coarſe blue cloaths, caps and coats; and have a great coat, made of coarſe ſerge of the ſame colour, which ſerves them as a cloak in the day time, and a coverlet at night. They lie in a ſort of frame of boards raiſed a little from the ground over which a mat is ſpread.

To every Galley ſlave is given, each day, a pound and a half of very dry, black biſcuit; with ſix pounds of ſalt meat every month, and a buſhel of peaſe, lentils or beans, which they are allowed to ſell; in order to purchaſe better proviſions, if they can afford it.

They are led early every morning, a ſew feſtivals excepted, whitherſoever their drudgery may be wanted. They then toil inceſſantly till eleven, when they leave work, in order to eat and reſt themſelves till one; after which they again renew their miſerable labours, and theſe they carry on till night, when they are conducted back to the Galley. Such is the life which theſe unhappy wretches lead daily.

When any of them fall ſick, they are removed to the other great room, where proper care is taken of them by the phyſicians, ſurgeons, &c. It is incumbent on me to do juſtice to them in this particular. The ſick are here treated with all imaginable care and humanity. Thoſe whoſe ſtomachs are too weak to digeſt ſtrong aliments, have good broth, on which occaſion chickens are not ſpared. But it is far otherwiſe with regard to puniſhments: their taſk-maſters exerciſing great cruelty towards all ſuch as commit a fault: thoſe unhappy ſlaves, being laid on their bellies, are faſtened to a ladder; when two men whip alternately their bare poſteriors with a bull's pizzle, or a thick pitched rope. The ſufferers often receive two or three hundred laſhes in this manner, whereby their ſkin is not only flead, but pieces of fleſh are torn away: ſo that the ſurgeons are obliged to make deep inciſions, in order to prevent a mortification; which frequently prevents their working during a long time. Theſe wounds often become ulcerous, and many are diſabled for life. In ſhort, the barbarities exerciſed by this tribunal are ſo great, and ſo various, that Oldham might juſtly put the following words into the mouth of Ignatius Loyola:

Let th' Inquiſition rage, freſh cruelties

Make the dire engines groan with tortur'd cries:

Let Campo Flori every day be ſtrew'd

With the warm aſhes of the Lutheran brood:

Repeat again Bohemian ſlaughter o'er;

And Pie'mont vallies drown with floating gore:

Swiſter than murth'ring angels when they fly

On errands of avenging deſtiny.

Fiercer than ſtorms let looſe, with eager haſte

Lay cities, countries, realms, whole nature waſte.

Sack, raviſh, burn, deſtroy, ſlay, maſſacre,

Till the ſame grave their lives and names inter.

SATYR III. (againſt the Jeſuits.)

EXAMPLES OF THE INJUSTICE and CRUELTY OF THE INQUISITION.

THE pretended zeal of the Inquiſitors, for preſerving religion in all its purity, is merely a cloak to hide their boundleſs ambition, their inſatiable thirſt of riches, and their vindictive ſpirit.

The emperor Frederic, mentioned in the foregoing pages, who firſt inveſted the Inquiſitors with great privileges, was the firſt who made the moſt cruel abuſe of them. All who oppoſed his will were deemed heretics, and judged and burnt as ſuch. He committed to the flames, upon the falſe pretence of hereſy, ſo great a number of Romaniſts, that pope Gregory could not forbear repreſenting to him in the moſt ſerious terms; that it became him to extirpate heretics only, and not the true ſons of the church.

The monarch in queſtion did not foreſee that the court of Rome might turn thoſe very weapons againſt him which he had employed ſo unjuſtly againſt a multitude of Chriſtians. This emperor was afterwards ſenſible of his error, but too late; for he himſelf was in 1239 impeached as a heretic; and being judged, was excommunicated as ſuch; and his ſubjects freed from the allegiance they had ſworn to him; though his hereſy was no more, than his having oppoſed the unlimited power which the popes pretended to exerciſe over all Chriſtians, not excepting even crowned heads.

Elezine, lord of Padua, whoſe hereſy was only too great attachment to the emperor Frederic, was likewiſe excommunicated, and Inquiſitors appointed to proſecute him for this pretended crime. Accordingly he was ſummoned to appear in Rome, whither he ſent perſons of reputation to declare his innocence.— However, theſe were not allowed to be heard, the pope inſiſting that he ſhould appear in perſon; and, upon his refuſing to obey this order, the Roman pontiff ſent the biſhop of Treviſo to inform Elezine, that he would render himſelf obnoxious to all the puniſhments inflicted on heretics, in caſe he refuſed to appear perſonally in Rome, ſometime in Auguſt 1251; and further, that if he did not ſubmit to all the pope's injunctions, he would be declared infamous and a heretic; himſelf and his poſſeſſions ſeized, and a cruſade ſent againſt him and his adherents. In fine, ſentence was paſſed againſt this lord in 1254, whereby he was pronounced a heretic, and all his poſſeſſions confiſcated in favour of his brother Albert.

About the ſame time, Count de Tou[•]ouſe fell a victim to the cruel power of the Roman pontiffs and their wicked agents. His dominions were ſacked by cruſaders, whom the pope had ſent out againſt him. In fine, this Count, though a zealous Romaniſt, could find no other way to extricate himſelf, than by making a ſubmiſſion, too mean and ſevere for a prince, whoſe only crime was his ſtrong attachment to Frederic, then at variance with the court of Rome; and his not perſecuting his own ſubjects, who were accuſed, by that court, of hereſy.

The Spaniſh Inquiſitors cited Jane, daughter of the emperor Charles V. to appear before their tribunal; in order to be examined concerning another perſon, with regard to ſome articles of faith, which the Inquiſitors declared were heretical. The emperor himſelf ſtood in ſuch awe of the Inquiſition, that he commanded his daughter, in caſe ſhe thought the perſon accuſed ever ſo little guilty, not to delay her information, in order to avoid the ſentence of excommunication, levelled not only againſt other perſons, but even againſt himſelf. The princeſs, in compliance with this command, immediately gave in her depoſition to Valdes, archbiſhop of Seville, then Inquiſitor-General.

The Inquiſition of Arragon proceeded to ſtill greater lengths; it having the inſolence to proſecute Don Carlos, eldeſt ſon to Don John II. king of Arragon.^[25]

The Inquiſition of Caſtile diſtinguiſhed itſelf in a manner equally daring and horrid; this tribunal attempted to proſecute the memory of the emperor Charles V. and to ſentence his will to the flames, as heretical; together with all thoſe perſons who had had the greateſt ſhare in this monarch's friendſhip.

Here follows a ſuccinct account of this incident, as related by Thaunus, d'Aubigné, and le Laboureur.

This emperor's retreat had given riſe to various reports. One of theſe was, that he had contracted, by his almoſt continual correſpondence with the proteſtants of Germany, an inclination for their opinions; and yet the ſole motive of his withdrawing to a ſolitude, was, that he might have an opportunity of ending his days in exerciſes of piety conformable to his ſecret diſpoſition. It was likewiſe affirmed, that his ill treatment of ſeveral of thoſe brave proteſtant princes, whom he had ſubdued by force of arms, extorted from him ſuch an admiration of their conſtancy in ill fortune, as made him almoſt bluſh for his conqueſts: and raiſed in him, by inſenſible degrees, an eſteem for their religion.

A circumſtance which added to the probability of theſe reports, was, his making choice of perſons ſuſpected of hereſy to be the companions of his retreat, and the directors of his conſcience. Doctor Caculla was his preacher; and his confeſſors-were the archbiſhop of Toledo, and eſpecially Conſtantine Pontius, biſhop of Droſſin. This report was ſtrengthened by the great number of paſſages, writ with the emperor's own hand, on the walls of his cell at St. Juſtus' where he died; theſe agreeing pretty nearly with the tenets of the proteſtants, on juſtification and grace.

But a circumſtance which confirmed this opinion ſtill more, was, his will not being drawn up after the manner of the Roman Catholics; I mean that no pious legacies were read therein, nor any monies bequeathed for ſaying maſſes, which gave offence to the Inquiſitors. However, they did not dare to ſpeak openly on this occaſion, till they ſhould firſt know the ſentiments of Philip II. and whether he would not be offended at the proſecution in queſtion; but this prince, on his aſcending the throne, ſigualized himſelf by perſecuting all thoſe who had ſhook off the papal yoke; ſo that the Inquiſitors, in imitation of him, firſt proſecuted the archbiſhop of Toledo, primate of Spain, afterwards Caculla, and laſt of all Conſtantine Pontius.

As the king permitted them to be impriſoned, this was conſidered as an undoubted proof of his zeal for the Romiſh religion: but the moſt judicious were ſtruck with horror, when they ſaw the emperor's confeſſor, in whoſe arms he died, delivered up, by his own ſon, to a moſt ignominious and cruel puniſhment.

The Inquiſitors could not forbear ſhowing, that they were prompted to this horrid act, by no other views than thoſe of intereſt; ſince, in the trials of the three perſons above-mentioned, they charged them with being concerned in drawing up the emperor's will; and ſentenced both it, and them, to the flames.

Philip, who hitherto had beheld with the utmoſt indifference, the conduct of the Inquiſitors, now rouſed as from a lethargy; when reflecting on the bad things the world would ſay of him, in caſe he did not ſtop a proſecution ſo injurious to the memory of his royal father, and which might likewiſe be attended with fatal conſequences, he endeavoured, ſecretly, to ſtop the proſecution; but employed, at the ſame time, gentle expedients, for fear of angering the Inquiſitors.

Don Carlos, only ſon to king Philip, being a prince of great vivacity; and entertaining the utmoſt veneration for his grandfather's memory, was highly offended at this inſult put upon it. Not knowing all the extent of the power of this horrid tribunal, he inveighed againſt it; and, after blarning his father's weakneſs, ſpoke publicly of this deſign of the Inquiſitors, as a ſhocking and unheard of attempt.— He even went ſo far, as to threaten to extirpate, one day or other, the Inquiſition, and all its agents, for this abominable outrage. But this generous prince paid dear for theſe paſſionate expreſſions; the Inquiſitors being determined to ſacrifice him to their vengeance, and haſten his end.

However, this diſpute between the king and the Inquiſition was afterwards adjuſted. Caculla was burnt alive, with the effigy of Conſtantine Pontius, who died in priſon ſome days before. The archbiſhop of Toledo appealed to Rome; and extricated himſelf by money and friends. After this, no farther mention was made of the emperor's will.

Though this reconciliation might pacify the prince of Spain, the Inquiſitors were far from being appeaſed; it being one of their chief maxims, never to forgive. In this view, they raiſed ſo great a ſpirit of diſcontent among the common people, that the king was forced to remove Don Carlos from court; together with Don John his brother, and the prince of Parma, his nephew, who had ſhared in Don Carlos's juſt reſentment againſt the Inquiſitors.

This cruel tribunal had not yet ſatiated its revenge. Some years after it imputed to this young prince, as a crime, the compaſſion he had extended to the inhabitants of the Netherlands, who were treated barbarouſly. They declared, that as all the people in queſtion were heretics, the prince muſt neceſſarily be one, ſince he ſet up for their defender. In fine, they gained ſo ſtrange an aſcendant over the king's mind, that he, inſpired by a moſt unnatural ſpirit of bigotry, and being afraid of quarrelling with the Inquiſitors: ſentenced his ſon to die. The only indulgence the latter met with on this occaſion, was to have the ſpecies of death left to his choice. The ill-fated prince, Roman-like, had recourſe to the hot bath; when opening the veins of his arms and legs, he died gradually. Thus did this excellent young prince fall a martyr to the mercileſs Inquiſitors.

The year 1580 furniſhes us with another very remarkable inſtance, of the aſſuming ſpirit of this pretended holy tribunal.

Cardinal Charles Borromeo, archbiſhop of Milan, who afterwards was canonized, going his viſitation of certain places, in his dioceſe, ſubordinate to him as to ſpirituals, and to the Swiſs cantons as to temporals; thought it neceſſary to make ſome regulations for the good of theſe churches.

The Swiſs took umbrage at this conduct; when, without addreſſing the archbiſhop, they ſent an embaſſador to the governor of Milan, intreating him not to let the prelate continue his viſitation in the places ſubject to them; and to aſſure him, that in caſe of refuſal, they would employ force; which muſt break the harmony it ſo highly concerned his ſovereign, the king of Spain to preſerve.

The embaſſador being arrived in Milan, lodged at a rich merchant's houſe of his acquaintance. The Inquiſitor was no ſooner informed of this, than, diſregarding the law of nations, and the fatal conſequences with which ſo great an outrage might be attended; he went, with all his officers, to the embaſſador's abode; when cauſing him to be ſhackled in his preſence, he hurried him away to the priſon of the Inquiſition. Though all perſons were ſtruck with horror, at ſuch an inſult offered to a ſtate in the perſon of its embaſſador, yet no one dared to make the leaſt oppoſition. The merchant was the only perſon who intereſted himſelf in his favour; for he, waiting upon the governor of Milan, told him the cruel uſage the embaſſador had met with. The governor ſent for the Inquiſitor, and obliged him to releaſe the embaſſador that inſtant; which being done, he paid him all imaginable honours, and complied with his ſeveral demands. Thus the Swiſs were informed of their embaſſador's releaſe, almoſt at the ſame time with the news of his impriſonment, otherwiſe they would have ſeized the cardinal, and uſed him exactly as the Inquiſitors had treated their embaſſador. The governor afterwards informed the archbiſhop, by a letter, that the intereſt of his catholic majeſty required abſolutely, that he ſhould diſcontinue his viſitations; which being done, things were quiet.

The inſtances here given, prove ſufficiently, that if the Inquiſitors had kept within the bound[•] which the popes pretended to ſet to them, in eſtabliſhing their tribunal; (I mean the rooting up of hereſy,) and had not concerned themſelves with politics; they would not have behaved ſo inſolently towards monarchs, &c. Let us now ſee ſome other examples of their treatment of perſons diſtinguiſhed by their birth and employments.

Mark Antonio de Dominis was of a moſt illuſtrious Venetian family. He firſt entered among the Jeſuits; was afterwards biſhop of Segni, and at laſt archbiſhop of Spalatro and primate of Dalmatia. He was thought the beſt ſkilled of any man of the age, in every branch of literature; eſpecially in divinity and hiſtory, both ſacred and prophane. This prelate was conſulted as an oracle, on every ſubject, and gave the higheſt ſatiſfaction to all queriſts. Imbibing proteſtant principles, he defended them with the utmoſt vigour, in his Republica Eccleſiaſtica; and at the ſame time, wrote with greater vehemence againſt the pope and the court of Rome than its moſt inveterate enemies had ever done.

The paſſionate deſire the prelate had to print this work in his life-time, and the little probability there was of his being able to ſtay in Italy after its publication, made him retire to Germany; whence he afterwards went to England, whither he was invited by James I. king of Great Britain. Mark Antonio met with a gracious reception from this theological monarch; he giving him an honourable ſupport; and doing all that lay in his power, to engage him to renounce the errors of the church of Rome.

On the other hand the pope, whether he was unwilling to leave a man of ſo exalted a character, in the hands of the enemies to the Romiſh church; or rather, as it afterwards appeared, had reſolved to be revenged of, and make a public example of him; ſet every engine at work, to induce him to return to his native country. At laſt, Don Diego Sarmiento da Cunna, the Spaniſh embaſſador at the Britiſh court, made Mark Antonio ſuch ſplendid offers, that he was prevailed upon to return to Italy.

This unhappy prelate then forgot the maxims he had ſo frequently inculcated in his works, viz. That no perſon can offend the court of Rome with impunity, and that it never pardons an injury: for Mark Antonio, ſpite of the ſtrong exhortations of his friends in England, who were for ever repreſenting to him the dangers to which he would inevitably expoſe himſelf, ſet out for Rome, where he was no ſooner arrived than he found his miſtake too late. The pontiff did not keep one of the promiſes made to Mark Antonio, but obliged him to abjure publicly the pretended hereſies advanced in his books. He was now left, ſeemingly, at liberty; but was ever followed by ſpies, who, at laſt, falſely ſwore that he carried on a ſecret correſpondence with England. Immediately the Inquiſitors ſeized this great man; but carrying on his proſecution with their uſual dilatorineſs, he died in priſon, either thro' grief for the wrong ſteps taken by him; or through fear of the ſhameful and cruel puniſhment which he was ſenſible awaited him.

Alph[•]nſo Nobre, born in Vilia Vizioſa, and deſcended from one of the moſt ancient and illuſtrious families of that city, many of whom had filled thoſe poſts, which, in Portugal, are beſtowed on none but noble perſons; and all whoſe anceſtors could not be reproached with the leaſt tincture of judaiſm; was ſeized and carried to the priſons of the Inquiſition of Coimbra, upon the informatio[•] of perſons who ſwore that he was not a Chriſtian. Some time after, his only ſon and daughter were ſeized and confined in the ſame priſon. Theſe children, who were very young, impeached their father; whether excited thereto by evil counſellors, or that the tortures had extorted the impeachment from them. At laſt the unhappy father was ſentenced to be burnt alive, on the depoſitions of his children. The day of the Auto da Fé being come, the ſon drew near to his parent, to crave forgiveneſs and his bleſſing, but the ill-fated father replied; I pardon you both, though you are the ſole cauſe or my ignominious and cruel death; as to my bleſſing, I cannot give it you; for he is not my ſon, who makes a pretended confeſſion of untruths; and who, ha[•]ing been a Roman catholic, ſhamefully denies his Saviour, by declaring himſelf a Jew.—Go, adds he, unnatural ſon! I beſeech heaven to pardon you! Being come, at laſt, to the ſtake, he diſcovered ſuch great courage and reſolution; made ſuch pathetic diſcourſes, and addreſſed himſelf with ſo much fervour to the Almighty, as filled all his hearers with admiration, and cauſed them to look upon his judges with horror.

In the ſame Auto da Fé were likewiſe burnt Donna Beatrix Carvalho, of a noble family of Elvas, and wife to Jacomo de Mello; ſhe being ſentenced to die for judaiſm, on the oaths of her children. There is no doubt but that, had the Inquiſitors acted with ſincerity and equity, and with a real intention to find out the truth, they might have diſcovered the innocence of the lady in queſtion; as well as that of the above Signior Nobre, by comparing the confeſſions which each of their children had made ſeparately, with the depoſitions of the witneſſes. A wide difference would certainly have been found, on this occaſion, in the facts and circumſtances. Truth admits of no variation; and is ever the ſame, in the mouths of thoſe who follow its dictates. Thus, by confronting them, new lights muſt have been ſtruck out; but then the doing this would not have brought on the confiſcation of the poſſeſſions of the two victims in queſtion, the ſwallowing up of which was the ſole view of the Inquiſitors.

Here follows another inſtance of the brutal injuſtice of the Inquiſitors: Joſeph Pereira Meneſes, captain general of his Portugueze majeſty's ſleets in India, was ordered by the governor of Goa to ſail, with his fleet, to the ſuccour of the city of Diu, then beſieged by the Arabs. Proceeding [〈◊〉] his voyage, he was detained hy contrary winds, at Bacaim; whereby the Arabs had an opportunity of plundering Diu, and of coming back laden with rich ſpoils, before the arrival of the ſuccours brought by Pereira Meneſes. This commander being returned to Goa, was immediately ſeized by order of Antonio de Mello de Caſtro, governor of that place, and a ſworn enemy to Pereira. His proſecution was then ordered, when he was accuſed of loitering at Bacaim, purpoſely to avoid engaging the enemy; and thus to have cauſed, by his neglect and cowardice, the ruin and plunder of Diu. However, as governors are not permitted to put commanders to death, without firſt obtaining an expreſs order from the court of Portugal; Antonio de Mello could not take away his enemy's life; for which reaſon he pronounced ſuch a ſentence upon him, as was more intolerable than death itſelf to a man of honour. Pereira, purſuant to the judgment paſſed upon him, was led by the common executioner through the ſtreets, with a halter about his neck, and a diſtaff at his ſide. A herald walking before, cried aloud, That this puniſhment was inflicted on him by the king, for being a coward and traitor. Pereira was then carried back to priſon, where a familiar of the Inquiſition came and demanded him. This freſh ſtep ſurpriſed every one, who knew that he could not juſtly be accuſed of judaiſm, as he was of an ancient Chriſtian family, and had always behaved with honour.— The day of the Auto da Fé was therefore expected with impatience by the people, in order that his crime might be made known to them: but how great was their ſurpriſe, when the priſoner did not come forth in the proceſſion.

Pereira had long been engaged in a quarrel with a gentleman, once his intimate friend, and who was ſeemingly reconciled to him before this misfortune. This falſe friend, harbouring a ſecret reſolution to revenge himſelf whenever an opportunity ſhould offer, thought this impriſonment of Pereira the moſt favourable for his purpoſe, that could have happened. He now ſuborned five of Pereira's domeſtics, who accuſed their maſter to the Inquiſitors, of ſodomy; making oath that they had ſeen him perpetrate that abominable crime with one of his pages, who thereupon was ſeized. The latter, having leſs courage than his maſter; and dreading a cruel death, in caſe he ſhould not do all he was commanded; and finding no other way to ſave his life than by pleading guilty, charged himſelf with a crime of which he was entirely innocent; and thus became, purſuant to the practice of the Inquiſitors, a freſh witneſs againſt his maſter. The ſervant, by this confeſſion, ſaved his own life, and was baniſhed to Mozambique in Africa.

In the mean time, as Pereira perſiſted in declaring himſelf innocent, he was condemned to be burnt alive; and would have been committed to the flames, had not his continual proteſtations of his innocence; or rather a ſecret eſteem which the Inquiſitors ever entertained for him, made them ſuſpend his execution; in order to try whether they might not, in time, prevail with him to make a confeſſion; or find opportunities to clear up the affair. For this reaſon he was ordered to remain in priſon till next Auto da Fé.

During this interval, the Inquiſitors examined the priſoner and his witneſſes ſeveral times; when interrogating the latter ſeparately, whether the moon ſhone the night in which, purſuant to their oath, their maſter committed the deteſtable crime in queſtion, they varied in their anſwers. Being now put to the torture, they denied all they before had ſwore againſt their maſter. The accuſers were then ſeized, and Joſeph Pereira being declared innocent, came out of priſon next Auto da Fé, ſtripped of all his poſſeſſions and quite ruined. His chief accuſer was baniſhed during nine years to Africa, and the witneſſes were ſentenced to the Galley for five years.

The above-mentioned example ſhows, that the Inquiſitors make hereſy a pretence, merely to ſeize upon the wealth of the innocent; and that this tribunal gives a wicked man the ſineſt opportunity poſſible, to ſatiate his vengeance.—The ſpirit which animates the Inquiſitors eſtabliſhed in the Eaſt Indies, muſt really be horrid, ſince even the Jeſuits themſelves, thus ſpeak of them, in their univerſal Latin and French Dictionary, printed at Trevoux. The Inquiſition (ſay theſe moſt righteous fathers) is vaſtly ſevere in India. 'Tis true, indeed, that ſeven witneſſes are required to ſwear againſt a man, in order for his being condemned; but then the depoſitions of a ſlave, or of a child are admitted. The priſoner muſt accuſe himſelf, and he never ſees, nor is confronted, with thoſe who ſwear againſt him. A perſon who happens to let drop the leaſt word againſt the church; or does not ſpeak, with ſufficient reverence of the Inquiſition, ſhall be impeached.—The ſtandard or banner of the Inquiſition is of red ſilk, in which a croſs is painted; having an olive bough on one ſide; and on the other a ſword, with theſe words of the Pſalmiſt round it: "Ariſe, Lord, and judge thy cauſe." What a ſolemn mockery have we here of ſcripture, and how deteſtable a uſe is made of a ſupplication of the Pſalmiſt!—Is this religion? Does this ſpirit deſcend from above? Surely no; but ſeems dictated rather by the black chiefs of Milton's infernal council.

The following inſtance proves, that the Inquiſitors will condemn an innocent perſon rather than permit any of their accuſations to be diſproved.

A major in a Portugueze regiment was charged with profeſſing judaiſm privately, and hurried away to the priſon of the Inquiſition in Liſbon. Being deſcended of a family diſtinguiſhed by the name of new Chriſtians, this proved a great prejudice againſt him. He then was aſked, ſeveral times, the cauſe of his ſeizure, though he himſelf was an utter ſtranger to it. After he was kept in priſon two years, the Inquiſitors told him, that he was accuſed and duly convicted, of being a relapſed Jew, which he utterly denied; proteſting that he had been always a true and faithful Chriſtian. In a word, they could not prevail with him, either by threats or promiſes, to plead guilty to any one article of which he ſtood impeached: he declaring reſolutely to his judges, that he would die with innocence, rather than preſerve his life by an action, which muſt cover him with eternal infamy.

Duke d'Aveyro, then Inquiſitor-General, who was deſirous of ſaving this officer, being one day upon his viſitation, ſtrongly exhorted him to embrace the opportunity he had of extricating himſelf; but the priſoner continuing inflexible, the Inquiſitor was fired, and ſpoke thus to him: "Doſt thou imagine that we'll have "the lie on this occaſion?" The Inquiſitor then withdrew, leaving the priſoner to his reflections on what he had heard. Surely theſe words employed a meaning inconſiſtent with the character of an upright judge, and ſtrongly ſpoke the iniquitous ſpirit of this tribunal.

To conclude, the Auto da Fé approaching, our victim was condemned to the flames, and a confeſſor ſent to him. Terrified at this horrid death, he, though entirely innocent, declared himſelf guilty of the crime laid to his charge. His poſſeſſions were then conſiſcated; after which he was made to walk in the proceſſion, in the habit of one relapſed; and laſtly, was ſentenced to the Gallies for five years.

William Lithgow, a Scotchman, had ever retained a ſtrong inclination for travel. To gratify it, he firſt went to Malaga, and there agreed with the captain of a French ſhip, to carry him to Alexandria. Before this ſhip ſet ſail, an Engliſh fleet, fitted out againſt the Algerines, came and caſt anchor before Malaga, the 7th of October, 1620; which threw the whole city into the utmoſt conſternation; theſe ſhips being ſuppoſed to belong to Mahommedans. However, next morning, they found their miſtake; when the governor ſeeing the Britiſh croſs in the flags, went on board the ſhip of the Admiral, Sir Robert Manſel, who received him with the greateſt politeneſs; ſo that at his return, he removed the fears of the inhabitants, and made them lay down their arms. On the morrow, ſeveral of the crew came on ſhore; and being Lithgow's particular friends, ſpent ſome days in viewing the curioſities of the city, and in otherwiſe diverting themſelves; and then inviting him on board, they preſented him to the admiral, from whom he met with all imaginable civility. They kept Lithgow on board next day after which he returned to Malaga, and the fleet ſet ſail.

As Lithgow was returning to his quarters through bye ſtreets, in order to carry all his things on board the French ſhip, which was to ſail that night for Alexandria; he was ſeized by nine catchpoles, or officers, who took him before the governor, to whom he complained of the violence which had been done him. The governor anſwered only by a nod; and bid certain perſons, with the town ſecretary, to go and examine him. This was to be tranſacted with all poſſible ſecrecy, to prevent the Engliſh merchants, reſiding in Malaga, from bearing of his arreſt.

The council aſſembling, he was examined, and being ſuſpected to be an Engliſh ſpy, they did all that lay in their power to make ſome diſcovery to that purpoſe, but in vain. They afterwards aſked the names of the captains of the fleet; whether Lithgow, before his leaving England, did not know of the fitting out of this fleet? Why he refuſed the offer which the Engliſh admiral made of taking him on board his ſhip? In a word, they affirmed that he was a ſpy; and that he had been nine months in Malaga, in no other view than to give intelligence, to the Engliſh court, of the time when the Spaniſh fleet was expected from India. They then obſerved, that his intimacy with the officers, and a great many more of his countrymen on board this fleet, who had ſhewed him the higheſt civilities, were ſtrong indications of his guilt.

As Lithgow found it impoſſible to eraſe theſe bad impreſſions, he intreated them to ſend for a bag, containing his letters and other papers; the peruſal of which, he declared, would prove his innocence. The bag being accordingly brought, and the contents of it examined, they were found to conſiſt chiefly of paſſports, and teſtimonials from ſeveral perſons of quality; a circumſtance which, inſtead of leſſening their ſuſpicions, ſerved only to heighten them. Preſently a ſubaltern officer came into the room to ſearch him, and took eleven ducats out of his pocket. Stripping him afterwards to his ſhirt, they found in the waiſtband of his breeches, the value of 548 ducats, in gold. Lithgow putting on his cloaths again, was conducted to a ſecure place, and from thence removed to an horrid dungeon, where he was allowed neither bed nor bedding; and only an ounce and half of muſty bread, and a pint of water daily.

As he would confeſs nothing, he was put to the torture three days after. The wretches had the inhumanity to make him undergo, in the ſpace of five hours, fifty different ſorts of torture; after which he was remanded back to priſon, where two eggs were given him, and a little hot wine, juſt to keep him alive.

On this occaſion he received from a Turk, favours which he could not have hoped from perſons who ſtile themſelves Chriſtians. This Turk adminiſtered to him all the conſolation poſſible, and wept to ſee the cruelties exerciſed on Lithgow. He then informed him, that certain Engliſh prieſts belonging to a ſeminary, together with a Scotch cooper, had been ſometime employed by the governor's order, in tranſlating into Spaniſh, all his books, and the obſervations made by him in his travels. The Turk added, that it was publicly reported, that he was a moſt notorious heretic. It was then, Lithgow naturally ſuppoſed, that every engine would be ſet at work, in order to ruin him.

Two days after, the governor, with the Inquiſitor and two Jeſuits, came to Lithgow in priſon; when after aſking him ſeveral queſtions, and ſtrongly urging him to change his religion, they declared, that, having firſt ſeized him as a ſpy, they had diſcovered, by the tranſlation of his papers, that he ridiculed the bleſſed lady of Loretto; and ſpake very irreverently of his holineſs, Chriſt's vicegerent upon earth: that informations had been lodged againſt him before the Inquiſitors; that he ſhould be allowed eight days to return to the pale of the church; during which the Inquiſitor himſelf, and other prieſts, would give him all the inſtructions neceſſary, to extricate him from his miſerable ſtate. They viſited him again ſeveral times, but without ſucceſs. In fine, the eighth day being come, he was ſentenced to undergo eleven different tortures; when, in caſe he ſurvived them, he was to be carried to Granada, and burnt there, after eaſter holidays. The ſame evening he was put to the torture, and bore it with great reſolution, though the utmoſt cruelty was practiſed on this occaſion. He then was remanded to his dungeon, where ſome Turkiſh ſlaves brought him, ſecretly, refreſhments, which he was too weak to take. One of theſe ſlaves, though educated in the Mahommedan religion from his infancy, was ſo ſtrongly affected with the deplorable condition to which Lithgow was reduced, that he fell ſick for ſeveral days. However, a Mooriſh female ſlave amply compenſated for the kind Turk's abſence; ſhe being allowed more liberty in the priſon. This female ſlave brought Lithgow, daily, proviſions, with a little wine; and this courteſy continued ſix weeks.

To conclude, at the time that Lithgow expected, every inſtant, to die in the moſt cruel torments, he was releaſed by a very unexpected accident. A Spaniard of diſtinction being at ſupper with the governor, the latter informed him of every thing that had happened to Lithgow, ſince his impriſonment. As he had deſcribed, minutely, the various tortures he underwent, a young Flemiſh ſervant, who uſed to wait on the Spaniſh gentleman at table, moved to compaſſion at the ſad relation of the barbarity exerciſed on Lithgow, and his being ſentenced to the flames; fell into into ſuch agonies, that he could not ſleep the whole night. Getting up next morning by day break, he went, unknown to any one, to an Engliſh factor; and informed him of the converſation which had paſſed between the governor and his maſter. The ſervant being gone, the Engliſhman ſent for the other ſix factors, his countrymen, reſiding in Malaga; when, conſulting together, they reſolved to write to Madrid, to Sir—Aſton, the Engliſh embaſſador; who preſenting a memorial to the Spaniſh king and council, Lithgow was releaſed and put on board Sir Robert Manſel's fleet, then lying at anchor before Malaga. The poor victim was ſo vaſtly weak, that they were forced to carry him, upon blankets. The admiral afterwards demanded Lithgow's books, papers, money, &c. but no other anſwer was returned him than mere compliments.^[26]

Gonſalvius gives us an example, which ſhows that vice is not the object of the Inquiſitors hatred.—A poor inhabitant of Seville, who ſupported his family by his daily labour, had the mortification to have his wife kept forcibly from him by a prieſt, which yet was winked at by the Inquiſition, and every other tribunal. As this man was one day diſcourſing concerning purgatory, with ſome of his acquaintance, he ſpoke in ſuch terms, as though he intended only to diſburden his mind: As to myſelf, (ſays he) I have my purgatory in this world, by my wife's being thus with-held from me by the prieſt. Theſe words being told to the eccleſiaſtic, he impeached the huſband to the Inquiſition, as having advanced ſome errors relating to the doctrine of purgatory. Hereupon the Inquiſitors, without once reproaching the prieſt for his crime, ſeized the huſband. The latter then was impriſoned two years; and, after walking in the proceſſion at the firſt Auto da Fé, and being ſentenced to wear, during three years, the ſan benito, in a private priſon; at the expiration of that term, he was ordered, either to be continued in priſon, or to be releaſed, as the Inquiſitors ſhould ſee fitting. Theſe carried their cruelties to ſuch lengths, as to confiſcate, to the uſe of their tribunal, the little that this unhappy creature had in the world, and permitted the prieſt to ſtill enjoy his wife; the holy lecher being paſſionately fond of her.

The various inſtances given above, all of them compiled from authors of approved veracity, ſufficiently ſhow, that the Inquiſition is the moſt iniquitous, and moſt inhuman tribunal on earth.

COPY OF THE POPE's BULL, Publiſhed againſt the FREE-MASONS, and taken notice of in page 35.

THE court of Rome, inſtigated by the impoſitions of evil-minded perſons, poured out its bulls and decrees againſt the Maſons, whereby they were condemned in a more ſevere and tyrannical manner, (the peculiar characteriſtic of the Inquiſition,) than they had ever yet undergone in any nation, and that without the leaſt foundation for ſuch proceedings, his holineſs being utterly ignorant of what was ſo zealouſly to be interdicted. The words of the ſaid bull will beſt depicture the impure fountain they ſprang from.

The condemnation of the ſociety or conventicles De Liberi Muratori, or of the Free-Maſons, under the penalty of ipſo facto excommunication, the abſolution from which is reſerved to the Pope alone, except at the point of death.

Clement Biſhop, ſervant of the ſervants of God, to all the faithful of Chriſt, health, and apoſtolical benediction.

PLACED (unworthy as we are) by the diſpoſal of the Divine clemeney, in the eminent watch-tower of the apoſtleſhip, we are ever ſolicitouſly intent, agreeable to the truſt of the paſtoral providence repoſed in us, by obſtructing the paſſages of error and vice, to preſerve more eſpecially the integrity of orthodox religion, and to repel, in theſe difficult times, all dangers of trouble from the whole catholic world.

It has come to our knowledge, even from public report, that certain ſocieties, companies, meetings, aſſemblies, clubs, or conventicles, commonly called De Liberi Muratori, or Free-Maſons, or by whatſoever other name the ſame in different languages are diſtinguiſhed, ſpread far and wide, and are every day increaſing; in which perſons, of whatever religion or ſect, contented with a kind of an affected ſhew of natural honeſty, confederate together in a cloſe and inſcrutable bond, according to laws and orders agreed upon between them; which likewiſe, with private ceremonies, they enjoin and bind themſelves, as well by ſtrict oath taken on the bible, as by the imprecation of heavy puniſhments, to preſerve with inviolable ſecrecy.

We therefore revolving in our mind the great miſchiefs which generally accrue from this kind of ſocieties or conventicles, not only to the temporal tranquillity of the ſtate, but to the ſpiritual health of ſouls: and that therefore they are neither conſiſtent with civil nor canonical ſanctions; ſince we are taught by the divine word to watch, like a faithful ſervant, night and day, leſt this ſort of men break as thieves into the houſe, and like foxes endeavour to root up the vineyard; leſt they ſhould prevert the hearts of the ſimple, and privily ſhoot at the innocent: that we might ſtop up the broad way, which from thence would be laid open for the perpetration of their wickedneſs with impunity, and for other juſt and reaſonable cauſes to us known, have by the advice of ſome of our venerable brethren of the Roman church, the cardinals, and of our own mere motion, and from our certain knowledge and mature deliberation, by the plenitude of the apoſtolical power, appointed and decreed to be condemned, and prohibited, and by this our preſent ever-valid conſtitution, we do condemn and prohibit the ſame ſocieties, companies, meetings, aſſemblies, clubs or conventicles, De Liberi Muratori, or Free-Maſons, or by whatever other name they are diſtinguiſhed.

Wherefore all and ſingular the faithful in Chriſt, of whatever ſtate, decree, condition, order, dignity, and pre-eminence, whether laity or clergy, as well ſeculars as regulars, worthy all of expreſs mention and enumeration, we ſtrictly, and in virtue of holy obedience, command that no one, under any pretext or colour, dare or preſume the aforeſaid ſocieties De Liberi Muratori or Free-Maſons, or by whatever other manner diſtinguiſhed, to enter into, promote, favour, admit, or conceal in his or their houſes, or elſewhere, or be admitted members of, or be preſent with the ſame, or be any wiſe aiding and aſſiſting towards their meetings in any place; or to adminiſter any thing to them, or in any manner publicly or privately, directly or ind[••]ectly, by themſelves or others, afford them counſel, help, or favour; or adviſe, induce, provoke, or perſuade others to be admitted into, joined, or be preſent with this kind of ſocieties, or in any manner aid and promote them: but that they ought by all means to abſtain from the ſaid ſocieties, companies, meetings, aſſemblies, clubs, or conventicles, under the penalty of all that act contrary thereto incurring excommunication ipſo facto, without any other declaration; from which no one can obtain the benefit of abſolution from any other but us, or the Roman pontiff for the time being, except at the point of death.

We will moreover and command, That as well biſhops and ſuperior prelates, and other ordinaries of particular places, as the Inquiſitors of heretical pravity univerſally deputed, of what ſtate, degree, condition, order, dignity, or pre-eminence ſo-ever, proceed and inquire, and reſtrain and coerce the ſame, as vehemently ſuſpected of hereſy, with condign puniſhment: for to them and each of them, we hereby give and impart free power of proceeding, inquiring againſt, and of coercing and reſtraining with condign puniſhments, the fame tranſgreſſors, and of calling in, if it ſhall be neceſſary, the help of the ſecular arm: and we will that printed copies of theſe preſents, ſigned by ſome notary public, and confirmed by the ſeal of ſome perſon of eccleſiaſtical dignity, ſhall be of the ſame authority as original letters would be, if they were ſhewn and exhibited. Let no one therefore infringe, or by raſh attempt contradict this page of our declaration, damnation, command, prohibition, and interdict: but if any one ſhall preſume to attempt this, let him know that he will incur the indignation of Almighty God, and of the bleſſed apoſtles Peter and Paul.

Dated from Rome at St. Mary's the greater, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord 1738, the fourth of the calends of May, (28th of April, N. S.) in the 8th of our Pontificate.

• A. Card. Vice-Datary.
• C. Amatus, Vice-Secretary.
• Viſa de Curia N. Antonellus.

The place † of the leaden ſeal.

I. B. Eugenius,

Pegiſtered in the ſecretary of the briefs office, &c. In the above-mentioned day, month, and year, the ſaid condemnation was fixed up and publiſhed at the gates of the palace of the ſacred office of the prince of the apoſtles, and in other uſual and accuſtomed places of the city, by me Peter Romolatius, curſuor of the moſt holy Inquiſition.

A CHOICE COLLECTION OF MASONIC SONGS.

INVOCATION TO MASONRY.

BY THOMAS DERMODY.

THE ESSENCE OF MASONRY.

MASONIC VERSES.

TUNE—IN INFANCY.

COMPOSED BY BROTHER ANCELL.

SONG.

SONG.

THE DEPUTY GRAND MASTER's SONG.

THE GRAND WARDEN's SONG.

BY BROTHER OATES.

THE MASTER's SONG.

THE WARDEN's SONG.

THE TREASURER'S SONG.

THE SECRETARY's SONG.

THE FELLOW CRAFTS SONG.

THE ENTERED APPRENTICE's SONG:

CALL TO REFRESHMENT.

BY BROTHER STANFIELD.

Tune:—Contented I am, &c.

SONG.

BY A MEMBER OF NO. 13, LIMERICK.

Addreſſed to the craſt, or entering a lodge.

Tune:—'See the conquering here come[•••]

THE ROYAL ARCH.

A new maſonic ſong

BY J. F. STANFIELD.

MASONIC SONG.

BY BROTHER BURTON,

For St. John's day, Midſum

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

Tune—The enter'd apprentice.

SONG.

Tune—On, on, my dear brethren.

SONG.

SONG.

Tune—The merry ton'd horn.

SONG.

Tune—Young Damon once the happy Swain.

COMPOSED BY MR. JAMES BISSET, Stewart of St. Alban's lodge, Birmingham.

SONG.

Tune—Mulberry Tree.

SONG.

Tune—Attic Fire.

SONG.

Tune—In infancy, &c.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

Tune—Jerry Fitzgerald.

SONG.

SONG.

SONG.

Tune—Fairy Elves.

SONG.

SONG.

Tune—God ſave the King.

SONG.

Tune—Greedy Midas.

LIST OF FOREIGN LODGES, WITH THEIR NUMBER.

THE Steward's Lodge, (conſtituted 1735) Freemaſons Tavern, Great Queen [••]reet, London, 3d W. from October to May, Public Nights, 3d W. in March and December.

Time immemorial.

• 1 Lodge of Antiquity, Free-maſon's Tavern, Great Queen ſtreet, London, (formerly the Gooſe and Gridiron, St. Pauls church-yard) 1ſt and 3d W.
• 2 Somerſet houſe Lodge, Free-maſons Tavern, London, 2d, and 4th M.

1721.

• 3 Lodge of Friendſhip, Thatched-houſe Tavern, St. James ſtreet, London.
• 4 Britiſh Lodge, Nag's head, Carnaby ſquare, London, 1ſt, and 3d, Tu.
• 5 Weſtminſter and Key-ſtone Lodge, Horn-tav. Palace-yard, London, [•]ſt M.

1722.

• 6 Lodge of Fortitude, King's-arms tavern, Old Compton-ſtreet, London, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 7 L. of St. Mary-la-bonne, Cavendiſh-ſquare Coffee-houſe, London, 3d M.
• 8 Ionic Lodge, Kings arms, Brook ſtreet, Groſvenor ſquare, London, 3d. W.
• 9 Dundee-arms L. their private Room, Red-Lionſtreet, Wapping, London, 2d and 4th Th.

1723.

• 10 Kentiſh Lodge of Antiquity, Sun-Tavern Chatham, 1ſt and 3d M.
• 11 King's Arms, Wandſworth, Surry.
• 12 Lodge of Emulation, Paul's-head Tavern, Cateaton-ſtreet, London, 3d M.
• 13 Fraternal Lodge, Greyhound-tavern, Stock well ſtreet, Greenwich, 4th Tu.
• 14 Globe Lodge, White-hart-tavern, Holborn, London, 1ſt Th.
• 15 Jacob's ladder, New-London-Tavern, Cheapſide, London.

1724.

• 16 White Swan, St. Peter's, Norwich, 1ſt W.
• 17 Lodge of Antiquity, Three Tuns, Portſmouth.
• 18 Caſtle L. of Harmony, Horn, Doct. Com. London, 1ſt and 3d M. Win. 1ſt M. Sum.
• 19 L. of Philanthropy, Black Lion, Stockton upon Tees, Durham, 1ſt and 3d F.

1725.

• 20 Globe, Fleet-ſtreet, London, 1ſt and 3d M.
• 21 Old King's-arms Lodge, Free-maſons Tavern, London, 1ſt and 3d Tu.

1727.

• 22 St. Alban's Lodge, Thomas's Tavern, Doverſtreet, Picadilly, London, 1ſt M.

1728.

• 23 Lodge of Attention, Free-maſons Tavern, London, 2d and 4th Th.

1729.

• 24 St. John's Lodge, at Gibraltar, 1ſt Tu.

1730.

• 25 Caſtle Lodge, White Swan, Manſel-ſtreet, Goodman's fields, London 1ſt Th.
• 26 The Corner-ſtone L. Thatched-houſe Tav. St. James's ſtreet, London, 2d M.
• 27 Britannic Lodge, Star and Garter, Pall-mall, London.
• 28 Well-diſpoſed Lodge, at the Cock, Waltham Abbey, 1ſt Sat.
• 29 Lodge of Fortitude, Hamburgh arms, Eaſt Smithfield, 2d W.

1731.

• 30 Sociable Lodge, Horn-tavern, Doctors Commons, 4th M.
• 31 Medina L. Vine, Weſt Cowes, S. 1ſt and 3d Th. W. Th. near full moon.
• 32 King's arms, Marybone-ſtreet, Picadilly, London, 2d and 4th Tu.
• 33 Anchor and hope, Bolton-le-Moor, Lancaſhire, Th. on or after full moon.
• 34 Sarum Lodge, a private room, George court, High-ſtreet, Saliſbury, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 35 St. John's Lodge, Half-moon, Fore-ſtreet, Exeter, 2d and laſt F.

1733.

• 36 Royal Cumberland Lodge, Bear-inn, Bath, 1ſt and 3d F.
• 37 Lodge of Relief, Swan, Bury, Lancaſhire, next Th. to every full moon.
• 38 St. Paul's Lodge, Skakeſpeare tavern, Birmingham, 1ſt and 3d F.
• 40 Valenciennes, French Flanders.

1734.

• 41 Strong Man, Eaſt Smithfield, late the Ship, at the Hermitage, 1ſt T.

1735.

• 42 Swan, Wolverhamton, 1ſt and 3d Th.
• 43 Union Lodge of Freedom and Eaſe, Coal-hole, Fountain-court, 'Strand, 2d Tu.
• 44 Lodge of Induſtry, Roſe and Crown, Swalwell, Durham, 1ſt M. and 3d S.
• 47 Angel, Colcheſter, 2d and 4th Tu.

1736.

• 48 King's Head, Norwich, laſt Th.
• 50 Conſtitutional Lodge, Old Crown and Cuſhion, Lambeth-Marſh, 4th M.
• 51 Howard Lodge of Brotherly Love, Arundel, Suſſex, 1ſt and 3d M.

1737.

• 52 Parham Lodge, Parham, in Antigua.
• 53 City Lodge, Ship-tavern, Leaden-hall-ſtreet, London, 2d and 4th Th.
• 54 Lodge of Felicity, Queen's-arms Tavern, St. James's-ſtreet, London, 2d W.
• 55 Vacation Lodge, Star and Garter, Paddington, 4th W.
• 56 Lodge of Affability, Caſtle Inn, New Brentford, 1ſt and 3d W.

1738.

• 57 Royal Navy Lodge, near Wapping Old-ſtairs, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 58 Royal Cheſter Lodge, Feathers-Inn, Bridge-ſtreet, Cheſter.
• 59 Baker's Lodge, St. John's, Antigua.
• 60 Lodge of Peace and Harmony, London-ſtone Tavern, Cannon-ſtreet, London, 2 M.
• 61 Union Croſs, Halifax, Yorkſhire, 2d and 4th W.
• 62 The Great Lodge, St. John's, Antigua, 2d and 4th W.
• 63 Lodge of Fortitude, White Horſe, Hanging Ditch, Mancheſter, 2d M.

1739.

• 64 Mother Lodge, at Kingſton, Jamacia, No. 1, 1ſt and 3d Sat.
• 65 Mother Lodge, Scotch Arms, at St. Chriſtopher's, Baſſeterre, 1ſt Th.
• 66 Lodge of Sincerity, Joiners and Felt-makers Arms, Joiner-ſtreet, Southwalk, 3 Tu.
• 67 Lodge of Peace and Plenty, Red Lion, Horſleyd-Lane, 2d Th. Maſter's Lodge 5th Th.
• 68 Grenadiers Lodge, Cleveland-arms, Great Quebec-ſtreet, Portman ſq. London, 2d W.

1740.

• 69 Lodge of Prudence and Peter, Half-Moon-ſtreet, Picadilly, 4th Th. The Maſter's Lodge, 5th Th.
• 70 Star in the Eaſt, at Calcutta, 1ſt Lodge of Bengal.
• 71 St. Michael's Lodge in Barbadoes.

1742.

• 72 Lodge of Unity, Porcupine, Great Newport-ſtreet, London, 1ſt Th.
• 73 Old Road, St. Chriſtopher's.
• 74 The Union, Frankfort, in Germany, 2d and 4th Th.

1747.

• 77 Lodge at St. Euſtatius.

1748.

• 78 Maid's Head, Norwich, 3d Tu.
• 79 Prince-George Lodge, Plymouth, 1ſt and 3d M.

1749.

• 80 Red Cow, St. Giles's Norwich, 1ſt Tu.
• 82 No. 1, Halifax, in Nova-Scotia.

1751.

• 86 Unicorn, St. Mary's Norwich, 2d and 4th W.
• 87 Lodge of Love and Honour, Royal Standard, Falmouth, 2d and laſt Th.
• 88 Star Tavern upon the Quay, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, laſt W.
• 89 Lodge of Freedom, Pope's Head, Weſt-ſtreet, Graveſend, 1ſt and 3d Th.

1752.

• 91 St. John's Lodge, Bridge-town, Barbadoes, 4th M.
• 92 George Lodge, Roſe and Crown, Downing-ſtreet, Weſtminſter, 3 Tu.
• 93 The Stewards Lodge, at Free-maſons' Hall, Madras (revived 1786).
• 94 St. Peter's Lodge, Barbadoes, 1ſt and 3d Sat.

1753.

• 95 Old Cumberland Lodge, Red Lion, Old Cavendiſh-ſtreet, Oxford-ſtreet, London, 2d Tu.
• 96 Foundation Lodge, Free-maſon's tavern, Great Queen-ſtreet, London, 2d W.
• 97 United Lodge of Prudence, Horſe Grenadier, near N. Audley-ſtreet, Oxford-ſtreet, London, 1ſt Th.
• 98 Lily-tavern, Guernſey.
• 99 Fountain, Brigg's-lane, Norwich, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 100 Evangeliſt's Lodge, at Monſe[•]ra[•]t.
• 101 Legs of Mann, at Preſcott, Lancaſhire, W. next before the full Moon.

1754.

• 103 Druid's Lodge of Love and Liberality, London Inn, Redruth, Cornwall, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 104 Roſe and Crown, Crown-ſtreet, Weſtminſter, 2d Tu.
• 105 Caſtle and Lion, St. Peter's Mancroft, Norwich, 1ſt and 3 M.
• 106 Scientific Lodge, Eagle and Child, Cambridge, 2d M.
• 107 St. Michael's Lodge, City of Scerwin, in the Dutchy of Mecklenburg.
• 108 St. James's Lodge, Blue Poſts, Berwick-ſtreet, Soho, London, 2d Th.
• 109 No. 2, at St. Euſtatius.
• 110 Lodge des Amis Reunis, King's arms, Lower Brook-ſtreet. London, 3d M.
• 111 Lodge of Unanimity, Bull's Head, Mancheſter, 1ſt and 3d Tu.

1755.

• 112 In the 8th or King's own Regiment of Foot, London, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 113 Glouceſter Lodge, Jacob's Well, Barbican, London, 3d W.
• 115 Sea Captain Lodge, Greenhalgh's Coffee-houſe, Liverpool, every other Th.
• 117 Lodge of Regularity, Thatched-houſe tavern, St. James's-ſtreet, London, 4th Wed.
• 118 Lodge of Freedom and Eaſe, Three Jolly Butchers, Old-ſtreet-road, London, 4th Wed.
• 120 Wounded Hart, Norwich, 2d and 4th Tu.
• 121 Phoenix Lodge, Sunderland, Durham, 1ſt and 3d W. Gen. 1ſt W. Maſter.
• 122 Grand Lodge, Frederick, at Hanover.
• 123 Plume of Feathers, Cheſter, 1ſt M.

1756.

• 124 St. David's Lodge, King's Arms-Coffee-houſe, Brook-ſtreet, London, 4th R.
• 127 Lodge of St. George, Iſland St. au Croix, in the Weſt-Indies.
• 128 Burlington Lodge, Coach and Horſes, Burlington-ſtreet, London, 3d Th.

1757.

• 129 Sea Captain's Lodge, King's Head, High-ſtreet, Sunderland, 2d and 4th Th.
• 131 Shakeſpeare, Covent-garden, London, 3d Th.
• 132 St. Mary's Lodge, St. Mary's Iſland, Jamaica.
• 133 White Horſe, St. Peter's Mancroft, Norwich, 2d Wed.
• 134 Lodge of Cordiality, Golden-croſs, Chairingcroſs, London, 1ſt Wed.
• 137 Lodge of Unity, King's Arms, Plymouth, 2d and 4th M. and firſt Tu. Maſters Lodge.
• 138 Beaufort Lodge, Shakeſpeare, Princeſs-ſtreet, Briſtol, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 139 Lodge at Bombay, in the Eaſt-Indies.

1759.

• 140 Marine Lodge of Fortitude, Stone-houſe, near Plymouth, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 141 The Sun, or Newton-Abbot, Devonſhire, 2d Tueſ.

1760.

• 142 London Lodge, London Coffee-houſe, Ludgatehill, 1ſt and 3d Tu.

1761.

• 143 Lodge of Induſtry and Perſeverance, at Calcutta, 2d Lodge of Bengal.
• 144 Reſtoration Lodge, private Room, at Prieſtgate, Darlington, laſt Sat.
• 145 Union Lodge, at Crow-lane, in Bermuda, 1ſt Wed.

1762.

• 146 St. George's Lodge, Globe Inn, Exeter, 2d and 4th Th.
• 147 Britiſh Union Lodge, Golden Lion, Ipſwich, Suffolk, 1ſt Tu.
• 148 Royal Frederick, at Rotterdam.
• 149 Royal Lancaſhire Lodge, at the Hole in the Wall, Colne, in Lancaſhire, 1ſt Th.
• 150 St. Alban's Lodge, Shakeſpeare Tavern, Birmingham, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 151 Merchant's Lodge, at Quebec.
• 152 St. Andrew's Lodge, at Quebec.
• 153 St. Patrick's Lodge, at Quebec.
• 154 St. Peter's Lodge at Montreal.
• 155 Select Lodge, at Quebec.
• 156 In the 52d Regt. of Foot, at Quebec.
• 157 Royal Navy Lodge, Three King's Inn, Dea, 1ſt M.
• 159 Rodge of Inhabitants, at Gibraltar.
• 160 Palladian Lodge, Bowling-Green, Hereford, 1ſt Tu.
• 161 Door to Eternity, at Heldeſham, in Germany.

1763.

• 162 Union Lodge, White Lion, Nottingham 3d Tu.
• 164 Lodge of Regularity, St. John's Hall, Black River, Muſquito Shore, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 165 Old Black Bull, at Richmond, Yorkſhire, 1ſt M.
• 166 Marquis-of-Granby, Lodge, private Room, old Elvit, Durham, 1ſt Tu.
• 167 Lodge of Amity, St. George's Quay, Bay of Honduras, 1ſt and 3d Tu.
• 168 Thorn, at Burnley, in Lancaſhire, Sat. neareſt full Moon.
• 169 Union Lodge, Angel and Crown, Criſpinſtreet, Spitalfields, 3d Th.
• 170 Royal Mecklenburg Lodge, White Lion Inn, Croydon, Surrey, 1ſt and 3d Tu.

1764.

• 171 Royal Lodge, Thatched-houſe Tavern, St. James's-ſtreet, London, 1ſt F.
• 172 La Sageſſe, St. Andrew, at the Grenadoes.
• 173 White Lion, at Kendal, in Weſtmoreland, 1ſt W.
• 174 St. Nicholas Lodge, the Swan, Harwich.
• 175 White Hart, Ringwood, Hants.
• 176 Lodge of Harmony, Red Lion, Feverſham, 2d and 4th W.
• 177 Salutation, Topſham, Devonſhire, 2d and 4th W.
• 178 Lodge of Conſtitutional Attachment, Mitre, Tooley-ſtreet, London, 1ſt Th.
• 179 Philharmonic Lodge, at the Red Lion Inn, Iſle of Ely, Cambridgeſhire, 1ſt M.
• 180 Caledonian Lodge, Half-Moon Tavern, Grace-church-ſtreet, London, 1ſt M.
• 181 Lodge of Perpetual Friendſhip, Lamb Inn, Bridgewater, Somerſet, 1ſt and 3d M.

1765.

• 182 Lodge St. John Evan. Two Blue Poſts, Charlotte-ſtreet, Ruſſel-p. Rathbone-p. London, 2d W.
• 183 Britiſh Social Lodge, White Bear, Old-ſtreet-ſquare, London, 3d Tu.
• 184 Tuſcan Lodge, King's-head Tavern, Holborn, 3d Th.
• 185 Operative Maſons, Cannon, Portland Road, Marybone, 1ſt Tu. Maſt. L. 5th Tu.
• 186 Gothic Lodge, Foot-Guards Suttling-Horſe, Whitehall, London, 4th M.
• 187 Old Antelope Inn, Pool, in Dotſetſhire, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 188 Corinthian Lodge, Cook and Bottle, Upper Brook-ſtreet, Groſvenor-ſquare, London, 3d W.
• 189 Tontine, Sheffield, in Yorkſhire, 2d F.
• 190 At Alloſt, in Flanders.
• 191 St. George's Lodge, White Lion, near Berner-ſtreet, Oxford-ſtreet, London, 1ſt M.
• 192 Black Horſe, Tombland, Norwich, laſt F.
• 193 R. Edwin Lodge, Angel, Bury-St. Edmunds, M. on or preceding full Moon.
• 194 St. Luke's Lodge, Don Saltero's Coffee-houſe, Chelſea, 1ſt Tu.
• 196 Lodge of Perfect Friendſhip, White Hart Inn and Tav. Bath, 2d and 4th Tu.
• 197 At St. Hilary, in Jerſey.
• 198 Swan, at Warrington, in Lancaſhire, laſt M.
• 199 Lodge of Perfect Unanimity, at Madras, No. 1, Coaſt of Coromandel (revived 1[•]86).
• 200 Lodge No. 1 Bencoolen.
• 201 Tortola and Beef Iſland, 1ſt and 3d Wed.

1766

• 202 Lodge of Unanimity, Black Bull Inn, Wake-field Yorkſhire.
• 203 King's-arms Punch houſe, Shad Thames, 1ſt M.
• 204 Engliſh Lodge at Bourdeaux (have met ſince the Year 1732).
• 205 Bedford Lodge, Freemaſon's Tavern, Great Queen-ſtreet, London, 1ſt W.
• 206 Patriotic Lodge, Greyhound, Croydon, Surry, Th. after every full Moon.
• 207 Star Lodge, Coach and Horſes Inn, Northgate-ſtreet, Cheſter, 3d Thurſday.
• 208 St. Nicholas' Lodge, private Room, Newcaſtle-upon-Tyne.
• 209 Sion Lodge, private Room, North Shields, Northumberland, 2d Tu.
• 210 Lodge of True Friendſhip, Seven Stars, Bromley, Middleſex, 1ſt Tu.

1767.

• 211 Angel, Upper-Ground, Chriſt Church, Southwark, 3d Tu.
• 212 Lodge of Integrity, Bull's Head Inn, Mancheſter, 1ſt M.
• 213 Union Lodge, Riſing Sun, Caſtle Ditch, Briſtol.
• 214 At Grenoble, in France.
• 215 Lodge of Morality, King's Head, Old Compton ſtreet, Soho, London, 2d Th.
• 216 Three Lions, Marborough, in Heſſia.
• 217 Lodge of Honour and Generoſity, Buffalo Tavern, Bloomſbury, 3d Th.
• 218 Lodge of Union, Three Jolly Hatters, Bermondley ſtreet, London, 3d W.
• 219 Royal York of Friendſhip at Berlin, Middle Mark of Brandenburgh.
• 220 Britiſh Union, Rotterdam.
• 221 St. John's Lodge, Long Room, Hampſtead, 1ſt Th.
• 222 Three Pillars, Rotterdam.
• 224 Lodge of Amity, White Horſe, Preſton Lane, London, 1ſt and 3d Th. in Winter, 1ſt Th. in Summer.
• 225 Lodge of Amity, private Room, Canton, in China.
• 226 All ſouls Lodge, Tiverton, in Devonſhire.
• 227 Lodge Friendſhip, Angel, Illford, Eſſex, Mon. neareſt full Moon, Mich. to Lady Day.

1768.

• 228 Lodge of Concord, White Lion, High-ſtreet, Bloomibury, 3d Tu.
• 229 Mona Lodge, King's Head, at Holyhead, Angleſca, N. Wales, every 3d F.
• 230 La Victoire, City of Rotterdam, in Holland.
• 231 Lodge of Sincerity, Jama[•]ca Houſe, Bermondſey, 2d Tu. Maſter's L. 5th M.
• 232 Caveac Lodge, Angel, Hammerſmith, 1ſt Tu.
• 233 In the 24th Regiment of Foot.
• 234 Conſtant Union, the City of Ghent, in Flanders.
• 235 Godolphin Lodge, St. Mary's Iſland, Scilly.
• 236 Mancheſter Lodge, Nott's Coffee Houſe, Butcher Row, Temple bar, London, 1ſt W.
• 237 Lodge of Perfect Union, in his Sicilian Majeſty's Reg. of Foot, Naples.
• 238 L'Eſperance, Thatched Houſe Tavern, St. James's ſtreet, London.
• 239 Queen Charlotte's Lodge, Coachmaker's Arms, Hoſier Lane, W. Smithfield, London, 2d Th.

1769.

• 240 Sun Lodge, in the City of Fluſhing in the Province of Zealand.
• 241 Lodge of Hope, Crown, Stourbridge, Worceſterſhire.
• 242 Lodge of Unity, K. Henry's Head, Red Lion ſtreet Whitechapel, 4th M.
• 243 Royal George Lodge, at Newton Abbot.
• 244 Beaufort Lodge, at Swanſea.
• 245 Well choſen Lodge, at Naples.
• 246 Lodge of Virtue, White Lion, Market place, Bath, 1ſt and 3d M.
• 247 Inflexible Lodge, White Hart, Mitcham, Surrey, W. neareſt full M.
• 248 Lodge of Hoſpitality, Buſh Tavern, Corn ſtreet, Briſtol, 2d and 4th W.
• 249 St. Peter's Lodge, King's Head, Walworth, 3d M.
• 250 No. 1, at Sweden.
• 251 No. 2, at ditto.
• 252 No. 3, at ditto.
• 253 Golden Lion, at Neſton, Cheſhire, 1ſt Friday.
• 254 Lodge of Sincerity, at the Peace and Fame, Plymouth Dock, 2d and 4th Monday.
• 255 Lodge of St. John, Fleece Tavern, Mancheſter, laſt M.

1770.

• 256 Lodge of Perfect Harmony, at Mons, in the Auſtrian Netherlands.
• 257 Lodge of Friendſhip, Bunch of Grapes, Limehouſe Hole, 2d and 4th Wed.
• 258 Lodge of Proſperity, Globe Tavern, St. Saviour's Church Yard, Southwark 2d W.
• 259 St. Charles de la Concord, in the City of Brunſwick.
• 260 Lodge of Fortitude and Perſeverance, Fox, Epſom, Thurſday neareſt full Moon.
• 261 White Ha[•]t, Chriſt Church, Hants.
• 262 Lodge of Concord, private Room, Barnard Caſtle, Durham, 1 ſt Th.

1771.

• 263 Jeruſalem Lodge, Crown Tavern, Clerkenwell-green, London, 1 ſt and 3d W. Maſt. L. 5th W.
• 264 Lodge of Induſtry, Ben Johnſon's Head, Shoelane, London, 2d Thurſ.
• 265 Lodge of Perfect Union, at Leghorn.
• 266 Lodge of Sincere Brotherly Love, at ditto.
• 267 Lodge of Perfect Union, at St. Peterſburgh.
• 268 Lodge of Friendſhip, Prince George, Foreſtreet, Plymouth Dock, 1 ſt and 3d Wed. l. F. Maſt. L.
• 269 Junior Lodge, Kingſton, No. 2, in Jamaica.
• 270 Harmony Lodge, Kingſton, No. 3, in ditto.
• 271 St. James's Lodge, Montego Bay, No. 4, in ditto.
• 272 Union Lodge, St. James's Pariſh, No. 5, in ditto.
• 273 Lodge of Harmony, Blue Bell, Carliſle, Cumberland, 3d Wed.

1772.

• 274 Riſing Sun Lodge, at Fort Marlborough in the E. Indies.
• 275 Lodge of Vigilance, Iſland of Grenada.
• 276 Lodge of Diſcretion, ditto.
• 277 Torbay Lodge, Crown and Anchor, at Paignton, in Devon.
• 278 Union Lodge, at St. Euſtatius, in the Weſt Indies.
• 279 Lodge of Candour, at Straſbourg.
• 280 Lodge of Friendſhip, Shipwright's Arms, Deptford Green, 2d Thurſ.
• 281 Lodge at Speight's Town, in Barbadoes.
• 282 Lodge of Concord, at Antigua.
• 283 Lodge of the Three Grand Principles, King's Head Tavern, Iſlington.
• 284 Royal Edmund Lodge, at Bury St. Edmunds, Wed. preceding, or on full Moon.
• 285 Union Lodge, at Venice.
• 286 Lodge of Verona.
• 287 Lodge of Liberty, Half Moon, Weſt Smithfield, 1 ſt Th.
• 288 Lodge of Unanimity, at Calcutta, 3d Lodge of Bengal.

1773.

• 289 Lodge at Detroit, in Canada.
• 290 Apollo Lodge, at York.
• 291 Lodge of Jehoſaphat, Rummer Tavern, Briſtol, 1 ſt and 3d Wed.
• 292 Anchor and Hope, Calcutta, 6th Lodge of Bengal.
• 293 Lodge of Humility with Fortitude, Calcutta, 5th Lodge of Bengal.
• 295 Lodge of Union, private Room, Hillgate, Town of Gateſhead, Dorham.
• 298 Lodge Frederick, at Caſſel, in Germany.
• 299 Lodge of Good Friends, at Rouſſeau, in Dominica.

1774.

• 300 Lodge of Liberty and Sincerity, Crown Inn, Bridgewater, Somerſet, 2d and 4th Mond.
• 301 Lodge of Prudence, Boot and Shoe, Leigh, in Lancaſhire, Wed. next full moon.
• 303 Lodge of the Nine Muſes, No 1 at Peterſburgh, in Ruſſia.
• 304 Lodge of the muſe Urania, No 2, ditto.
• 305 Lodge of Bellona, No. 3, ditto.
• 306 Lodge of Mars, No. 4, at Yaſſy, ditto.
• 307 Lodge of the Muſe Clio, No 5, at Moſcow, ditto.
• 308 St. Bede's Lodge, Private room, Morpeth, Northumberland, 2d and 4th Mon.
• 309 Lodge of Harmony, at Guernſey.

1775.

• 310 Durnovarian Lodge, Royal Oak, Dorcheſter, Dorſet.
• 311 Helvetic Union Lodge, Ship, Leadenhall ſtreet, London.
• 312 Sun and Sector, Workington, in Cumberland, 1 ſt M.
• 313 St. Jean de Nouvelle Eſperance, in Turin.
• 314 True and faithful Lodge, White Bear, Weſt Malling, in Kent, laſt Monday.
• 316 Lodge of true Friendſhip, with the 3d Brigade, 4th Lodge of Bengal.
• 317 Green Iſland Lodge, at Green Iſland, No. 8 in Jamaica.
• 318 Lodge of Lucca, Pariſh of Hanover, No 9, in Jamaica.
• 319 Union Lodge, at Savannah la Mar, No 11, ditto.
• 320 Union Lodge, at Detroit, in Canada.

1776.

• 321 St. Andrew's Lodge, Robin Hood, Charles-ſtreet, St. James's, London, 4th M.
• 322 Royal York Lodge of Perſeverance, Coldſtream Reg. of Guards, London, 1 ſt F.
• 323 Lodge of Concord, at the Guildhall, Southampton, 1 ſt F. Sum. 1 ſt and 3d F. Winter.
• 324 Royal Oak Lodge, at the Royal Oak Rippon, Yorkſhite, laſt Sat. Sum. 2d and laſt Sat. Winter.
• 325 Lodge of honour, Bell, York ſtreet, Weſtminſter, 1 ſt Tueſ.
• 326 Induſtrious Lodge, at the King's Head Inn-Canterbury, 1 ſt and 3d Thurſ.
• 328 King of Pruſſia, Penrith, in Cumberland, 2d W.
• 329 Lodge of United Friendſhip, Falcon tavern, Grave[•]end, 2d and 4th Th.

1777.

• 330 Lodge of the Nine Muſes, Thatched-houſe Tavern, St. James's, Street, London, 3d Mon.
• 331 Union Lodge, Golden Lion, Thurſday Market, York, 1 ſt and 3d M.
• 332 Social Lodge, White Hart, Bocking, Eſſex, Mon. on or preceding full M.
• 333 Gnoll Lodge, Ship and Caſtle, Neath, Glamorganſhire, 1 ſt and 3d Tu.
• 334 Lodge in the Iſland of Nevis.
• 335 In the 6th, or Inniſkilling Regiment of Dragoons, London.
• 336 Impregnable Lodge, New Roſe Inn, Sandwich, 1 ſt and 3d Tu.

1778.

• 337 Lodge at Meſſina, in Sicily.

1779.

• 338 Northumberland Lodge, Private Room, Alnwick, Northumberland, 2d Monday.
• 339 Lodge of Independence, Vine Tavern, Broad ſtreet, Ratcliff, 3d Tu.
• 340 Pilgrim Lodge, Free-maſons Tavern, Great Queen ſtreet, London, laſt W.
• 341 Lodge of Fortitude, Bell Inn, Maidſtone, Kent, Th. neareſt full Moon.

1780.

• 342 Lodge of St. George, in the firſt Regiment of Dragoon Guards, London, 1 ſt and 3d Th.
• 343 St. Hild's Lodge, private room, S. Shields, Durham, 2d and 4th W.
• 344 Merchant's Lodge, Star and Garter Tavern, Liverpool, 1 ſt and 3d Th.
• 345 Lodge at Libeau, in Courland.
• 346 Lodge at Naples.
• 347 St. Michael's Lodge, private room, Alnwick, Northumberland, 1 ſt and 3d Monday.
• 348 St. George's Lodge, Town Hall, Duncaſter, 2d W.

1781.

• 349 Alfred Lodge, Wetherby, Yorkſhire.
• 350 Lodge of Rural Friendſhip, Bedford Coffee-Houſe, Covent-Garden, London.
• 351 Rodney Lodge, Kingſton upon Hull, 1 ſt and 3d Th. Win. 1 ſt Th. Sum.
• 352 Lodge Friendſhip, private Room, Dartmouth, Devonſhire, 1 ſt 3d and laſt Th.
• 353 Lodge of Moral Reformation, Bee Hive, Flaggon Row, Deptford, 2d Monday.
• 354 La Loggia della Verita, Naples.
• 355 Hitam's Lodge, Sugar Loaf, Great St. Helen's, St. Mary Axe, laſt M.

1782.

• 356 St. George's E. York Militia Lodge, in Eaſt Riding Regiment of York Militia.
• 357 Lodge of Science, Parade Coffee-Houſe, Saliſbury, 1 ſt F. Winter.
• 358 Old Britiſh and Ligurian I odge, Genoa.
• 359 Mount Sinai Lodge, St. John's, Antigua.
• 360 Lodge of True Love and Unity, Brixham, Deven, 1 ſt and 3d W.
• 361 Lodge of Peace, Joy, and Brotherly Love, Penryn, Cornwall.

1783.

• 362 Mariner's Lodge, New Dock, Liverpool, 1 ſt and 3d Thurſ.
• 363 Minerva Lodge, Hull, Yorkſhire.
• 364 Lodge of good Intention, in North, or 2d Regiment of Devon Militia, London, 1 ſt and 3d W.
• 365 Loyal Lodge, Globe Inn, Barnſtable, 1 ſt and 3d Thurſ.
• 366 Apollo Lodge, Parade Coffee houſe, Saliſbury, 2d and 4th W.

1784.

• 367 Lodge at Placentia, Newfoundland.
• 368 Homeſdale Lodge of Freedom and Friendſhip, Bell, Ryegate, Surrey.
• 369 Harmonic Lodge, Buſh Inn, Dudley, Worceſterſhire, 2d and 4th Th.
• 371 Lodge of Truth, Cricketers, Richmond Green, 2d and 4th Th.
• 372 Raby Lodge, Raby Caſtle, Staindrop, Durham, 2d Tu.

1785.

• 373 Royal Glouceſter Lodge, Bell Inn, Glouceſter.
• 374 Lodge of Concord, Old King's arms, Plymouth Dock.
• 375 La Parfaite Amitie, at Avignon, Languedoc.
• 376 St. John's Lodge, at Michilimakinac, Canada.
• 377 Barry Lodge, in the 34th Regiment, London.
• 378 Rainsford Lodge, in the 44th Regiment, London.
• 379 Tyrian Lodge, at the George Inn, Derby.
• 381 Harbour Grace, Newfoundland.
• 382 Trinity Lodge, Golden Lion, Coventry.
• 383 Lodge of Unanimity, Private Room, Sadler ſtreet, Wells, Somerſetſhire, 1 ſt and 3d Th.
• 384 Lodge of Harmony, Private Room, Hampton Court, occaſional.
• 385 Lodge of St. George, White Hart, New Windſor, Berks.
• 386 Thanet Lodge, Parade Hotel, Margate, 2d and 4th W.
• 387 Lodge of Good Intent, Ship Tavern, Leadenhall ſtreet, London, 2d W.
• 388 White Lion, Whitchurch, Shropſhire, Thurſ. previous to the full Moon.
• 389 Lodge of Perfect Friendſhip, King's Head, King ſtreet, Ipſwich, 3d W.
• 390 Lodge of Unions, Spread Eagle, Pratt ſtreet, Lambeth, 1 ſt Mond.

1786.

• 391 Lodge of Independence, Caſtle and Falcon, Watergate ſtreet, Cheſter.
• 392 Lodge of Benevolence, Antelope Inn, Sherborn, Dorſet, 1 ſt and 3d Th.
• 393 St. Margaret's Lodge, Roſe and Crown, Dart-mouth ſtreet, Weſtminſter.
• 394 Lodge of Friendſhip and Sincerity, Red Lion Inn, Shafteſbury, Dorſet, 1 ſt and laſt Th.
• 395 Phoenix Lodge, Private Room, Portſmouth, occaſional.
• 396 Lodge of the Black Bear, in the city of Hanover, (have met ſince 1774).
• 397 St. John's Lodge, Golden Croſs, Broomſgrove, Worceſterſhire, 2d and 4th Mond.
• 398 Carnatic Military Lodge, at Vellore, No. 2, Coaſt of Coromandel.
• 399 At Futty Ghur, Bengal.
• 400 Hiram's Lodge, at Gibraltar.
• 401 Lodge of Goodwill, private Room, Braintree, Eſſex.
• 402 Lodge of Sincerity, at the Buck and Vine, Wigan, Lancaſhire.
• 403 Lodge of Harmony, at the Golden Lion, Ormſkirk, Lancaſhire.
• 404 Snowden Lodge, at the ſportſman, Carnarvon, N. Wales.

1787.

• 405 Lodge of St. Charles's, at Hildburgſhauſen.
• 406 St. Matthew's Lodge, Barton upon Humber.
• 407 Amphibious Lodge, at the Marine Barracks, Stonehouſe, near Plymouth.
• 408 Newtonian Lodge, Elephant and Caſtle, Knareſborough, 4th M.
• 409 Royal Navy Lodge, Seahorſe Tavern, Goſport, Monday after full M.
• 410 Lodge of Trade and Navigation, New Eagle and Child, Northwich, Cheſhire, 1 ſt W.
• 411 Lodge of Unity, Three Crowns Inn, Litchfield, 1 ſt and 3d M.
• 412 Prince of Wales's Lodge, Star and Garter, Pall Mall, London.
• 413 Lodge Aſtrea, at Riga, with permiſſion to aſſemble in the Duchy of Courland.
• 414 Royal Denhigh Lodge, at the Crown Inn, Denbigh, N. Wales.
• 415 Lodge Abſalom, have met ſince 1740 at Hambourg.
• 416 Lodge St. George, ditto, 1743, ditto.
• 417 Lodge Emanuel, ditto, 1774, ditto.
• 418 Lodge Ferdinand Caroline, ditto 1776 ditto.
• 419 Lodge of Perfect Harmony, St. Thomas Mount, No. 3, Coaſt of Coromandel.
• 420 Lodge of Social Friendſhip, at Madras, No. 4, ditto.
• 421 Lodge at Trichinopoly, No. 5, ditto.
• 422 Lodge of Social Friendſhip, St. Thomas Mount, No. 6, ditto.
• 423 Prince of Wales's Lodge, White Hart, Gainſborough, Lincolnſhire, 3d Monday.
• 424 St. Paul's Lodge, Montreal, Canada.
• 425 In the Regiment of Anhalt Zerbſt.
• 426 Lodge of Unity, at Fort William Henry, in Canada.
• 427 St. James's Lodge, at Cataraqui, ditto.
• 428 Select Lodge, at Montreal, ditto.
• 429 New Oſwegatchie Lodge, ditto.
• 430 St. John's Lodge, at Niagara, ditto.

1788.

• 432 Wiltſhire Lodge, at the Black Swan, Devizes, Wiltſhire.
• 433 Lodge of Unanimity, George Inn, Ilminſter, Somerſetſhire, Tu. before full Moon.
• 434 Salopian Lodge, at the Fox, Shrewſbury, 1ſt Tu.
• 435 Bank of England Lodge, Guildhall Coffee Houſe, King ſtreet, Cheapſide, London, 4th Thurſ.
• 436 Lodge of Honour and Perſeverance, Ship, Cookermouth, Cumberland, 1ſt Thurſ.
• 437 Philanthrophic Lodge, Bull Inn, Melford Suffolk, Tu. preceding or on full Moon.
• 438 Duke of York's Lodge, White Bear Inn, Doncaſter, 1ſt M.
• 439 Royal Yorkſhire Lodge, Devonſhire, Arms, Kighley, Yorkſhire, 1ſt M.
• 440 The Old Globe Lodge, Old Globe Inn, Scarborough.
• 441 Lodge of Napthali, New Market Inn, Mancheſter.
• 442 Lodge of Unity, Royal Oak, Mancheſter.
• 443 Lodge of Union, St. John's Tavern, Mancheſter.
• 444 Lodge of Fidelity, Thorn Inn, Burnley, Lancaſhire.

1789.

• 445 Egerton Lodge, Red Lion Inn, Whitchurch, Shropſhire.
• 446 Star and Garter, Pall Mall, London.
• 447 Lodge of Unity, at Dan[•]zick.
• 448 St. John's Lodge of Secrecy and Harmony, at Malia.
• 449 Country Steward's Lodge, Free-maſons Tavern, Great Queen ſtreet, London.
• 450 At Fredericton, New Brunſwick, N. America.
• 451 Cambrian Lodge, at the Swan Inn, Brecon, S. Wales, 3d M.
• 452 Royal Clarence Lodge, White Horſe, Brighthelmſtone, Suſſex, 2d, and 4th Mond.
• 453 Lodge of Harmony, at the White Hart, in the Drapery, Northampton.
• 454 Beneficent Lodge, at the Angel, Macclesfield, Cheſhire.
• 455 Royal York Lodge, Buſh Tavern, Corn ſtreet, Briſtol, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 456 Lodge Frederic Charles Joſeph, of the Golden Wheel, at Mentz.
• 457 Wrekin Lodge, at the Pheaſant, Wellington, Shropſhire, M. previous to full Moon.
• 458 Lodge of Tranquillity, Three Tuns Tavern, Smithy Door, Mancheſter, laſt Friday.
• 459 Independent Lodge at the Black Lion, and Swan, Congleton, Cheſhire.
• 460 Albion Lodge, at Skipton, Yorkſhire.
• 461 Lodge of Harmony, Bacchus, Halifax, Yorkſhire, 2d M.
• 462 Lodge Good Fellowſhip, Saracen's Head, Chelmsford, Eſſex, F. on or preceding full Moon.
• 463 Lodge of Friendſhip, at the Angel, Oldham, Lancaſhire.
• 464 Lodge of the North Star, at Frederickſnagore, 7th Lodge of Bengal.
• 465 Calpean Lodge, at Gibraltar.

1790.

• 466 Friendly Lodge, King's Head Tavern, Hollorn, 2d Th.
• 468 Harmony Lodge, Dolphin Hotel, Chicheſter, Suſſex.
• 469 Royal Clarence Lodge, George Inn, Frome, Somerſet.
• 470 Corinthian Lodge, at the Ram Inn, Newark, Nottinghamſhire.
• 471 St. John's Lodge, at the Lion and Dolphin, Market Place, Leiceſter, 1ſt Wed.
• 472 Lodge Archimedes, of the three tracing Boards, Altenburg, Germany.
• 473 Lodge of the Three Arrows, at Nurnburg, ditto.
• 474 Lodge of Conſtancy, at Aix la Chapelle, Germany.
• 475 Lodge of the Riſing Sun, at Kempton, in Swabia, ditto.
• 476 Lodge of the Temple of true Concord, at Caſſel, ditto.
• 477 Lodge Charles of Unity, at Carlſruhe, ditto.
• 478 Lodge of Perfect Equality, at Creyfeld, ditto.
• 479 Lodge Aſtrea, of the Three Elms, at Ulm, ditto.
• 480 Lodge St. Charles of the Red Tower, at Ratiſbon, ditto.
• 481 Lodge of Solid Friendſhip, at Trichinopoly, No. 7, Coaſt of Coromandel.
• 482 Lodge of Benevolence, Red Lion, Stockport, Cheſhire.
• 483 Rein Deer Inn, Worceſter, 2d and 4th Th.
• 484 Lodge of Fortitude, at the Golden Shovel, Lancaſter.

1791.

• 485 Silurian Lodge, King's Head Inn, Kington, Herefordſhire.
• 486 Lodge of Friendſhip, Gibraltar.
• 487 Bedford Lodge, King's Arms, Taviſtock, Devonſhire, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 488 Lodge of Amity, Swan Inn, Rochdale, Lancaſhire.
• 489 At Aberiſtwith, South Wales.
• 490 Lodge of the Silent Temple, at Heldeſheim, in Germany.
• 491 Doric Lodge, Ship Tavern, Grantham, Lincolnſhire, 3d F.
• 492 St. John's Lodge, at the Talbot, Henley in Arden, Warwickſhire, 1ſt and 3d Friday.
• 493 Lo[••]l and prudent Lodge, Leeds, Yorkſhire.
• 494 Lodge of Love and Harmony, Barbadoes.

1792.

• 495 At Bulam, on the Coaſt of Africa.
• 496 North Nottinghamſhire Lodge; Town Hall, Eaſt Retford, 2d F.
• 497 Lodge of St. George, at a private Room, North-Shields, Northumberland.
• 498 Rawdon Lodge, between the lakes in Upper Canada.
• 499 Faithful Lodge, at Biddeford, Devon.
• 500 Lodge of Prudence, at the Three Tuns, Haleſworth, Suffolk.
• 501 Two Necked Swans, St. Peters's, Mancroft, Norwich.
• 502 Lodge of Love and Honour, Bell Inn, Shipton-Mallet, Somerſet, 2d and 4th Tu. Win. 2d Tu. Sum.
• 503 Royal Glouceſter Lodge, Eaſt ſtreet, Southampton.
• 504 Samanitan Lodge, at the Devonſhire Arms, Kighly, Yorkſhire.
• 505 Philanthropic Lodge, Devonſhire Arms, Skipton, Yorkſhire.
• 506 Lodge of the Three Graces, Barnoldſwick, in Craven, Yorkſhire, 2d Sat.
• 507 Bermuda Lodge, at St. George's in Bermuda.
• 508 Noah's Ark Lodge, Canal Coffee Houſe, Middlewich, Cheſhire.
• 509 Lodge of Unanimity, Stockport, Cheſhire, 1ſt W. after full Moon.
• 510 Urania Lodge, Angel Inn, Glamford Briggs, Lincolnſhire.
• 511 Lodge of Harmony, Bacup, Lancaſhire.
• 512 Lodge of Fidelty, Old George Inn, Brigg[•••], Leeds.

1793.

• 513 White Hart, Huddersfield, Yorkſ[•]ire.
• 514 Union Soho Lodge, Handſworth, Suffordſhire, 1ſt and 3d W.
• 515 Cambridge New Lodge, Red Lion, Cambridge.
• 516 Skakeſpeare Lodge, White Lion, Stratford upon Avon, Warwickſhire.
• 517 Rural Philanthropic Lodge, Highbridge Inn, Huntſpill, Somerſetſhire, Tu. preceding full M.
• 518 At the Caſtle, Lord ſtr[••]t, Liverpool.
• 519 Scarſdale Lodge, Angel Inn, Cheſterfield, Derbyſhire.
• 520 The King's Friends Lodge, Three Pidgeons, Nantwich, Cheſhire.
• 521 Union Lodge, at Cornwall, in Upper Canada.
• 522 St. John's Lodge of Friendſhip at Montreal.
• 523 Friendly. Brothers Lodge, at the Roebuck, Newcaſtle, Staffordſhire, 1ſt Wed.
• 524 Lodge of Urbanity, Bear Inn, Wincanton, Somerſetſhire, 1ſt F.
• 525 Conſtitutional Lodge at the Tiger, Beverly, Yorkſhire.
• 526 Union Lodge, Macclesfield, Cheſhire, 1ſt Th.
• 527 Royal Brunſwick Lodge, Royal Oak, Sheffield, Yorkſhire.
• 528 At Chunar, in the Eaſt Indies, 8th Lodge of Bengal.
• 529 Lodge of Mars, Cawnpore, 9th L. of Bengal.
• 530 Witham Lodge, Rein Deer Inn, City of Lincoln.
• 531 Lodge of Unity, Half Moon, Market-place, Yarmouth, Norfolk, M. neareſt full Moon.
• 532 At Reyton, Lancaſhire.
• 533 Royal Edward Lodge, Red Lion, Leominſter, Herefordſhire, 2d M.
• 534 Lodge of St. John, at the Grapes, Lancaſter.

1794.

• 535 Lodge of Emulation, Marquis of Granby, Dartford, Kent, Tu. neareſt full Moon.
• 536 Lodge of Minerva, King's Arms, Aſhton under Line, Lancaſhire.
• 537 The Apollo Lodge, Angel, Alceſter, Warwickſhire, 1ſt and 3d Wedneſday.
• 538 Lodge of Unity and Friendſhip, Bradford, Wilts.
• 539 Lodge of Hope, Talbot Inn, Bradford, Yorkſhire.
• 540 Benevolent Lodge, at the Newfoundland Fiſhery, Teignmouth, Devon.
• 541 Lodge in the Cheſhire Militia.
• 542 Philanthropic Lodge, Crown Inn, Kirkgate, Leeds.

A correct Liſt of Domeſtic Lodges will, as ſoon as poſſible, be printed ſeparately and delivered to the Subſcribers of this work GRATIS.

Marginal notes

1. The editor here begs leave to preſent his acknowledgments to John Abrams Eſq Grand ſecretary for New-York, for his very polite aſſiſtance in the accompliſhment of this part of the work. ↩
2. The conſtitutions of the Free-Maſons, &c. for the uſe of the lodges, by Dr. Anderſon, page 38, London, 17[•]3. Some other paſſages here, are taken from the [•]ame work. ↩
3. One of the principal parts that makes a man be deemed wife, is his intelligent ſtrength and ability to cover and conceal ſuch honeſt ſecrets as are committed to him, as well as his own ſerious affairs. And whoever will peruſe ſacred and profane hiſtory, ſhall find a great number of virtuous attempts (in peace and war) that never reached their deſigned ends, through defect of ſecret concealment; and yet, beſides ſuch unhappy prevention, infinite evils have thereby enſued. But before all other examples, let us conſider that which excels all the reſt derived even from God himſelf. Who ſo eſpecially preſerves his own ſecrets to himſelf, never letting any man know what ſhould happen on the morrow; nor could the wiſe men in ages paſt, divine what ſhould befall us in this age: whereby we may readily diſcern that God himſelf is well pleaſed with ſecrecy. And although (for man's good) the Lord has been pleaſed to reveal ſome things, yet it is impoſſible at any time to change or alter his determination, in regard whereof the reverend wiſe men of ancient times, evermore affected to perform their intentions ſecretly.

   The Athenians had a ſtatue of braſs, which they bowed to; the figure was made without a tongue, to declare ſecrecy thereby.

   The ſervants of Plancus are much commended, becauſe no torment could make them confeſs the ſecret which their maſter entruſted them with.

   Likewiſe the ſervant of Cato the orator was cruelly tormented, but nothing could make him reveal the ſecrets of his maſter.

   Ariſtothe was demanded what thing appeared moſt difficult to him; he anſwered, to be ſecret and ſilent.

   To this purpoſe St. Ambroſe, in his offices, placed among the principal foundations of virtue, the patient gift of ſilence.

   The wiſe king Solomon ſays in his proverbs, that a king ought not to drink wine, becauſe drunkenneſs is an enemy to ſecrecy; and, in his opinion, he is not worthy to reign that cannot keep his own ſecrets; he furthermore ſays, that he which diſcovers ſecrets is a traitor, and he which conceals them is a faithful brother: he likewiſe ſays, that he that refraineth his tongue, keeps his ſoul.

   Therefore I am of opinion, that if ſecrecy and ſilence be duly conſidered, they will be found moſt neceſſary to qualify a man for any buſineſs of importance: if this be granted, I am confident that no man will dare to diſpute that Free-Maſons are ſuperior to all other men, in concealing their ſecrets, from time immemorial; which the power of gold, that of[•]en has betrayed kings and princes, and ſometimes overturned whole empires, nor the moſt cruel puniſhments could never extort the ſecret (even) from the weakeſt member of the whole fraternity.

   ↩
4. A new cruſade is 2 s. 6 d. ſterling. ↩
5. St. Matthew. ↩
6. St. John's goſpel. v. 39. ↩
7. 2 Epiſt. St. Peter, i. 19. ↩
8. St. Mathew, xvi. 19. ↩
9. So called from Arnaldus of Breſcia, an heretic in the twelfth century. He inveighed againſt the temporalities of the church; and even againſt baptiſm and the Lord's ſupper. This hereſiarch, after exciting many troubles in Breſcia and Rome, was hanged in the latter city, anno 1155, and his aſhes thrown into the Tiber. The followers of Anthony Arnauld (the Janſeniſts) were alſo named Arnaldiſts. ↩
10. The cruſades were military expeditions, eſtabliſhed againſt the infidels, and firſt preached by Peter the hermit. Though the glory of God was the pretended motive for them; yet many wert merely out of venal views, and others through fear of being reproached with cowardice. Such as deſigned to enliſt among the cruſaders, diſtinguiſhed themſelves, from other people, by wearing croſſes of different colours, on their clothes, according to their nation: the croſſes of the Engliſh being white; of the French, red; of the Germans, black. &c. Eight cruſades were undertaken for the conqueſt of the Holy Land; the firſt anno 1095, in the council of Clermont; and the [•]aſt, under St. Lewis of France, anno 1268. The Ciſtercians firſt formed the plan of theſe cruſades. A hiſtory, in French, of the cruſade againſt the Albigenſes, was publiſhed at Roan, in 1703. About the middle of the 12th century, a cruſade of Saxons was eſtabliſhed againſt the heathens of the north.— Religion was as much a faſhion, in theſe dark times, as clothes, &c. ↩
11. This Innocent having been a famous lawyer, he, by a quirk, pronounced theſe heretics to be Mahommedans, viz. becauſe [•]oth were enemies to the church. ↩
12. La Planche, Hiſtoire de Francois II. p. 36. ↩
13. Bulls are properly letters, with a leaden ſeal, iſſued out of the chancery of Rome; and anſwer to the letters patent, edicts, &c. publiſhed by order of temporal princes. When theſe bulls are by way of grant or favour, the leaden ſeal is dependant from ſilken ſtrings; but if it relates to ſome judicial or executory act, the ſeal hangs by a hempen cord. ↩
14. Abridgement of the hiſtory of the church of England, book III. page 312. London 1682, 8vo. ↩
15. An anſwer to the ſeditious and ſcandalous pamphlet, entitled, the trial of W. Penn and W. Mead, page 3. London, 1670, 4to. ↩
16. Burnet, ubi ſupra, 269, 270, 271. ↩
17. Idem. P. 276, 277. ↩
18. Proctor is well known to be much the ſame, in eccleſiaſtical courts, as an attorney is in lay ones. His buſineſs is to ſee that the church diſcipline be maintained: and to bring to puniſhment the diſobedient. Fiſcal ſignifies properly what belongs to the exchequer, or king's treaſury; here it is ſaid to employ a proctor, who, for the ſake of, and in the name of the public, is to proſecute delinquents with regard to matters eccleſiaſtical.

    The author of the Relation of the Inquiſition of Goa, p. 89, & ſeq. Paris, 1688, 12mo. writes as follows concerning the officers of the Inquiſition.

    There are at Goa two Inquiſitors: the firſt called Inquiſitor mor [I ſuppoſe this ſhould be mayor] or the great Inquiſitor, is always a ſecular prieſt; and the ſecond a Dominican friar. There likewiſe are officers called depudatos. Theſe are numerous, and of all religious orders. They aſſiſt at the judgment of priſoners, and the drawing up of their proſecutions; but never come to the tribunal, unleſs ſent for by the Inquiſitors. There are other officers ſtiled Calificadores, who examine ſuch propoſitions as are looked upon to be contrary to the purity of doctrine. Theſe do not aſſiſt at the judgments, they only making their report with regard to actions committed. There alſo is a proctor, an attorney, and advocates or counſellors for ſuch priſoners as may deſire them. However, theſe counſellors are rather their betrayers than defenders; their chief endeavours being only to draw their ſecrets out of them. Beſides, though there were no reaſon to ſuſpect their fidelity, yet their favour would be of little benefit to the priſoners; theſe counſellors being never allowed to ſpeak to them, except before the judges, or ſome perſons deputed by the latter, in order to be preſent at theſe conferences.

    There are other officers of the Inquiſition, called familiars, who are, as it were, the ſerjeants or bailiffs of this tribunal. Perſons of all conditions, not excepting dukes and princes, glory in being familiars. Theſe are employed in ſeizing perſons impeached; and the uſual rule is, to ſend a familiar of the ſame rank or condition with the perſon who is to be ſeized. Theſe officers have no ſalary, they thinking it honour ſufficient to ſerve ſo holy a tribunal. They wear a medal, on which the arms of the Inquiſition is engraved. They go alone to ſeize a priſoner; and, when ſuch a one is told that the Inquiſitors have ſent for him, he is obliged to follow the familiar inſtantly; for, were he to make the leaſt reſiſtance, every one would aſſiſt the above officer.

    There likewiſe are ſecretaries, apparitors called meirinhos, an alcayde or goaler; and guards or attendants to look after the priſoners, carry them food and other things neceſſary

    ↩
19. How can other perſons know their thoughts? ↩
20. Relation du voyage de la Mer. de Sud, par Mr. Frezier, p. 201. Paris, 1732, 410. ↩
21. Theſe are very common in France, and are made to give an air of grandeur to an houſe, and to ſerve as a paſſage ſot coaches to enter the court or yard of it. As low perſons are fond of imitating thoſe in high-life, we often ſee, in Paris, a coach door to the houſe of an in[•]igniſicant trade man. ↩
22. Ezovius, An. 1556. § 36. E. Thuan. Hiſt. Conc. Trid. L. 5. ↩
23. M[••••]es de la Cour d'Erpagne. Part 2, p. 50. and ſeq. [•••]e 1691, ſecond edition, 12mo. ↩
24. A ſenate-houſe, or court of judicature. ↩
25. Cabrera hiſt, de Don Juan. ↩
26. See Lithgow's Travels; and Limbroch's Hiſtory of the Inquiſition, tranſlated by the Rev. Mr. Samuel Chandler, vol. II. page 223. London, 1731, 4to. ↩