Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4, part 2 of 3

St. Augustine: The Writings Against the Manichaeans and Against the Donatists

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Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4, part 2 of 3
Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4. St. Augustine: The Writings Against the Manichaeans and Against the Donatists.

2.  There are three laws.  One is that of the Hebrews, which the apostle calls the law of sin and death. 661   The second is that of the Gentiles, which he calls the law of nature.  "For the Gentiles," he says, "do by nature the things contained in the law; and, not having the law, they are a law into themselves; who show the work of the law written on their hearts." 662   The third law is the truth of which the apostle speaks when he says, "The law of the spirit of life in Christ Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and death." 663   Since, then, there are three laws, we must carefully inquire which of the three Christ spoke of when He said that He came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.  In the same way, there are prophets of the Jews, and prophets of the Gentiles, and prophets of truth.  With the prophets of the Jews, of course, every one is acquainted.  If any one is in doubt about the prophets of the Gentiles, let him hear what Paul says when writing of the Cretans to Titus:  "A prophet of their own has said, The Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, slow bellies." 664  This proves that the Gentiles also had their prophets.  The truth also has its prophets, as we learn from Jesus as well as from Paul.  Jesus says: "Behold, I send unto you wise men and prophets, and some of them ye shall kill in divers places." 665   And Paul says:  "The Lord Himself appointed first apostles, and then prophets." 666

3.  As "the law and the prophets" may have three different meanings, it is uncertain in what sense the words are used by Jesus, though we may form a conjecture from what follows.  For if Jesus had gone on to speak of circumcision, and Sabbaths, and sacrifices, and the observances of the Hebrews, and had added something as a fulfillment, there could have been no doubt that it was the law and the prophets of the Jews of which He said that He came not to destroy, but to fulfill them.  But Christ, without any allusion to these, speaks only of commandments which date from the earliest times:  "Thou shall not kill; Thou shalt not commit adultery; Thou shalt not bear false witness."  These, it can be proved, were of old promulgated in the world by Enoch and Seth, and the other righteous men, to whom the precepts were delivered by angels of lofty rank, in order to tame the savage nature of men.  From this it appears that Jesus spoke of the law and the prophets of truth.  And so we find him giving a fulfillment of those precepts already quoted.  "Ye have heard," He says, "that it was said by them of old time, Thou shalt not kill; but I say unto you, Be not even angry."  This is the fulfillment.  Again:  "Ye have heard that it was said, Thou shalt not commit adultery; but I say unto you, Do not lust even."  This is the fulfillment.  Again:  "It has been said, Thou shalt not bear false witness; but I say unto you, Swear not."  This too is the fulfillment.  He thus both confirms the old precepts and supplies their defects.  Where He seems to speak of some Jewish precepts, instead of fulfilling them, He substitutes for them precepts of an opposite tendency.  He proceeds thus:  "Ye have heard that it has been said, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth; but I say unto you, Whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also."  This is not fulfillment, but destruction.  Again:  "It has been said, Thou shall love thy friend, and hate thine enemy; but I say unto you, Love your enemies, and pray for your persecutors."  This too is destruction.  Again:  "It has been said, Whosoever shall put away his wife, let him give her a writing of divorcement; but I say unto you, That whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, causeth her to commit adultery, and is himself an adulterer if he afterwards marries another woman." 667   These precepts are evidently destroyed because they are the precepts of Moses; while the others are fulfilled because they are the precepts of the righteous men of antiquity.  If you agree to this explanation, we may allow that Jesus said that he came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.  If you disapprove of this explanation, give one of your own.  Only beware of making Jesus a liar, and of making yourself a Jew, by binding yourself to fulfill the law because Christ did not destroy it.

4.  If one of the Nazareans, or Symmachians, as they are sometimes called, were arguing with me from these words of Jesus that he came not to destroy the law, I should find some difficulty in answering him.  For it is undeniable that, at his coming, Jesus was both in body and mind subject to the influence of the law and the prophets.  Those people, moreover, whom I allude to, practise circumcision, and keep the Sabbath, and abstain from swine’s flesh and such like things, according to the law, although they profess to be Christians.  They are evidently misled as well as you, by this verse in which Christ says that he came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.  It would not be easy to reply to such opponents without first getting rid of this troublesome verse.  But with you I have no difficulty, for you have nothing to go upon; and instead of using arguments, you seem disposed, in mere mischief, to induce me to believe that Christ said what you evidently do not yourself believe him to have said.  On the strength of this verse you accuse me of dullness and evasiveness, without yourself giving any indication of keeping the law instead of destroying it.  Do you too, like a Jew or a Nazarean, glory in the obscene distinction of being circumcised?  Do you pride yourself in the observance of the Sabbath?  Can you congratulate yourself on being innocent of swine’s flesh?  Or can you boast of having gratified the appetite of the Deity by the blood of sacrifices and the incense of Jewish offerings?  If not, why do you contend that Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it?

5.  I give unceasing thanks to my teacher, who prevented me from falling into this error, so that I am still a Christian.  For I, like you, from reading this verse without sufficient consideration, had almost resolved to become a Jew.  And with reason; for if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, and as a vessel in order to be filled full must not be empty, but partly filled already, I concluded that no one could become a Christian but an Israelite, nearly filled already with the law and the prophets, and coming to Christ to be filled to the full extent of his capacity.  I concluded, too, that in thus coming he must not destroy what he already possesses; otherwise it would be a case, not of fulfilling, but of emptying.  Then it appeared that I, as a Gentile, could get nothing by coming to Christ, for I brought nothing that he could fill up by his additions.  This preparatory supply is found, on inquiry, to consist of Sabbaths, circumcision, sacrifices, new moons, baptisms, feasts of unleavened bread, distinctions of foods, drink, and clothes, and other things, too many to specify.  This, then, it appeared, was what Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill.  Naturally it must appear so:  for what is a law without precepts, or prophets without predictions?  Besides, there is that terrible curse pronounced upon those who abide not in all things that are written in the book of the law to do them.  668   With the fear of this curse appearing to come from God on the one side, and with Christ on the other side, seeming, as the Son of God, to say that he came not to destroy these things, but to fulfill them, what was to prevent me from becoming a Jew?  The wise instruction of Manichæus saved me from this danger.

6.  But how can you venture to quote this verse against me?  Or why should it be against me only, when it is as much against yourself?  If Christ does not destroy the law and the prophets, neither must Christians do so.  Why then do you destroy them?  Do you begin to perceive that you are no Christian?  How can you profane with all kinds of work the day pronounced sacred in the law and in all the prophets, on which they say that God, the maker of the world, himself rested, without dreading the penalty of death pronounced against Sabbath-breakers, or the curse on the transgressor?  How can you refuse to receive in your person the unseemly mark of circumcision, which the law and all the prophets declare to be honorable, especially in the case of Abraham, after what was thought to be his faith; for does not the God of the Jews proclaim that whosoever is without this mark of infamy shall perish from his people?  How can you neglect the appointed sacrifices, which were made so much of both by Moses and the prophets under the law, and by Abraham in his faith?  And how can you defile your souls by making no distinction in foods, if you believe that Christ came not to destroy these things, but to fulfill them?  Why do you discard the annual feast of unleavened bread, and the appointed sacrifice of the lamb, which, according to the law and the prophets, is to be observed for ever?  Why, in a word, do you treat so lightly the new moons, the baptisms, and the feast of tabernacles, and all the other carnal ordinances of the law and the prophets, if Christ did not destroy them?  I have therefore good reason for saying that, in order to justify your neglect of these things, you must either abandon your profession of being Christ’s disciple, or acknowledge that Christ himself has already destroyed them; and from this acknowledgment it must follow, either that this text is spurious in which Christ is made to say that he came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, or that the words have an entirely different meaning from what you suppose.

7.  Augustin replied:  If you allow, in consideration of the authority of the Gospel, that Christ said that He came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill them, you should show the same consideration to the authority of the apostle, when he says, "All these things were our examples;" and again of Christ, "He was not yea and nay, but in Him was yea; for all the promises of God are in Him yea;" 669 that is, they are set forth and fulfilled in Him.  In this way you will see in the clearest light both what law Christ fulfilled, and how He fulfilled it.  It is a vain attempt that you make to escape by your three kinds of law and your three kinds of prophets.  It is quite plain, and the New Testament leaves no doubt on the matter, what law and what prophets Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill.  The law given by Moses is that which by Jesus Christ became grace and truth. 670   The law given by Moses is that of which Christ says, "He wrote of me." 671   For undoubtedly this is the law which entered that the offence might abound; 672 words which you often ignorantly quote as a reproach to the law.  Read what is there said of this law:  "The law is holy, and the commandment holy, and just, and good.  Was then that which is good made death unto me?  God forbid.  But sin, that it might appear sin, wrought death in me by that which is good." 673   The entrance of the law made the offense abound, not because the law required what was wrong, but because the proud and self-confident incurred additional guilt as transgressors after their acquaintance with the holy, and just, and good commandments of the law; so that, being thus humbled, they might learn that only by grace through faith could they be freed from subjection to the law as transgressors, and be reconciled to the law as righteous.  So the same apostle says:  "For before faith came, we were kept under the law, shut up unto the faith which was afterwards revealed.  Therefore the law was our schoolmaster in Christ Jesus; but after faith came, we are no longer under a schoolmaster." 674   That is, we are no longer subject to the penalty of the law, because we are set free by grace.  Before we received in humility the grace of the Spirit, the letter was only death to us, for it required obedience which we could not render.  Thus Paul also says:  "The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life." 675   Again, he says:  "For if a law had been given which could have given life, verily righteousness should have been by the law; but the Scripture hath concluded all under sin, that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe." 676   And once more:  "What the law could not do, in that it was weak through the flesh, God sent His Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, that by sin He might condemn sin in the flesh, that the righteousness of the law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit." 677   Here we see Christ coming not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.  As the law brought the proud under the guilt of transgression, increasing their sin by commandments which they could not obey, so the righteousness of the same law is fulfilled by the grace of the Spirit in those who learn from Christ to be meek and lowly in heart; for Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.  Moreover, because even for those who are under grace it is difficult in this mortal life perfectly to keep what is written in the law, Thou shall not covet, Christ, by the sacrifice of His flesh, as our Priest obtains pardon for us.  And in this also He fulfills the law; for what we fail in through weakness is supplied by His perfection, who is the Head, while we are His members.  Thus John says:  "My little children, these things write I unto you, that ye sin not; and if any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous:  He is the propitiation for our sins." 678

8.  Christ also fulfilled the prophecies, because the promises of God were made good in Him.  As the apostle says in the verse quoted above, "The promises of God are in Him yea."  Again, he says:  "Now I say that Jesus Christ was a minister of the circumcision for the truth of God, to confirm the promises made unto the fathers." 679   Whatever, then, was promised in the prophets, whether expressly or in figure, whether by words or by actions, was fulfilled in Him who came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill them.  You do not perceive that if Christians were to continue in the use of acts and observances by which things to come were prefigured, the only meaning would be that the things prefigured had not yet come.  Either the thing prefigured has not come, or if it has, the figure becomes superfluous or misleading.  Therefore, if Christians do not practise some things enjoined in the Hebrews by the prophets, this, so far from showing, as you think, that Christ did not fulfill the prophets, rather shows that He did.  So completely did Christ fulfill what these types prefigured, that it is no longer prefigured.  So the Lord Himself says:  "The law and the prophets were until John." 680   For the law which shut up transgressors in increased guilt, and to the faith which was afterwards revealed, became grace through Jesus Christ, by whom grace superabounded.  Thus the law, which was not fulfilled in the requirement of the letter, was fulfilled in the liberty of grace.  In the same way, everything in the law that was prophetic of the Saviour’s advent, whether in words or in typical actions, became truth in Jesus Christ.  For "the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ." 681   At Christ’s advent the kingdom of God began to be preached; for the law and the prophets were until John:  the law, that its transgressors might desire salvation; the prophets, that they might foretell the Saviour.  No doubt there have been prophets in the Church since the ascension of Christ.  Of these prophets Paul says:  "God hath set some in the Church, first apostles, secondarily prophets, thirdly teachers," and so on. 682   It is not of these prophets that it was said, "The law and the prophets were until John," but of those who prophesied the first coming of Christ, which evidently cannot be prophesied now that it has taken place.

9.  Accordingly, when you ask why a Christian is not circumcised if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, my reply is, that a Christian is not circumcised precisely for this reason, that what was prefigured by circumcision is fulfilled in Christ.  Circumcision was the type of the removal of our fleshly nature, which was fulfilled in the resurrection of Christ, and which the sacrament of baptism teaches us to look forward to in our own resurrection.  The sacrament of the new life is not wholly discontinued, for our resurrection from the dead is still to come; but this sacrament has been improved by the substitution of baptism for circumcision, because now a pattern of the eternal life which is to come is afforded us in the resurrection of Christ, whereas formerly there was nothing of the kind.  So, when you ask why a Christian does not keep the Sabbath, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, my reply is, that a Christian does not keep the Sabbath precisely because what was prefigured in the Sabbath is fulfilled in Christ.  For we have our Sabbath in Him who said, "Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest.  Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me; for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall find rest unto your souls." 683

10.  When you ask why a Christian does not observe the distinction in food as enjoined in the law, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, I reply, that a Christian does not observe this distinction precisely because what was thus prefigured is now fulfilled in Christ, who admits into His body, which in His saints He has predestined to eternal life, nothing which in human conduct corresponds to the characteristics of the forbidden animals.  When you ask, again, why a Christian does not offer sacrifices to God of the flesh and blood of slain animals, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, I reply, that it would be improper for a Christian to offer such sacrifices, now that what was thus prefigured has been fulfilled in Christ’s offering of His own body and blood.  When you ask why a Christian does not keep the feast of unleavened bread as the Jews did, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, I reply, that a Christian does not keep this feast precisely because what was thus prefigured is fulfilled in Christ, who leads us to a new life by purging out the leaven of the old life. 684   When you ask why a Christian does not keep the feast of the paschal lamb, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, my reply is, that he does not keep it precisely because what was thus prefigured has been fulfilled in the sufferings of Christ, the Lamb without spot.  When you ask why a Christian does not keep the feasts of the new moon appointed in the law, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, I reply, that he does not keep them precisely because what was thus prefigured is fulfilled in Christ.  For the feast of the new moon prefigured the new creature, of which the apostle says:  "If therefore there is any new creature in Christ Jesus, the old things have passed away; behold, all things are become new." 685   When you ask why a Christian does not observe the baptisms for various kinds of uncleanness according to the law, if Christ came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, I reply, that he does not observe them precisely because they were figures of things to come, which Christ has fulfilled.  For He came to bury us with Himself by baptism into death, that as Christ rose again from the dead, so we also should walk in newness of life. 686   When you ask why Christians do not keep the feast of tabernacles, if the law is not destroyed, but fulfilled by Christ, I reply that believers are God’s tabernacle, in whom, as they are united and built together in love, God condescends to dwell, so that Christians do not keep this feast precisely because what was thus prefigured is now fulfilled by Christ in His Church.

11.  I touch upon these things merely in passing with the utmost brevity, rather than omit them altogether.  The subjects, taken separately, have filled many large volumes, written to prove that these observances were typical of Christ.  So it appears that all the things in the Old Testament which you think are not observed by Christians because Christ destroyed the law, are in fact not observed because Christ fulfilled the law.  The very intention of the observances was to prefigure Christ.  Now that Christ has come, instead of its being strange or absurd that what was done to prefigure His advent should not be done any more, it is perfectly right and reasonable.  The typical observances intended to prefigure the coming of Christ would be observed still, had they not been fulfilled by the coming of Christ; so far is it from being the case that our not observing them now is any proof of their not being fulfilled by Christ’s coming.  There can be no religious society, whether the religion be true or false, without some sacrament or visible symbol to serve as a bond of union.  The importance of these sacraments cannot be overstated, and only scoffers will treat them lightly.  For if piety requires them, it must be impiety to neglect them.

12.  It is true, the ungodly may partake in the visible sacraments of godliness, as we read that Simon Magus received holy baptism.  Such are they of whom the apostle says that "they have the form of godliness, but deny the power of it." 687   The power of godliness is the end of the commandment, that is, love out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned. 688   So the Apostle Peter, speaking of the sacrament of the ark, in which the family of Noah was saved from the deluge, says, "So by a similar figure baptism also saves you."  And lest they should rest content with the visible sacrament, by which they had the form of godliness, and should deny its power in their lives by profligate conduct, he immediately adds, "Not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience." 689

13.  Thus the sacraments of the Old Testament, which were celebrated in obedience to the law, were types of Christ who was to come; and when Christ fulfilled them by His advent they were done away, and were done away because they were fulfilled.  For Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill. And now that the righteousness of faith is revealed, and the children of God are called into liberty, and the yoke of bondage which was required for a carnal and stiffnecked people is taken away, other sacraments are instituted, greater in efficacy, more beneficial in their use, easier in performance, and fewer in number.

14.  And if the righteous men of old, who saw in the sacraments of their time the promise of a future revelation of faith, which even then their piety enabled them to discern in the dim light of prophecy, and by which they lived, for the just can live only by faith; 690 if, then, these righteous men of old were ready to suffer, as many actually did suffer, all trials and tortures for the sake of those typical sacraments which prefigured things in the future; if we praise the three children and Daniel, because they refused to be defiled by meat from the king’s table, from their regard for the sacrament of their day; if we feel the strongest admiration for the Maccabees, who refused to touch food which Christians lawfully use;  691 how much more should a Christian in our day be ready to suffer all things for Christ’s baptism, for Christ’s Eucharist, for Christ’s sacred sign, since these are proofs of the accomplishment of what the former sacraments only pointed forward to in the future!  For what is still promised to the Church, the body of Christ, is both clearly made known, and in the Saviour Himself, the Head of the body, the Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, has already been accomplished.  Is not the promise of eternal life by resurrection from the dead?  This we see fulfilled in the flesh of Him of whom it is said, that the Word became flesh and dwelt among us. 692   In former days faith was dim, for the saints and righteous men of those times all believed and hoped for the same things, and all these sacraments and ceremonies pointed to the future; but now we have the revelation of the faith to which the people were shut up under the law; 693 and what is now promised to believers in the judgment is already accomplished in the example of Him who came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill them.

15.  It is a question among the students of the sacred Scriptures, whether the faith in Christ before His passion and resurrection, which the righteous men of old learned by revelation or gathered from prophecy, had the same efficacy as faith has now that Christ has suffered and risen; or whether the actual shedding of the blood of the Lamb of God, which was, as He Himself says, for many for the remission of sins, 694 conferred any benefit in the way of purifying or adding to the purity of those who looked forward in faith to the death of Christ, but left the world before it took place; whether, in fact, Christ’s death reached to the dead, so as to effect their liberation.  To discuss this question here, or to prove what has been ascertained on the subject, would take too long, besides being foreign from our present purpose.

16.  Meanwhile it is sufficient to prove, in opposition to Faustus’ ignorant cavils, how greatly they mistake who conclude, from the change in signs and sacraments, that there must be a difference in the things which were prefigured in the rites of a prophetic dispensation, and which are declared to be accomplished in the rites of the gospel; or those, on the other hand, who think that as the things are the same, the sacraments which announce their accomplishment should not differ from the sacraments which foretold that accomplishment.  For if in language the form of the verb changes in the number of letters and syllables according to the tense, as done signifies the past, and to be done the future, why should not the symbols which declare Christ’s death and resurrection to be accomplished, differ from those which predicted their accomplishment, as we see a difference in the form and sound of the words, past and future, suffered and to suffer, risen and to rise?  For material symbols are nothing else than visible speech, which, though sacred, is changeable and transitory.  For while God is eternal, the water of baptism, and all that is material in the sacrament, is transitory:  the very word "God," which must be pronounced in the consecration, is a sound which passes in a moment.  The actions and sounds pass away, but their efficacy remains the same, and the spiritual gift thus communicated is eternal.  To say, therefore, that if Christ had not destroyed the law and the prophets, the sacraments of the law and the prophets would continue to be observed in the congregations of the Christian Church, is the same as to say that if Christ had not destroyed the law and the prophets, He would still be predicted as about to be born, to suffer, and to rise again; whereas, in fact, it is proved that He did not destroy, but fulfill those things, because the prophecies of His birth, and passion, and resurrection, which were represented in these ancient sacraments, have ceased, and the sacraments now observed by Christians contain the announcement that He has been born, has suffered, has risen.  He who came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill them, by this fulfillment did away with those things which foretold the accomplishment of what is thus shown to be now accomplished.  Precisely in the same way, he might substitute for the expressions, "He is to be born, is to suffer, is to rise," which were in these times appropriate, the expressions, "He has been born, has suffered, has risen," which are appropriate now that the others are accomplished, and so done away.

17.  Corresponding to this change in words is the change which naturally took place in the substitution of new sacraments instead of those of the Old Testament.  In the case of the first Christians, who came to the faith as Jews, it was by degrees that they were brought to change their customs, and to have a clear perception of the truth; and permission was given them by the apostle to preserve their hereditary worship and belief, in which they had been born and brought up; and those who had to do with them were required to make allowance for this reluctance to accept new customs.  So the apostle circumcised Timothy, the son of a Jewish mother and a Greek father, when they went among people of this kind; and he himself accommodated his practice to theirs, not hypocritically, but for a wise purpose.  For these practices were harmless in the case of those born and brought up in them, though they were no longer required to prefigure things to come.  It would have done more harm to condemn them as hurtful in the case of those to whose time it was intended that they should continue.  Christ, who came to fulfill all these prophecies, found those people trained in their own religion.  But in the case of those who had no such training, but were brought to Christ, the corner-stone, from the opposite wall of circumcision, there was no obligation to adopt Jewish customs.  If, indeed, like Timothy, they chose to accommodate themselves to the views of those of the circumcision who were still wedded to their old sacraments, they were free to do so.  But if they supposed that their hope and salvation depended on these works of the law, they were warned against them as a fatal danger.  So the apostle says:  "Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if ye be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing;" 695 that is, if they were circumcised, as they were intending to be, in compliance with some corrupt teachers, who told them that without these works of the law they could not be saved.  For when, chiefly through the preaching of the Apostle Paul, the Gentiles were coming to the faith of Christ, as it was proper that they should come, without being burdened with Jewish observances—for those who were grown up were deterred from the faith by fear of ceremonies to which they were not accustomed, especially of circumcision; and if they who had not been trained from their birth to such observances had been made proselytes in the usual way, it would have implied that the coming of Christ still required to be predicted as a future event;—when, then, the Gentiles were admitted without these ceremonies, those of the circumcision who believed, not understanding why the Gentiles were not required to adopt their customs, nor why they themselves were still allowed to retain them, began to disturb the Church with carnal contentions, because the Gentiles were admitted into the people of God without being made proselytes in the usual way by circumcision and the other legal observances.  Some also of the converted Gentiles were bent on these ceremonies, from fear of the Jews among whom they lived.  Against these Gentiles the Apostle Paul often wrote, and when Peter was carried away by their hypocrisy, he corrected him with a brotherly rebuke.  696   Afterwards, when the apostles met in council, decreed that these works of the law were not obligatory in the case of the Gentiles, 697 some Christians of the circumcision were displeased, because they failed to understand that these observances were permissible only in those who had been trained in them before the revelation of faith, to bring to a close the prophetic life in those who were engaged in it before the prophecy was fulfilled, lest by a compulsory abandonment it should seem to be condemned rather than closed; while to lay these things on the Gentiles would imply either that they were not instituted to prefigure Christ, or that Christ was still to be prefigured.  The ancient people of God, before Christ came to fulfill the law and the prophets, were required to observe all these things by which Christ was prefigured.  It was freedom to those who understood the meaning of the observance, but it was bondage to those who did not.  But the people in those latter times who come to believe in Christ as having already come, and suffered, and risen, in the case of those whom this faith found trained to those sacraments, are neither required to observe them, nor prohibited from doing so; while there is a prohibition in the case of those who were not bound by the ties of custom, or by any necessity, to accommodate themselves to the practice of others, so that it might become manifest that these things were instituted to prefigure Christ, and that after His coming they were to cease, because the promises had been fulfilled.  Some believers of the circumcision who did not understand this were displeased with this tolerant arrangement which the Holy Spirit effected through the apostles, and stubbornly insisted on the Gentiles becoming Jews.  These are the people of whom Faustus speaks under the name of Symmachians or Nazareans.  Their number is now very small, but the sect still continues.

18.  The Manichæans, therefore have no ground for saying, in disparagement of the law and the prophets, that Christ came to destroy rather than to fulfill them, because Christians do not observe what is there enjoined:  for the only things which they do not observe are those that prefigured Christ, and these are not observed because their fulfillment is in Christ, and what is fulfilled is no longer prefigured; the typical observances having properly come to a close in the time of those who, after being trained in such things, had come to believe in Christ as their fulfillment.  Do not Christians observe the precept of Scripture "Hear, O Israel; the Lord thy God is one God;" "Thou shalt not make unto thee an image," and so on?  Do make Christians not observe the precept, "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain?"  Do Christians not observe the Sabbath, even in the sense of a true rest?  Do Christians not honor their parents, according to the commandment?  Do Christians not abstain from fornication, and murder, and theft, and false witness, from coveting their neighbor’s wife, and from coveting his property,—all of which things are written in the law?  These moral precepts are distinct from typical sacraments:  the former are fulfilled by the aid of divine grace, the latter by the accomplishment of what they promise.  Both are fulfilled in Christ, who has ever been the bestower of this grace, which is also now revealed in Him, and who now makes manifest the accomplishment of what He in former times promised; for "the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ." 698   Again, these things which concern the keeping of a good conscience are fulfilled in the faith which worketh by love; 699 while types of the future pass away when they are accomplished.  But even the types are not destroyed, but fulfilled; for Christ, in bringing to light what the types signified, does not prove them vain or illusory.

19.  Faustus, therefore, is wrong in supposing that the Lord Jesus fulfilled some precepts of righteous men who lived before the law of Moses, such as, "Thou shall not kill," which Christ did not oppose, but rather confirmed by His prohibition of anger and abuse; and that He destroyed some things apparently peculiar to the Hebrew law, such as, "An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth," which Christ seems rather to abolish than to confirm, when He says, "But I say unto you, that ye resist not evil; but if any one smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also," 700 and so on.  But we say that even these things which Faustus thinks Christ destroyed by enjoining the opposite, were suitable to the times of the Old Testament, and were not destroyed, but fulfilled by Christ.

20.  In the first place let me ask our opponents if these ancient righteous men, Enoch and Seth, whom Faustus mentions particularly, and any others who lived before Moses, or even, if you choose, before Abraham, were angry with their brother without a cause, or said to their brother, Thou fool.  If not, why may they not have taught these things as well as preached them?  And if they taught these things, how can Christ be said to have fulfilled their righteousness or their teaching, any more than that of Moses, by adding, "But I say unto you, if any man is angry with his brother, or if he says Racha, or if he says, Thou fool, he shall be in danger of the judgment, or of the council, or of hell-fire," since these men did these very things themselves, and enjoined them upon others?  Will it be said that they were ignorant of its being the duty of a righteous man to restrain his passion, and not to provoke his brother with angry abuse; or that, knowing this, they were unable to act accordingly?  In that case, they deserved the punishment of hell, and could not have been righteous.  But no one will venture to say that in their righteousness there was such ignorance of duty, and such a want of self-control, as to make them liable to the punishment of hell.  How, then, can Christ be said to have fulfilled the law, by which these men lived by means of adding things without which they could have had no righteousness at all?  Will it be said that a hasty temper and bad language are sinful only since the time of Christ, while formerly such qualities of the heart and speech were allowable; as we find some institutions vary according to the times, so that what is proper at one time is improper at another, and vice versa?  You will not be so foolish as to make this assertion.  But even were you to do so, the reply will be that, according to this idea, Christ came not to fulfill what was defective in the old law, but to institute a law which did not previously exist; if it is true that with the righteous men of old it was not a sin to say to their brother, Thou fool, which Christ pronounces so sinful, that whoever does so is in danger of hell.  So, then, you have not succeeded in finding any law of which it can be said that Christ supplied its defect by these additions.

21.  Will it be said that the law in these early times was incomplete as regards not committing adultery, till it was completed by the Lord, who added that no one should look on a woman to lust after her?  This is what you imply in the way you quote the words, "Ye have heard that it has been said, Thou shalt not commit adultery:  but I say unto you, Do not lust even."  "Here," you say, "is the fulfillment."  But let us take the words as they stand in the Gospel, without any of your modifications, and see what character you give to those righteous men of antiquity.  The words are:  "Ye have heard that it has been said, thou shall not commit adultery; but I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed adultery with her already in his heart." 701   In your opinion, then, Enoch and Seth, and the rest, committed adultery in their hearts; and either their heart was not the temple of God, or they committed adultery in the temple of God.  But if you dare not say this, how can you say that Christ, when He came, fulfilled the law, which was already in the time of those men complete?

22.  As regards not swearing, in which also you say that Christ completed the law given to these righteous men of antiquity, I cannot be certain that they did not swear, for we find that Paul the apostle swore.  With you, swearing is still a common practice, for you swear by the light, which you love as flies do; for the light of the mind which lighteth every man that cometh into the world, as distinct from mere natural light, you know nothing of.  You swear, too, by your master Manichæus, whose name in his own tongue was Manes.  As the name Manes seemed to be connected with the Greek word for madness, you have changed it by adding a suffix, which only makes matters worse, by giving the new meaning of pouring forth madness.  One of your own sect told me that the name Manichæus was intended to be derived from the Greek words for pouring forth manna; for χέειν means to pour.  But, as it is, you only express the idea of madness with greater emphasis.  For by adding the two syllables, while you have forgotten to insert another letter in the beginning of the word, you make it not Mannichæus, but Manichæus; which must mean that he pours forth madness in his long unprofitable discourses.  Again, you often swear by the Paraclete,—not the Paraclete promised and sent by Christ to His disciples, but this same madness-pourer himself.  Since, then, you are constantly swearing, I should like to know in what sense you make Christ to have fulfilled this part of the law, which is one you mention as belonging to the earliest times.  And what do you make of the oaths of the apostle?  For as to your authority, it cannot weigh much with yourselves, not to speak of me or any other person.  It is therefore evident that Christ’s words, "I am come not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it," have not the meaning which you give them.  Christ makes no reference in these words to His comments on the ancient sayings which He quotes, and of which His discourse was an explanation, but not a fulfillment.

23.  Thus, as regards murder, which was understood to mean merely the destruction of the body, by which a man is deprived of life, the Lord explained that every unjust disposition to injure our brother is a kind of murder.  So John also says, "He that hateth his brother is a murderer." 702   And as it was thought that adultery meant only the act of unlawful intercourse with a woman, the Master showed that the lust He describes is also adultery.  Again, because perjury is a heinous sin, while there is no sin either in not swearing at all or in swearing truly, the Lord wished to secure us from departing from the truth by not swearing at all, rather than that we should be in danger of perjury by being in the habit of swearing truly.  For one who never swears is less in danger of swearing falsely than one who is in the habit of swearing truly.  So, in the discourses of the apostle which are recorded, he never used an oath, lest he should ever fall unawares into perjury from being in the habit of swearing.  In his writings, on the other hand, where he had more leisure and opportunity for caution, we find him using oaths in several places, 703 to teach us that there is no sin in swearing truly, but that, on account of the infirmity of human nature, we are best preserved from perjury by not swearing at all.  These considerations will also make it evident that the things which Faustus supposes to be peculiar to Moses were not destroyed by Christ, as he says they were.

24.  To take, for instance, this saying of the ancients, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy," how does Faustus make out that this is peculiar to Moses?  Does not the Apostle Paul speak of some men as hateful to God? 704   And, indeed, in connection with this saying, the Lord enjoins on us that we should imitate God.  His words are:  "That ye may be the children of your Father in heaven, who maketh the sun to rise upon the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust." 705   In one sense we must hate our enemies, after the example of God, to whom Paul says some men are hateful; while, at the same time, we must also love our enemies after the example of God, who makes the sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust.  If we understand this, we shall find that the Lord, in explaining to those who did not rightly understand the saying, Thou shalt hate thine enemy, made use of it to show that they should love their enemy, which was a new idea to them.  It would take too long to show the consistency of the two things here.  But when the Manichæans condemn without exception the precept, Thou shall hate thine enemy, they may easily be met with the question whether their god loves the race of darkness.  Or, if we should love our enemies now, because they have a part of good, should we not also hate them as having a part of evil?  So even in this way it would appear that there is no opposition between the saying of ancient times, Thou shall hate thine enemy, and that of the Gospel, Love your enemies.  For every wicked man should be hated as far as he is wicked; while he should be loved as a man.  The vice which we rightly hate in him is to be condemned, that by its removal the human nature which we rightly love in him may be amended.  This is precisely the principle we maintain, that we should hate our enemy for what is evil in him, that is, for his wickedness; while we also love our enemy for that which is good in him, that is, for his nature as a social and rational being.  The difference between us and the Manichæans is, that we prove the man to be wicked, not by nature, either his own or any other, but by his own will; whereas they think that a man is evil on account of the nature of the race of darkness, which, according to them, was an object of dread to God when he existed entire, and by which also he was partly conquered, so that he cannot be entirely set free.  The intention of the Lord, then, is to correct those who, from knowing without understanding what was said by them of old time, Thou shalt hate thine enemy, hated their fellow-men instead of only hating their wickedness; and for this purpose He says, Love your enemies.  Instead of destroying what is written about hatred of enemies in the law, of which He said, "I am come not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it," He would have us learn, from the duty of loving our enemies, how it is possible in the case of one and the same person, both to hate him for his sin, and to love him for his nature.  It is too much to expect our perverse opponents to understand this.  But we can silence them, by showing that by their irrational objection they condemn their own god, of whom they cannot say that he loves the race of darkness; so that in enjoining on every one to love his enemy, they cannot quote his example.  There would appear to be more love of their enemy in the race of darkness than in the god of the Manichæans.  The story is, that the race of darkness coveted the domain of light bordering on their territory, and, from a desire to possess it, formed the plan of invading it.  Nor is there any sin in desiring true goodness and blessedness.  For the Lord says, "The kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by force." 706   This fabulous race of darkness, then, wished to take by force the good they desired, for its beautiful and attractive appearance.  But God, instead of returning the love of those who wished to possess Him, hated it so as to endeavor to annihilate them.  If, therefore, the evil love the good in the desire to possess it, while the good hate the evil in fear of being defiled, I ask the Manichæans, which of these obeys the precept of the Lord, "Love your enemies"?  If you insist on making these precepts opposed to one another, it will follow that your god obeyed what is written in the law of Moses, "Thou shall hate thine enemy"; while the race of darkness obeyed what is written in the Gospel, "Love your enemies."  However, you have never succeeded in explaining the difference between the flies that fly in the day-time and the moths that fly at night; for both, according to you, belong to the race of darkness.  How is it that one kind love the light, contrary to their nature; while the other kind avoid it, and prefer the darkness from which they sprung?  Strange, that filthy sewers should breed a cleaner sort than dark closets!

25.  Nor, again, is there any opposition between that which was said by them of old time, "An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth," and what the Lord says, "But I say unto you, that ye resist not evil; but if any one smiteth thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also," and so on. 707   The old precept as well as the new is intended to check the vehemence of hatred, and to curb the impetuosity of angry passion.  For who will of his own accord be satisfied with a revenge equal to the injury?  Do we not see men, only slightly hurt, eager for slaughter, thirsting for blood, as if they could never make their enemy suffer enough?  If a man receives a blow, does he not summon his assailant, that he may be condemned in the court of law?  Or if he prefers to return the blow, does he not fall upon the man with hand and heel, or perhaps with a weapon, if he can get hold of one?  To put a restraint upon a revenge so unjust from its excess, the law established the principle of compensation, that the penalty should correspond to the injury inflicted.  So the precept, "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth," instead of being a brand to kindle a fire that was quenched, was rather a covering to prevent the fire already kindled from spreading.  For there is a just revenge due to the injured person from his assailant; so that when we pardon, we give up what we might justly claim.  Thus, in the Lord’s prayer, we are taught to forgive others their debts that God may forgive us our debts.  There is no injustice in asking back a debt, though there is kindness in forgiving it.  But as, in swearing, one who swears, even though truly, is in danger of perjury, of which one is in no danger who never swears; and while swearing truly is not a sin, we are further from sin by not swearing; so that the command not to swear is a guard against perjury:  in the same way since it is sinful to wish to be revenged with an unjust excess, though there is no sin in wishing for revenge within the limits of justice, the man who wishes for no revenge at all is further from the sin of an unjust revenge.  It is sin to demand more than is due, though it is no sin to demand a debt.  And the best security against the sin of making an unjust demand is to demand nothing, especially considering the danger of being compelled to pay the debt to Him who is indebted to none.  Thus, I would explain the passage as follows:  It has been said by them of old time, Thou shall not take unjust revenge; but I say, Take no revenge at all:  here is the fulfillment.  It is thus that Faustus, after quoting, "It has been said, Thou shall not swear falsely; but I say unto you, swear not at all," adds:  here is the fulfillment.  I might use the same expression if I thought that by the addition of these words Christ supplied a defect in the law, and not rather that the intention of the law to prevent unjust revenge is best secured by not taking revenge at all, in the same way as the intention to prevent perjury is best secured by not swearing at all.  For if "an eye for an eye" is opposed to "If any one smite thee on the cheek, turn to him the other also," is there not as much opposition between "Thou shalt perform unto the Lord thine oath," and "Swear not at all?" 708   If Faustus thinks that there is not destruction, but fulfillment, in the one case, he ought to think the same of the other.  For if "Swear not" is the fulfillment of "Swear truly," why should not "Take no revenge" be the fulfillment of "Take revenge justly"?

So, according to my interpretation, there is in both cases a guard against sin, either of false swearing or of unjust revenge; though, as regards giving up the right to revenge, there is the additional consideration that, by forgiving such debts, we shall obtain the forgiveness of our debts.  The old precept was required in the case of a self-willed people, to teach them not to be extravagant in their demands.  Thus, when the rage eager for unrestrained vengeance, was subdued, there would be leisure for any one so disposed to consider the desirableness of having his own debt cancelled by the Lord, and so to be led by this consideration to forgive the debt of his fellow-servant.

26.  Again, we shall find on examination, that there is no opposition between the precept of the Lord about not putting away a wife, and what was said by them of old time:  "Whosoever putteth away his wife, let him give her a writing of divorcement." 709   The Lord explains the intention of the law, which required a bill of divorce in every case where a wife was put away.  The precept not to put away a wife is the opposite of saying that a man may put away his wife if he pleases; which is not what the law says.  On the contrary, to prevent the wife from being put away, the law required this intermediate step, that the eagerness for separation might be checked by the writing of the bill, and the man might have time to think of the evil of putting away his wife; especially since, as it is said, among the Hebrews it was unlawful for any but the scribes to write Hebrew:  for the scribes claimed the possession of superior wisdom; and if they were men of upright and pious character, their pursuits might justly entitle them to make this claim.  In requiring, therefore, that in putting away his wife, a man should give her a writing of divorcement, the design was that he should be obliged to have recourse to those from whom he might expect to receive a cautious interpretation of the law, and suitable advice against separation.  Having no other way of getting the bill written, the man should be obliged to submit to their direction, and to allow of their endeavors to restore peace and harmony between him and his wife.  In a case where the hatred could not be overcome or checked, the bill would of course be written.  A wife might with reason be put away when wise counsel failed to restore the proper feeling and affection in the mind of her husband.  If the wife is not loved, she is to be put away.  And that she may not be put away, it is the husband’s duty to love her.  Now, while a man cannot be forced to love against his will, he may be influenced by advice and persuasion.  This was the duty of the scribe, as a wise and upright man; and the law gave him the opportunity, by requiring the husband in all cases of quarrel to go to him, to get the bill of divorcement written.  No good or prudent man would write the bill unless it were a case of such obstinate aversion as to make reconciliation impossible.  But according to your impious notions, there can be nothing in putting away a wife; for matrimony, according to you, is a criminal indulgence.  The word "matrimony" shows that a man takes a wife in order that she may become a mother, which would be an evil in your estimation.  According to you, this would imply that part of your god is overcome and captured by the race of darkness, and bound in the fetters of flesh.

27.  But, to explain the point in hand:  If Christ, in adding the words, "But I say unto you," to the quotations He makes of ancient sayings, neither fulfilled the law of primitive times by His additions, nor destroyed the law given to Moses by opposite precepts, but rather paid such deference to the Hebrew law in all the quotations He made from it, as to make His own remarks chiefly explanatory of what the law stated less distinctly, or a means of securing the design intended by the law, it follows that from the words, "I came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it" we are not to understand that Christ by His precepts filled up what was wanting in the law; but that what the literal command failed in doing from the pride and disobedience of men, is accomplished by grace in those who are brought to repentance and humility.  The fulfillment is not in additional words, but in acts of obedience.  So the apostle says "Faith worketh by love;"  710 and again, He that loveth another hath fulfilled the law." 711   This love, by which also the righteousness of the law can be fulfilled was bestowed in its significance by Christ in His coming, through the spirit which He sent according to His promise; and therefore He said, "I came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it."  This is the New Testament in which the promise of the kingdom of heaven is made to this love; which was typified in the Old Testament, suitably to the times of that dispensation.  So Christ says again; "A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another." 712

28.  So we find in the Old Testament all or nearly all the counsels and precepts which Christ introduces with the words "But I say unto you."  Against anger it is written, "Mine eyes troubled because of anger;" 713 and again, "Better is he that conquers his anger, than he that taketh a city." 714   Against hard words, "The stroke of a whip maketh a wound; but the stroke of the tongue breaketh the bones." 715   Against adultery in the heart, "Thou shall not covet thy neighbor’s wife." 716   It is not, "Thou shall not commit adultery;" but, "Thou shall not covet."  The apostle, in quoting this, says:  "I had not known lust, unless the law had said, Thou shalt not covet." 717   Regarding patience in not offering resistance, a man is praised who "giveth his cheek to him that smiteth him, and who is filled full with reproach." 718   Of love to enemies it is said:  "If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink." 719   This also is quoted by the apostle. 720   In the Psalm, too, it is said, "I was a peace maker among them that hated peace;" 721 and in many similar passages.  In connection also with our imitating God in refraining from taking revenge, and in loving even the wicked, there is a passage containing a full description of God in this character; for it is written:  "To Thee alone ever belongeth great strength, and who can withstand the power of Thine arm?  For the whole world before Thee is as a little grain of the balance; yea, as a drop of the morning dew that falleth down upon the earth.  But Thou hast mercy upon all, for Thou canst do all things, and winkest at the sins of men, because of repentance.  For Thou lovest all things that are, and abhorrest nothing which Thou hast made; for never wouldest Thou have made anything if Thou hadst hated it.  And how could anything have endured, if it had not been Thy will? or been preserved, if not called by Thee?  But Thou sparest all; for they are Thine, O Lord, Thou lover of souls.  For Thy good Spirit is in all things; therefore chastenest Thou them by little and little that offend, and warnest them by putting them in remembrance wherein they have offended, that learning their wickedness, they may believe in Thee, O Lord." 722   Christ exhorts us to imitate this long-suffering goodness of God, who maketh the sun to rise upon the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust; that we may not be careful to revenge, but may do good to them that hate us, and so may be perfect, even as our Father in heaven is perfect. 723   From another passage in these ancient books we learn that, by not exacting the vengeance due to us, we obtain the remission of our own sins; and that by not forgiving the debts of others, we incur the danger of being refused forgiveness when we pray for the remission of our own debts:  "He that revengeth shall find vengeance from the Lord, and He will surely keep his sin in remembrance.  Forgive thy neighbor the hurt that he hath done to thee; so shall thy sins also be forgiven when thou prayest.  One man beareth hatred against another, and doth he seek pardon of the Lord?  He showeth no mercy to a man who is like himself; and doth he ask forgiveness of his own sins?  If he that is but flesh nourishes hatred, and asks for favor from the Lord, who will entreat for the pardon of his sins?" 724

29.  As regards not putting away a wife, there is no need to quote any other passage of the Old Testament than that referred to most appropriately in the Lord’s reply to the Jews when they questioned Him on this subject.  For when they asked whether it is lawful for a man to put away his wife for any reason, the Lord answered:  "Have ye not read, that He that made them at the beginning made them male and female, and said, For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they two shall be one flesh?  Therefore they are no longer twain, but one flesh.  What therefore God hath joined, let no man put asunder." 725   Here the Jews, who thought that they acted according to the intention of the law of Moses in putting away their wives, are made to see from the book of Moses that a wife should not be put away.  And, by the way, we learn here, from Christ’s own declaration, that God made and joined male and female; so that by denying this, the Manichæans are guilty of opposing the gospel of Christ as well as the writings of Moses.  And supposing their doctrine to be true, that the devil made and joined male and female, we see the diabolical cunning of Faustus in finding fault with Moses for dissolving marriages by granting a bill of divorce, and praising Christ for strengthening the union by the precept in the Gospel.  Instead of this, Faustus, consistently with his own foolish and impious notions, should have praised Moses for separating what was made and joined by the devil, and should have blamed Christ for ratifying a bond of the devil’s workmanship.  To return, let us hear the good Master explain how Moses, who wrote of the conjugal chastity in the first union of male and female as so holy and inviolable, afterwards allowed the people to put away their wives.  For when the Jews replied, "Why did Moses then command to give a writing of divorcement, and to put her away?"  Christ said unto them, "Moses, because of the hardness of your heart, suffered you to put away your wives." 726   This passage we have already explained. 727   The hardness must have been great indeed which could not be induced to admit the restoration of wedded love, even though by means of the writing an opportunity was afforded for advice to be given to this effect by wise and upright men.  Then the Lord quoted the same law, to show both what was enjoined on the good and what was permitted to the hard; for, from what is written of the union of male and female, He proved that a wife must not be put away, and pointed out the divine authority for the union; and shows from the same Scriptures that a bill of divorcement was to be given because of the hardness of the heart, which might be subdued or might not.

30.  Since, then, all these excellent precepts of the Lord, which Faustus tries to prove to be contrary to the old books of the Hebrews, are found in these very books, the only sense in which the Lord came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it, is this, that besides the fulfillment of the prophetic types, which are set aside by their actual accomplishment, the precepts also, in which the law is holy, and just, and good, are fulfilled in us, not by the oldness of the letter which commands, and increases the offence of the proud by the additional guilt of transgression, but by the newness of the Spirit, who aids us, and by the obedience of the humble, through the saving grace which sets us free.  For, while all these sublime precepts are found in the ancient books, still the end to which they point is not there revealed; although the holy men who foresaw the revelation lived in accordance with it, either veiling it in prophecy as suited the time, or themselves discovering the truth thus veiled.

31.  I am disposed, after careful examination, to doubt whether the expression so often used by the Lord, "the kingdom of heaven," can be found in these books.  It is said, indeed, "Love wisdom, that ye may reign for ever." 728   And if eternal life had not been clearly made known in the Old Testament, the Lord would not have said, as He did even to the unbelieving Jews:  "Search the Scriptures, for in them ye think that ye have eternal life, and they are they that testify of me." 729   And to the same effect are the words of the Psalmist:  "I shall not die, but live, and declare the works of the Lord." 730   And again:  "Enlighten mine eyes, lest I sleep the sleep of death." 731   Again, we read, "The souls of the righteous are in the hand of the Lord, and pain shall not touch them;" and immediately following:  "They are in peace; and if they have suffered torture from men, their hope is full of immortality; and after a few trouble, they shall enjoy many rewards." 732   Again, in another place:  "The righteous shall live for ever, and their reward is with the Lord, and their concern with the Highest; therefore shall they receive from the hand of the Lord a kingdom of glory and a crown of beauty." 733   These and many similar declarations of eternal life, in more or less explicit terms, are found in these writings.  Even the resurrection of the body is spoken of by the prophets.  The Pharisees, accordingly, were fierce opponents of the Sadducees, who disbelieved the resurrection.  This we learn not only from the canonical Acts of the Apostles, which the Manichæans reject, because it tells of the advent of the Paraclete promised by the Lord, but also from the Gospel, when the Sadducees question the Lord about the woman who married seven brothers, one dying after the other, whose wife she would be in the resurrection. 734   As regards, then, eternal life and the resurrection of the dead, numerous testimonies are to be found in these Scriptures.  But I do not find there the expression, "the kingdom of heaven."  This expression belongs properly to the revelation of the New Testament, because in the resurrection our earthly bodies shall, by that change which Paul fully describes, become spiritual bodies, and so heavenly, that thus we may possess the kingdom of heaven.  And this expression was reserved for Him whose advent as King to govern and Priest to sanctify His believing people, was ushered in by all the symbolism of the old covenant, in its genealogies, its typical acts and words, its sacrifices and ceremonies and feasts, and in all its prophetic utterances and events and figures.  He came full of grace and truth, in His grace helping us to obey the precepts, and in His truth securing the accomplishment of the promises.  He came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.

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Footnotes

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Rom. viii. 2.

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Rom. 2:14, 15.

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Rom. viii. 2.

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Tit. i. 12.

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Matt. xxiii. 34.

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Eph. iv. 11.

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Matt. v. 21-44.

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Deut. xxvii. 15.

241:669

2 Cor. 1:19, 20.

241:670

John i. 17.

241:671

John v. 46.

241:672

Rom. v. 20.

241:673

Rom. 7:12, 13.

242:674

Gal. 3:23, 25.

242:675

2 Cor. iii. 6.

242:676

Gal. 3:21, 22.

242:677

Rom. 8:3, 4.

242:678

1 John 2:1, 2.

242:679

Rom. xv. 8.

242:680

Luke xvi. 16.

242:681

John i. 17.

242:682

1 Cor. xii. 28.

243:683

Matt. 11:28, 29.

243:684

1 Cor. v. 7.

243:685

2 Cor. v. 17.

243:686

Rom. vi. 4.

243:687

2 Tim. iii. 5.

244:688

1 Tim. i. 5.

244:689

1 Pet. iii. 21.

244:690

Rom. i. 17.

244:691

2 Macc. vii.

244:692

John i. 14.

244:693

Gal. iii. 23.

244:694

Matt. xxvi. 28.

245:695

Gal. v. 2.

245:696

Gal. ii. 14.

245:697

Acts. xv. 6-11.

246:698

John i. 17.

246:699

Gal. v. 6.

246:700

Matt. 5:38, 39.

247:701

Matt. 5:27, 28.

247:702

1 John iii. 15.

248:703

Rom. 1:9, Phil. 1:8, 2 Cor. 1:23.

248:704

Rom. i. 30.

248:705

Matt. v. 45.

248:706

Matt. xi. 12.

249:707

Exod. 21:24, Exod. 5:39.

249:708

Matt. 5:33, 34.

249:709

Deut. 24:1, Matt. 5:31, 32.

250:710

Gal. v. 6.

250:711

Rom. xiii. 8.

250:712

John xiii. 34.

250:713

Ps. vi. 7.

250:714

Prov. xvi. 32.

250:715

Ecclus. xxviii. 21.  [Augustin makes no distinction between the Old Testament Apocrypha and the canonical books.  Indeed, the Platonizing Apocryphal writings, such as Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, seem to have been his favorites.—A.H.N.]

250:716

Ex. xx. 17.

250:717

Rom. vii. 7.

250:718

Lam. iii. 30.

250:719

Prov. xxv. 21.

250:720

Rom. xii. 20.

251:721

Ps. cxx. 6.

251:722

Wis. 11:21, Wis. 12:2.

251:723

Matt. 5:44, 48.

251:724

Ecclus. xxviii. 1-5.

251:725

Matt. xix. 4-6.

251:726

Matt. 19:7, 8.

251:727

Sec. 26.

252:728

Wisd. vi. 22.

252:729

John v. 39.

252:730

Ps. cxviii. 16.

252:731

Ps. xii. 3.

252:732

Wisd. iii. 1-5.

252:733

Wis. 5:16, 17.

252:734

Matt. xxii. 23-28.



Book XX.

Faustus repels the charge of sun-worship, and maintains that while the Manichæans believe that God’s power dwells in the sun and his wisdom in the moon, they yet worship one deity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.  They are not a schism of the Gentiles, nor a sect.  Augustin emphasizes the charge of polytheism, and goes into an elaborate comparison of Manichæan and pagan mythology.

1.  Faustus said:  You ask why we worship the sun, if we are a sect or separate religion, and not Pagans, or merely a schism of the Gentiles.  It may therefore be as well to inquire into the matter, that we may see whether the name of Gentiles is more applicable to you or to us.  Perhaps, in giving you in a friendly way this simple account of my faith, I shall appear to be making an apology for it, as if I were ashamed, which God forbid, of doing homage to the divine luminaries.  You may take it as you please; but I shall not regret what I have done if I succeed in conveying to some at least this much knowledge, that our religion has nothing in common with that of the Gentiles.

2.  We worship, then, one deity under the threefold appellation of the Almighty God the Father, and his son Christ, and the Holy Spirit.  While these are one and the same, we believe also that the Father properly dwells in the highest or principal light, which Paul calls "light inaccessible," 735 and the Son in his second or visible light.  And as the Son is himself twofold, according to the apostle, who speaks of Christ as the power of God and the wisdom of God, 736 we believe that His power dwells in the sun, and His wisdom in the moon.  We also believe that the Holy Spirit, the third majesty, has His seat and His home in the whole circle of the atmosphere.  By His influence and spiritual infusion, the earth conceives and brings forth the mortal Jesus, who, as hanging from every tree, is the life and salvation of men. 737   Though you oppose these doctrines so violently, your religion resembles ours in attaching the same sacredness to the bread and wine that we do to everything.  This is our belief, which you will have an opportunity of hearing more of, if you wish to do so.  Meanwhile there is some force in the consideration that you or any one that is asked where his God dwells, will say that he dwells in light; so that the testimony in favor of my worship is almost universal.

3.  As to your calling us a schism of the Gentiles, and not a sect, I suppose the word schism applies to those who have the same doctrines and worship as other people, and only choose to meet separately.  The word sect, again, applies to those whose doctrine is quite unlike that of others, and who have made a form of divine worship peculiar to themselves.  If this is what the words mean, in the first place, in our doctrine and worship we have no resemblance to the Pagans.  We shall see presently whether you have.  The Pagan doctrine is, that all things good and evil, mean and glorious, fading and unfading, changeable and unchangeable, material and divine, have only one principle.  In opposition to this, my belief is that God is the principle of all good things, and Hyle [matters] of the opposite.  Hyle is the name given by our master in divinity to the principle or nature of evil.  The Pagans accordingly think it right to worship God with altars, and shrines, and images, and sacrifices, and incense.  Here also my practice differs entirely from theirs:  for I look upon myself as a reasonable temple of God, if I am worthy to be so; and I consider Christ his Son as the living image of his living majesty; and I hold a mind well cultivated to be the true altar, and pure and simple prayers to be the true way of paying divine honors and of offering sacrifices.  Is this being a schism of the Pagans?

4.  As regards the worship of the Almighty God, you might call us a schism of the Jews, for all Jews are bold enough to profess this worship, were it not for the difference in the form of our worship, though it may be questioned whether the Jews really worship the Almighty.  But the doctrine I have mentioned is common to the Pagans in their worship of the sun, and to the Jews in their worship of the Almighty.  Even in relation to you, we are not properly a schism, though we acknowledge Christ and worship Him; for our worship and doctrine are different from yours.  In a schism, little or no change is made from the original; as, for instance, you, in your schism from the Gentiles, have brought with you the doctrine of a single principle, for you believe that all things are of God.  The sacrifices you change into love-feasts, the idols into martyrs, to whom you pray as they do to their idols.  You appease the shades of the departed with wine and food.  You keep the same holidays as the Gentiles; for example, the calends and the solstices.  In your way of living you have made no change.  Plainly you are a mere schism; for the only difference from the original is that you meet separately.  In this you have followed the Jews, who separated from the Gentiles, but differed only in not having images.  For they used temples, and sacrifices, and altars, and a priesthood, and the whole round of ceremonies the same as those of the Gentiles, only more superstitious.  Like the Pagans, they believe in a single principle; so that both you and the Jews are schisms of the Gentiles, for you have the same faith, and nearly the same worship, and you call yourselves sects only because you meet separately.  The fact is, there are only two sects, the Gentiles and ourselves.  We and the Gentiles are as contrary in our belief as truth and falsehood, day and night, poverty and wealth, health and sickness.  You, again, are not a sect in relation either to truth or to error.  You are merely a schism and a schism not of truth, but of error.

5.  Augustin replied:  O hateful mixture of ignorance and cunning!  Why do you put arguments in the mouth of your opponent, which no one that knows you would use?  We do not call you Pagans, or a schism of Pagans; but we say that you resemble them in worshipping many gods.  But you are far worse than Pagans, for they worship things which exist, though they should not be worshipped:  for idols have an existence, though for salvation they are nought.  So, to worship a tree with prayers, instead of improving it by cultivation, is not to worship nothing, but to worship in a wrong way.  When the apostle says that "the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to demons, and not to God," 738 he means that these demons exist to whom the sacrifices are made, and with whom he wishes us not to be partakers.  So, too, heaven and earth, the sea and air, the sun and moon, and the other heavenly bodies, are all objects which have a sensible existence.  When the Pagans worship these as gods, or as parts of one great God (for some of them identify the universe with the Supreme Deity), they worship things which have an existence.  In arguing with Pagans, we do not deny the existence of these things, but we say that they should not be worshipped; and we recommend the worship of the invisible Creator of all these things, in whom alone man can find the happiness which all allow that he desires.  To those, again, who worship what is invisible and immaterial, but still is created, as the soul or mind of man, we say that happiness is not to be found in the creature even under this form, and that we must worship the true God, who is not only invisible, but unchangeable; for He alone is to be worshipped, in the enjoyment of whom the worshipper finds happiness, and without whom the soul must be wretched, whatever else it possesses.  You, on the other hand, who worship things which have no existence at all except in your fictitious legends, would be nearer true piety and religion if you were Pagans, or if you were worshippers of what has an existence, though not a proper object of worship.  In fact, you do not properly worship the sun, though he carries your prayers with him in his course round the heavens.

6.  Your statements about the sun himself are so false and absurd, that if he were to repay you for the injury done to him, he would scorch you to death.  First of all, you call the sun a ship, so that you are not only astray worlds off, as the saying is, but adrift.  Next, while every one sees that the sun is round, which is the form corresponding from its perfection to his position among the heavenly bodies, you maintain that he is triangular, that is, that his light shines on the earth through a triangular window in heaven.  Hence it is that you bend and bow your heads to the sun, while you worship not this visible sun, but some imaginary ship which you suppose to be shining through a triangular opening.  Assuredly this ship would never have been heard of, if the words required for the composition of heretical fictions had to be paid for, like the wood required for the beams of a ship.  All this is comparatively harmless, however ridiculous or pitiable.  Very different is your wicked fancy about youths of both sexes proceeding from this ship, whose beauty excites eager desire in the princes and princesses of darkness; and so the members of your god are released from this humiliating confinement in the members of the race of darkness, by means of sinful passion and sensual appetite.  And to these filthy rags of yours you would unite the mystery of the Trinity; for you say that the Father dwells in a secret light, the power of the Son in the sun, and His wisdom in the moon, and the Holy Spirit in the air.

7.  As for this threefold or rather fourfold fiction, what shall I say of the secret light of the Father, but that you can think of no light except what you have seen?  From your knowledge of visible light, with which beasts and insects as well as men are familiar, you form some vague idea in your mind, and call it the light in which God the Father dwells with His subjects.  How can you distinguish between the light by which we see, and that by which we understand, when, according to your ideas, to understand truth is nothing else than to form the conception of material forms, either finite or in some cases infinite; and you actually believe in these wild fancies?  It is manifest that the act of my mind in thinking of your region of light which has no existence, is entirely different from my conception of Alexandria, which exists, though I have not seen it.  And, again, the act of forming a conception of Alexandria, which I have never seen, is very different from thinking of Carthage, which I know.  But this difference is insignificant as compared with that between my thinking of material things which I know from seeing them, and my understanding justice, chastity, faith, truth, love, goodness, and things of this nature.  Can you describe this intellectual light, which gives us a clear perception of the distinction between itself and other things, as well as of the distinction between those things themselves?  And yet even this is not the sense in which it can be said that God is light, for this light is created, whereas God is the Creator; the light is made, and He is the Maker; the light is changeable.  For the intellect changes from dislike to desire, from ignorance to knowledge, from forgetfulness to recollection; whereas God remains the same in will, in truth, and in eternity.  From God we derive the beginning of existence, the principle of knowledge, the law of affection.  From God all animals, rational and irrational, derive the nature of their life, the capacity of sensation, the faculty of emotion.  From God all bodies derive their subsistence in extension, their beauty in number, and their order in weight.  This light is one divine being, in an inseparable triune existence; and yet, without supposing the assumption of any bodily form, you assign to separate places parts of the immaterial, spiritual, and unchangeable substance.  And instead of three places for the Trinity, you have four:  one, the light inaccessible, which you know nothing about, for the Father; two, the sun and moon, for the Son; and again one, the circle of the atmosphere, for the Holy Spirit.  Of the inaccessible light of the Father I shall say nothing further at present, for orthodox believers do not separate the Son and the Spirit from the Father in relation to this light.

8.  It is difficult to understand how you have been taken with the absurd idea of placing the power of the Son in the sun, and His wisdom in the moon.  For, as the Son remains inseparably in the Father, His wisdom and power cannot be separated from one another, so that one should be in the sun and the other in the moon.  Only material things can be thus assigned to separate places.  If you only understood this, it would have prevented you from taking the productions of a diseased fancy as the material for so many fictions.  But there is inconsistency and improbability as well as falsehood in your ideas.  For, according to you, the seat of wisdom is inferior in brightness to the seat of power.  Now energy and productiveness are the qualities of power, whereas light teaches and manifests; so that if the sun had the greater heat, and the moon the greater light, these absurdities might appear to have some likelihood to men of carnal minds, who know nothing except through material conceptions.  From the connection between great heat and motion, they might identify power with heat; while light from its brightness, and as making things discernible, they might represent wisdom.  But what folly as well as profanity, in placing power in the sun, which excels so much in light, and wisdom in the moon, which is so inferior in brightness!  And while you separate Christ from Himself, you do not distinguish between Christ and the Holy Spirit; whereas Christ is one, the power of God, and the wisdom of God, and the Spirit is a distinct person.  But according to you, the air, which you make the seat of the Spirit, fills and pervades the universe.  So the sun and moon in their course are always united to the air.  But the moon approaches the sun at one time, and recedes from it at another.  So that, if we may believe you, or rather, if we may allow ourselves to be imposed on by you, wisdom recedes from power by half the circumference of a circle, and again approaches it by the other half.  And when wisdom is full, it is at a distance from power.  For when the moon is full, the distance between the two bodies is so great, that the moon rises in the east while the sun is setting in the west.  But as the loss of power produces weakness, the fuller the moon is, the weaker must wisdom be.  If, as is certainly true, the wisdom of God is unchangeable in power, and the power of God unchangeable in wisdom, how can you separate them so as to assign them to different places?  And how can the place be different when the substance is the same?  Is this not the infatuation of subjection to material fancies; showing such a want of power and wisdom that your wisdom is as weak as your power is foolish?  This execrable absurdity would divide Christ between the sun and the moon,—His power in one, and His wisdom in the other; so that He would be incomplete in both, lacking wisdom in the sun, and power in the moon, while in both He supplies youths, male and female, to excite the affection of the princes and princesses of darkness.  Such are the tenets which you learn and profess.  Such is the faith which directs your conduct.  And can you wonder that you are regarded with abhorrence?

9.  But besides your errors regarding these conspicuous and familiar luminaries, which you worship not for what they are, but for what your wild fancy makes them to be, your other absurdities are still worse than this.  Your illustrious World-bearer, and Atlas who helps to hold him up, are unreal beings.  Like innumerable other creatures of your fancy, they have no existence, and yet you worship them.  For this reason we say that you are worse than Pagans, while you resemble them in worshipping many gods.  You are worse, because, while they worship things which exist though they are not gods, you worship things which are neither gods nor anything else, for they have no existence.  The Pagans, too, have fables, but they know them to be fables; and either look upon them as amusing poetical fancies, or try to explain them as representing the nature of things, or the life of man.  Thus they say that Vulcan is lame, because flame in common fire has an irregular motion:  that Fortune is blind, because of the uncertainty of what are called fortuitous occurrences:  that there are three Fates, with distaff, and spindle, and fingers spinning wool into thread, because there are three times,—the past, already spun and wound on the spindle; the present, which is passing through the fingers of the spinner; and the future, still in wool bound to the distaff, and soon to pass through the fingers to the spindle, that is, through the present into the future:  and that Venus is the wife of Vulcan, because pleasure has a natural connection with heat; and that she is the mistress of Mars, because pleasure is not properly the companion of warriors:  and that Cupid is a boy with wings and a bow, from the wounds inflicted by thoughtless, inconstant passion in the hearts of unhappy beings:  and so with many other fables.  The great absurdity is in their continuing to worship these beings, after giving such explanations; for the worship without the explanations, though criminal, would be a less heinous crime.  The very explanations prove that they do not worship that God, the enjoyment of whom can alone give happiness, but things which He has created.  And even in the creature they worship not only the virtues, as in Minerva, who sprang from the head of Jupiter, and who represents prudence,—a quality of reason which, according to Plato, has its seat in the head,—but their vices, too, as in Cupid.  Thus one of their dramatic poets says, "Sinful passion, in favor of vice, made Love a god." 739   Even bodily evils had temples in Rome, as in the case of pallor and fever.  Not to dwell on the sin of the worshippers of these idols, who are in a way affected by the bodily forms, so that they pay homage to them as deities, when they see them set up in some lofty place, and treated with great honor and reverence, there is greater sin in the very explanations which are intended as apologies for these dumb, and deaf, and blind, and lifeless objects.  Still, though, as I have said, these things are nothing in the way of salvation or of usefulness, both they and the things they are said to represent are real existences.  But your First Man, warring with the five elements; and your Mighty Spirit, who constructs the world from the captive bodies of the race of darkness, or rather from the members of your god in subjection and bondage; and your World-holder, who has in his hand the remains of these members, and who bewails the capture and bondage and pollution of the rest; and your giant Atlas, who keeps up the World-holder on his shoulders, lest he should from weariness throw away his burden, and so prevent the completion of the final imitation of the mass of darkness, which is to be the last scene in your drama;—these and countless other absurdities are not represented in painting or sculpture, or in any explanation; and yet you believe and worship things which have no existence, while you taunt the Christians with being credulous for believing in realities with a faith which pacifies the mind under its influence.  The objects of your worship can be shown to have no existence by many proofs, which I do not bring forward here, because, though I could without difficulty discourse philosophically on the construction of the world, it would take too long to do so here.  One proof suffices.  If these things are real, God must be subject to change, and corruption, and contamination; a supposition as blasphemous as it is irrational.  All these things, therefore, are vain, and false, and unreal.  Thus you are much worse than those Pagans, with whom all are familiar, and who still preserve traces of their old customs, of which they themselves are ashamed; for while they worship things which are not gods, you worship things which do not exist.

10.  If you think that your doctrines are true because they are unlike the errors of the Pagans, and that we are in error because we perhaps differ more from you than from them, you might as well say that a dead man is in good health because he is not sick; or that good health is undesirable, because it differs less from sickness than from death.  Or if the Pagans should be viewed in many cases as rather dead than sick, you might as well praise the ashes in the tomb because they have no longer the human shape, as compared with the living body, which does not differ so much from a corpse as from ashes.  It is thus we are reproached for having more resemblance to the dead body of Paganism than to the ashes of Manichæism.  But in division, it often happens that a thing is placed in different classes, according to the point of resemblance on which the division proceeds.  For instance, if animals are divided into those that fly and those that cannot fly, in this division men and beasts are classed together as distinct from birds, because they are both unable to fly.  But if they are divided into rational and irrational, beasts and birds are classed together as distinct from men, for they are both destitute of reason.  Faustus did not think of this when he said:  There are in fact only two sects, the Gentiles and ourselves, for we are directly opposed to them in our belief.  The opposition he means is this, that the Gentiles believe in a single principle, whereas the Manichæans believe also in the principle of the race of darkness.  Certainly, according to this division we agree in general with the Pagans.  But if we divide all who have a religion into those who worship one God and those who worship many gods, the Manichæans must be classed along with the Pagans, and we along with the Jews.  This is another distinction, which may be said to make only two sects.  Perhaps you will say that you hold all your gods to be of one substance, which the Pagans do not.  But you at least resemble them in assigning to your gods different powers, and functions, and employments.  One does battle with the race of darkness; another constructs the world from the part which is captured; another, standing above, has the world in his hand; another holds him up from below; another turns the wheels of the fires and winds and waters beneath; another, in his circuit of the heavens, gathers with his beams the members of your god from cesspools.  Indeed, your gods have innumerable occupations, according to your fabulous descriptions, which you neither explain nor represent in a visible form.  But again, if men were divided into those who believe that God takes an interest in human affairs and those who do not, the Pagans and Jews, and you and all heretics that have anything of Christianity, will be classed together, as opposed to the Epicureans, and any others holding similar views.  As this is a principle of importance, here again we may say that there are only two sects, and you belong to the same sect as we do.  You will hardly venture to dissent from us in the opinion that God is concerned in human affairs, so that in this matter your opposition to the Epicureans makes you side with us.  Thus, according to the nature of the division, what is in one class at one time, is in another at another time:  things joined here are separated there:  in some things we are classed with others, and they with us; in other things we are classed separately, and stand alone.  If Faustus thought of this, he would not talk such eloquent nonsense.

11.  But what are we to make of these words of Faustus:  The Holy Spirit, by his influence and spiritual infusion, makes the earth conceive and bring forth the mortal Jesus, who, as hanging from every tree, is the life and salvation of men?  Letting pass for a moment the absurdity of this statement, we observe the folly of believing that the mortal Jesus can be conceived through the power of the Holy Spirit by the earth, but not by the Virgin Mary.  Dare you compare the holiness of that chaste virgin’s womb with any piece of ground where trees and plants grow?  Do you pretend to look with abhorrence upon a pure virgin, while you do not shrink from believing that Jesus is produced in gardens watered by the filthy drains of a city?  For plants of all kinds spring up and are nourished in such moisture.  You will have Jesus to be born in this way, while you cry out against the idea of His being born of a virgin.  Do you think flesh more unclean than the excrements which its nature rejects?  Is the filth cleaner than the flesh which expels it?  Are you not aware how fields are manured in order to make them productive?  Your folly comes to this, that the Holy Spirit, who, according to you, despised the womb of Mary, makes the earth conceive more fruitfully in proportion as it is carefully enriched with animal off-scourings.  Do you reply that the Holy Spirit preserves His incorruptible purity everywhere?  I ask again, Why not also in the virgin’s womb?  Passing from the conception, you maintain in regard to the mortal Jesus—who, as you say, is born from the earth, which has conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit—that He hangs in the shape of fruit from every tree:  so that, besides this pollution, He suffers additional defilement from the flesh of the countless animals that eat the fruit; except, indeed, the small amount that is purified by your eating it.  While we believe and confess Christ the Son of God, and the Word of God, to have become flesh without suffering defilement, because the divine substance is not defiled by flesh, as it is not defiled by anything, your fanciful notions would make Jesus to be defiled even as hanging on the tree, before entering the flesh of any animal; for if He were not defiled, there would be no need of His being purified by your eating Him.  And if all trees are the cross of Christ, as Faustus seems to imply when he says that Jesus hangs from every tree, why do you not pluck the fruit, and so take Jesus down from hanging on the tree to bury Him in your stomach, which would correspond to the good deed of Joseph of Arimathea, when he took down the true Jesus from the cross to bury Him? 740 Why should it be impious to take Christ from the tree, while it is pious to lay Him in the tomb?  Perhaps you wish to apply to yourselves the words quoted from the prophet by Paul, "Their throat is an open sepulchre:" 741   and so you wait with open mouth till some one comes to use your throat as the best sepulchre for Christ.  Once more, how many Christs do you make?  Is there one whom you call the mortal Christ, whom the earth conceives and brings forth by the power of the Holy Spirit; and another crucified by the Jews under Pontius Pilate; and a third whom you divide between the sun and the moon?  Or is it one and the same person, part of whom is confined in the trees, to be released by the help of the other part which is not confined?  If this is the case, and you allow that Christ suffered under Pontius Pilate, though it is difficult to see how he could have suffered without flesh, as you say he did, the great question is, with whom he left those ships you speak of, that he might come down and suffer these things, which he certainly could not have suffered without having a body of some kind.  A mere spiritual presence could not have made him liable to these sufferings, and in his bodily presence he could not be at the same time in the sun, in the moon, and on the cross.  So, then, if he had not a body, he was not crucified; and if he had a body, the question is, where he got it:  for, according to you, all bodies belong to the race of darkness, though you cannot think of the divine substance except as being material.  Thus you must say either that Christ was crucified without a body; which is utterly absurd; or that he was crucified in appearance and not in reality, which is blasphemy; or that all bodies do not belong to the race of darkness, but that the divine substance has also a body, and that not an immortal body, but liable to crucifixion and death, which, again, is altogether erroneous; or that Christ had a mortal body from the race of darkness, so that, while you will not allow that Christ’s body came from the Virgin Mary, you derive it from the race of demons.  Finally, as in Faustus’ statement, in which he alludes in the briefest manner possible to the lengthy stories of Manichæan invention, the earth by the power of the Holy Spirit conceives and brings forth the mortal Jesus, who, hanging from every tree, is the life and salvation of men, why should this Saviour be represented by whatever is hanging, because he hung on the tree, and not by whatever is born, because he was born?  But if you mean that the Jesus on the trees, and the Jesus crucified under Pontius Pilate, and the Jesus divided between the sun and the moon, are all one and the same substance, why do you not give the name of Jesus to your whole host of deities?  Why should not your World-holder be Jesus too, and Atlas, and the King of Honour, and the Mighty Spirit, and the First Man, and all the rest, with their various names and occupations?

12.  So, with regard to the Holy Spirit, how can you say that he is the third person, when the persons you mention are innumerable?  Or why is he not Jesus himself?  And why does Faustus mislead people, in trying to make out an agreement between himself and true Christians, from whom he differs only too widely, by saying, We worship one God under the threefold appellation of the Almighty God the Father, Christ his Son, and the Holy Spirit?  Why is the appellation only threefold, instead of being manifold?  And why is the distinction in appellation only, and not in reality, if there are as many persons as there are names?  For it is not as if you gave three names to the same thing, as the same weapon may be called a short sword, a dagger, or a dirk; or as you give the name of moon, and the lesser ship, and the luminary of night, and so on, to the same thing.  For you cannot say that the First Man is the same as the Mighty Spirit, or as the World-Holder, or as the giant Atlas.  They are all distinct persons, and you do not call any of them Christ.  How can there be one Deity with opposite functions?  Or why should not Christ himself be the single person, if in one substance Christ hangs on the trees, and was persecuted by the Jews, and exists in the sun and moon?  The fact is, your fancies are all astray, and are no better than the dreams of insanity.

13.  How can Faustus think that we resemble the Manichæans in attaching sacredness to bread and wine, when they consider it sacrilege to taste wine?  They acknowledge their god in the grape, but not in the cup; perhaps they are shocked at his being trampled on and bottled.  It is not any bread and wine that we hold sacred as a natural production, as if Christ were confined in corn or in vines, as the Manichæans fancy, but what is truly consecrated as a symbol.  What is not consecrated, though it is bread and wine, is only nourishment or refreshment, with no sacredness about it; although we bless and thank God for every gift, bodily as well as spiritual.  According to your notion, Christ is confined in everything you eat, and is released by digestion from the additional confinement of your intestines.  So, when you eat, your god suffers; and when you digest, you suffer from his recovery.  When he fills you, your gain is his loss.  This might be considered kindness on his part, because he suffers in you for your benefit, were it not that he gains freedom by escaping and leaving you empty.  There is not the least resemblance between our reverence for the bread and wine, and your doctrines, which have no truth in them.  To compare the two is even more foolish than to say, as some do, that in the bread and wine we worship Ceres and Bacchus.  I refer to this now, to show where you got your silly idea that our fathers kept the Sabbath in honor of Saturn.  For as there is no connection with the worship of the Pagan deities Ceres and Bacchus in our observance of the sacrament of the bread and wine, which you approve so highly that you wish to resemble us in it, so there was no subjection to Saturn in the case of our fathers, who observed the rest of the Sabbath in a manner suitable to prophetic times.

14.  You might have found a resemblance in your religion to that of the Pagans as regards Hyle [matter], which the Pagans often speak of.  You, on the contrary, maintain that you are directly opposed to them in your belief in the evil principle which your teacher in theology calls Hyle.  But here you only show your ignorance, and, with an affectation of learning, use this word without knowing what it means.  The Greeks, when speaking of nature, give the name Hyle to the subject-matter of things, which has no form of its own, but admits of all bodily forms, and is known only through these changeable phenomena, not being itself an object of sensation or perception.  Some Gentiles, indeed, erroneously make this matter co-eternal with God, as not being derived from Him, though the bodily forms are.  In this manifest error you resemble the Pagans, for you hold that Hyle has a principle of its own, and does not come from God.  It is only ignorance that leads you to deny this resemblance.  In saying that Hyle has no form of its own, and can take its forms only from God, the Pagans come near to the truth which we believe in contradistinction from your errors.  Not knowing what Hyle or the subject-matter of things is, you make it the race of darkness, in which you place not only innumerable bodily forms of five different kinds, but also a formative mind.  Such, indeed, is your ignorance or insanity, that you call this mind Hyle, and make it give forms instead of taking them.  If there were such a formative mind as you speak of, and bodily elements capable of form, the word Hyle would properly be applicable to the bodily elements, which would be the matter to be formed by the mind, which you make the principle of evil.  Even this would not be a quite accurate use of the word Hyle, which has no form of any kind; whereas these elements, although capable of new forms, have already the form of elements, and belong to different kinds.  Still this use of the word would not be so much amiss, notwithstanding your ignorance; for it would thus be applied, as it properly is, to that which takes form, and not to that which gives it.  Even here, however, your folly and impiety would appear in tracing so much that is good to the evil principle, from your not knowing that all natures of every kind, all forms in their proportion, and all weights in their order, can come only from the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.  As it is, you know neither what Hyle is, nor what evil is.  Would that I could persuade you to refrain from misleading people still more ignorant than yourselves!

15.  Every one must see the folly of your boasting of superiority to the Pagans because they use altars and temples, images and sacrifices and incense, in the worship of God, which you do not.  As if it were not better to build an altar and offer sacrifice to a stone, which has some kind of existence, than to employ a heated imagination in worshipping things which have no existence at all.  And what do you mean by saying that you are a rational temple of God?  Can that be God’s temple which is partly the construction of the devil?  And is this not true of you, as you say that all your members and your whole body were formed by the evil principle which you call Hyle, and that part of this formative mind dwells in the body along with part of your god?  And as this part of your god is bound and confined, you should be called the prison of God rather than his temple.  Perhaps it is your soul that is the temple of God, as you have it from the region of light.  But you generally call your soul not a temple, but a part or member of God.  So, when you say you are the temple of God, it must be in your body, which, you say, was formed by the devil.  Thus you blaspheme the temple of God, calling it not only the workmanship of Satan, but the prison-house of God.  The apostle, on the other hand, says:  "The temple of God is holy, which temple ye are."  And to show that this refers not merely to the soul, he says expressly:  "Know ye not that your bodies are the temple of the Holy Ghost, which is in you, which ye have of God?" 742   You call the workmanship of devils the temple of God, and there, to use Faustus’ words, you place Christ, the Son of God, the living image of living majesty.  Your impiety may well contrive a fabulous temple for a fabulous Christ.  The image you speak of must be so called, because it is the creature of your imagination.

16.  If your mind is an altar, you see whose altar it is.  You may see from the very doctrines and duties in which you say you are trained.  You are taught not to give food to a beggar; and so your altar smokes with the sacrifice of cruelty.  Such altars the Lord destroys; for in words quoted from the law He tells us what offering pleases God:  "I desire mercy, and not sacrifice."  Observe on what occasion the Lord uses these words.  It was when, in passing through a field, the disciples plucked the ears of corn because they were hungry.  Your doctrine would lead you to call this murder.  Your mind is an altar, not of God, but of lying devils, by whose doctrines the evil conscience is seared as with a hot iron, 743 calling murder what the truth calls innocence.  For in His words to the Jews, Christ by anticipation deals a fatal blow to you:  "If ye had known what this meaneth, I desire mercy, and not sacrifice, ye would not have condemned the guiltless." 744

17.  Nor can you say that you honor God with sacrifices in the shape of pure and simple prayers:  for, in your low, dishonoring notions about the divine nature and substance, you make your god to be the victim in the sacrifices of Pagans; so far are you from pleasing the true God with your sacrifices.  For you hold that God is confined not only in trees and plants, or in the human body, but also in the flesh of animals, which contaminates Him with its impurity.  And how can your soul give praise to God, when you actually reproach Him by calling your soul a particle of His substance taken captive by the race of darkness; as if God could not maintain the conflict except by this corruption of His members, and this dishonorable captivity?  Instead of honoring God in your prayers, you insult Him.  For what sin did you commit, when you belonged to Him, that you should be thus punished by the god you cry to, not because you left Him sinfully of your own choice; for he himself gave you to His enemies, to obtain peace for His kingdom?  You are not even given as hostages to be honorably guarded.  Nor is it as when a shepherd lays a snare to catch a wild beast:  for he does not put one of his own members in the snare, but some animal from his flock; and generally, so that the wild beast is caught before the animal is hurt.  You, though you are the members of your god, are given to the enemy, whose ferocity you keep off from your god only by being contaminated with their impurity, infected with their corruptions, without any fault of your own.  You cannot in your prayers use the words:  "Free us, O Lord, for the glory of Thy name; and for Thy name’s sake pardon our sins." 745   Your prayer is:  "Free us by Thy skill, for we suffer here oppression, and torture, and pollution, only that Thou mayest mourn unmolested in Thy kingdom."  These are words of reproach, not of entreaty.  Nor can you use the words taught us by the Master of truth:  "Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors." 746   For who are the debtors who have sinned against you?  If it is the race of darkness, you do not forgive their debts, but make them be utterly cast out and shut up in eternal imprisonment.  And how can God forgive your debts, when He rather sinned against you by sending you into such a state, than you against Him, whom you obeyed by going?  If this was not a sin in Him, because He was compelled to do it, this excuse must apply you, now that you have been overthrown in the conflict, more than to Him before the conflict began.  You suffer now from the mixture of evil, which was not the case with Him when nevertheless He was compelled to send you.  So either He requires that you should forgive Him his debt; or, if He is not in debt to you, still less are you to Him.  It appears that your sacrifices and your pure and simple prayers are false and vile blasphemies.

18.  How is it, by the way, that you use the words temple, altar, sacrifice, for the purpose of commending your own practices?  If such things can be spoken of as properly belonging to true religion, they must constitute the true worship of the true God.  And if there is such a thing as true sacrifice to the true God, which is implied in the expression divine honors, there must be some one true sacrifice of which the rest are imitations.  On the one hand, we have the spurious imitations in the case of false and lying gods, that is, of devils, who proudly demand divine honors from their deluded votaries, as is or was the case in the temples and idols of the Gentiles.  On the other hand, we have the prophetic intimations of one most true sacrifice to be offered for the sins of all believers, as in the sacrifices enjoined by God on our fathers; along with which there was also the symbolical anointing typical of Christ, as the name Christ itself means anointed.  The animal sacrifices, therefore, presumptuously claimed by devils, were an imitation of the true sacrifice which is due only to the one true God, and which Christ alone offered on His altar.  Thus the apostle says:  "The sacrifices which the Gentiles offer, they offer to devils, and not to God." 747   He does not find fault with sacrifices, but with offering to devils.  The Hebrews, again, in their animal sacrifices, which they offered to God in many varied forms, suitably to the significance of the institution, typified the sacrifice offered by Christ.  This sacrifice is also commemorated by Christians, in the sacred offering and participation of the body and blood of Christ.  The Manichæans understand neither the sinfulness of the Gentile sacrifices, nor the importance of the Hebrew sacrifices, nor the use of the ordinance of the Christian sacrifice.  Their own errors are the offering they present to the devil who has deceived them.  And thus they depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and to doctrines of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy.

19.  It may be well that Faustus, or at least that those who are charmed with Faustus’ writings, should know that the doctrine of a single principle did not come to us from the Gentiles; for the belief in one true God, from whom every kind of nature is derived, is a part of the original truth retained among the Gentiles, notwithstanding their having fallen away to many false gods.  For the Gentile philosophers had the knowledge of God, because, as the apostle says, "the invisible things of God, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even His eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without excuse."  But, as the apostle adds, "when they knew God, they glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful; but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened.  Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things." 748   These are the idols of the Gentiles, which they cannot explain except by referring to the creatures made by God; so that this very explanation of their idolatry, on which the more enlightened Gentiles were wont to pride themselves as a proof of their superiority, shows the truth of the following words of the apostle:  "They worshipped and served the creature rather than the Creator, who is blessed forever." 749   Where you differ from the Gentiles, you are in error; where you resemble them, you are worse than they.  You do not believe, as they do, in a single principle; and so you fall into the impiety of believing the substance of the one true God to be liable to subjugation and corruption.  As regards the worship of a plurality of gods, the doctrine of lying devils has led the Gentiles to worship many idols, and you to worship many phantasms.

20.  We do not turn the sacrifices of the Gentiles into love-feasts, as Faustus says we do.  Our love-feasts are rather a substitute for the sacrifice spoken of by the Lord, in the words already quoted:  "I will have mercy, and not sacrifice."  At our love-feasts the poor obtain vegetable or animal food; and so the creature of God is used, as far as it is suitable, for the nourishment of man, who is also God’s creature.  You have been led by lying devils, not in self-denial, but in blasphemous error, "to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them which believe and know the truth.  For every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving." 750   In return for the bounties of the Creator, you ungratefully insult Him with your impiety; and because in our love-feasts flesh is often given to the poor, you compare Christian charity to Pagan sacrifices.  This indeed, is another point in which you resemble some Pagans.  You consider it a crime to kill animals, because you think that the souls of men pass into them; which is an idea found in the writings of some Gentile philosophers, although their successors appear to have thought differently.  But here again you are most in error:  for they dreaded slaughtering a relative in the animal; but you dread the slaughter of your god, for you hold even the souls of animals to be his members.

21.  As to our paying honor to the memory of the martyrs, and the accusation of Faustus, that we worship them instead of idols, I should not care to answer such a charge, were it not for the sake of showing how Faustus, in his desire to cast reproach on us, has overstepped the Manichæan inventions, and has fallen heedlessly into a popular notion found in Pagan poetry, although he is so anxious to be distinguished from the Pagans.  For in saying that we have turned the idols into martyrs, he speaks of our worshipping them with similar rites, and appeasing the shades of the departed with wine and food.  Do you, then, believe in shades?  We never heard you speak of such things, nor have we read of them in your books.  In fact, you generally oppose such ideas:  for you tell us that the souls of the dead, if they are wicked, or not purified, are made to pass through various changes, or suffer punishment still more severe; while the good souls are placed in ships, and sail through heaven to that imaginary region of light which they died fighting for.  According to you, then, no souls remain near the burying-place of the body; and how can there be any shades of the departed?  What and where are they?  Faustus’ love of evil-speaking has made him forget his own creed; or perhaps he spoke in his sleep about ghosts, and did not wake up even when he saw his words in writing.  It is true that Christians pay religious honor to the memory of the martyrs, both to excite us to imitate them and to obtain a share in their merits, and the assistance of their prayers.  But we build altars not to any martyr, but to the God of martyrs, although it is to the memory of the martyrs.  No one officiating at the altar in the saints’ burying-place ever says, We bring an offering to thee, O Peter! or O Paul! or O Cyprian!  The offering is made to God, who gave the crown of martyrdom, while it is in memory of those thus crowned.  The emotion is increased by the associations of the place, and love is excited both towards those who are our examples, and towards Him by whose help we may follow such examples.  We regard the martyrs with the same affectionate intimacy that we feel towards holy men of God in this life, when we know that their hearts are prepared to endure the same suffering for the truth of the gospel.  There is more devotion in our feeling towards the martyrs, because we know that their conflict is over; and we can speak with greater confidence in praise of those already victors in heaven, than of those still combating here.  What is properly divine worship, which the Greeks call latria, and for which there is no word in Latin, both in doctrine and in practice, we give only to God.  To this worship belongs the offering of sacrifices; as we see in the word idolatry, which means the giving of this worship to idols.  Accordingly we never offer, or require any one to offer, sacrifice to a martyr, or to a holy soul, or to any angel.  Any one falling into this error is instructed by doctrine, either in the way of correction or of caution.  For holy beings themselves, whether saints or angels, refuse to accept what they know to be due to God alone.  We see this in Paul and Barnabas, when the men of Lycaonia wished to sacrifice to them as gods, on account of the miracles they performed.  They rent their clothes, and restrained the people, crying out to them, and persuading them that they were not gods.  We see it also in the angels, as we read in the Apocalypse that an angel would not allow himself to be worshipped, and said to his worshipper, "I am thy fellow-servant, and of thy brethen." 751   Those who claim this worship are proud spirits, the devil and his angels, as we see in all the temples and rites of the Gentiles.  Some proud men, too, have copied their example; as is related of some kings of Babylon.  Thus the holy Daniel was accused and persecuted, because when the king made a decree that no petition should be made to any god, but only to the king, he was found worshipping and praying to his own God, that is, the one true God.  752   As for those who drink to excess at the feasts of the martyrs, we of course condemn their conduct; for to do so even in their own houses would be contrary to sound doctrine.  But we must try to amend what is bad as well as prescribe what is good, and must of necessity bear for a time with some things that are not according to our teaching.  The rules of Christian conduct are not to be taken from the indulgences of the intemperate or the infirmities of the weak.  Still, even in this, the guilt of intemperance is much less than that of impiety.  To sacrifice to the martyrs, even fasting, is worse than to go home intoxicated from their feast:  to sacrifice to the martyrs, I say, which is a different thing from sacrificing to God in memory of the martyrs, as we do constantly, in the manner required since the revelation of the New Testament, for this belongs to the worship or latria which is due to God alone.  But it is vain to try to make these heretics understand the full meaning of these words of the Psalmist:  "He that offereth the sacrifice of praise glorifieth me, and in this way will I show him my salvation." 753   Before the coming of Christ, the flesh and blood of this sacrifice were foreshadowed in the animals slain; in the passion of Christ the types were fulfilled by the true sacrifice; after the ascension of Christ, this sacrifice is commemorated in the sacrament.  Between the sacrifices of the Pagans and of the Hebrews there is all the difference that there is between a false imitation and a typical anticipation.  We do not despise or denounce the virginity of holy women because there were vestal virgins.  And, in the same way, it is no reproach to the sacrifices of our fathers that the Gentiles also had sacrifices.  The difference between the Christian and vestal virginity is great, yet it consists wholly in the being to whom the vow is made and paid; and so the difference in the being to whom the sacrifices of the Pagans and Hebrews are made and offered makes a wide difference between them.  In the one case they are offered to devils, who presumptuously make this claim in order to be held as gods, because sacrifice is a divine honor.  In the other case they are offered to the one true God, as a type of the true sacrifice, which also was to be offered to Him in the passion of the body and blood of Christ.

22.  Faustus is wrong in saying that our Jewish forefathers, in their separation from the Gentiles, retained the temple, and sacrifices, and altars, and priesthood, and abandoned only graven images or idols, for they might have sacrificed, as some do, without any graven image, to trees and mountains, or even to the sun and moon and the stars.  If they had thus rendered to these objects the worship called latria, they would have served the creature instead of the Creator, and so would have fallen into the serious error of heathenish superstition; and even without idols, they would have found devils ready to take advantage of their error, and to accept their offerings.  For these proud and wicked spirits feed not, as some foolishly suppose, on the smell of the sacrifice, and the smoke, but on the errors of men.  They enjoy not bodily refreshment, but a malevolent gratification, when they in any way deceive people, or when, with a bold assumption of borrowed majesty, they boast of receiving divine honors.  It was not, therefore, only the idols of the Gentiles that our Jewish forefathers abandoned.  They sacrificed neither to the earth nor to any earthly thing, nor to the sea, nor to heaven, nor to the hosts of heaven, but laid the victims on the altar of the one God, Creator of all, who required these offerings as a means of foreshadowing the true victim, by whom He has reconciled us to Himself in the remission of sins through our Lord Jesus Christ.  So Paul, addressing believers, who are made the body of which Christ is the Head, says:  "I beseech you, therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable to God." 754   The Manichæans, on the other hand, say that human bodies are the workmanship of the race of darkness, and the prison in which the captive deity is confined.  Thus Faustus’ doctrine is very different from Paul’s.  But since whosover preaches to you another gospel than that ye have received must be accursed, what Christ says in Paul is the truth, while Manichæus in Faustus is accursed.

23.  Faustus says also, without knowing what he says, that we have retained the manners of the Gentiles.  But seeing that the just lives by faith, and that the end of the commandment is love out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned, and that these three, faith, hope, and love, abide to form the life of believers, it is impossible that there should be similarity in the manners of those who differ in these three things.  Those who believe differently, and hope differently, and love differently, must also live differently.  And if we resemble the Gentiles in our use of such things as food and drink, and houses and clothes and baths, and those of us who marry, in taking and keeping wives, and in begetting and bringing up children as our heirs, there is still a great difference between the man who uses these things for some end of his own, and the man who, in using them, gives thanks to God, having no unworthy or erroneous ideas about God.  For as you, according to your own heresy, though you eat the same bread as other men, and live upon the produce of the same plants and the water of the same fountain, and are clothed like others in wool and linen, yet lead a different life, not because you eat or drink, or dress differently, but because you differ from others in your ideas and in your faith, and in all these things have in view an end of your own—the end, namely, set forth in your false doctrines; in the same way we, though we resemble the Gentiles in the use of this and other things, do not resemble them in our life; for while the things are the same, the end is different:  for the end we have in view is, according to the just commandment of God, love out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned; from which some having erred, are turned to vain jangling.  In this vain jangling you bear the palm, for you do not attend to the fact that so great is the difference of life produced by a different faith, even when the things in possession and use are the same, that though your followers have wives, and in spite of themselves get children, for whom they gather and store up wealth; though they eat flesh, drink wine, bathe, reap harvests, gather vintages, engage in trade, and occupy high official positions, you nevertheless reckon them as belonging to you, and not to the Gentiles, though in their actions they approach nearer to the Gentiles than to you.  And though some of the Gentiles in some things resemble you more than your own followers,—those, for instance, who in superstitious devotion abstain from flesh, and wine, and marriage,—you still count your own followers, even though they use all these things, and so are unlike you, as belonging to the flock of Manichæus rather than those who resemble you in their practices.  You consider as belonging to you a woman that believes in Manichæus, though she is a mother, rather than a Sibyl, though she never marries.  But you will say that many who are called Catholic Christians are adulterers, robbers, misers, drunkards, and whatever else is contrary to sound doctrine.  I ask if none such are to be found in your company, which is almost too small to be called a company.  And because there are some among the Pagans who are not of this character, do you consider them as better than yourselves?  And yet, in fact, your heresy is so blasphemous, that even your followers who are not of such a character are worse than the Pagans who are.  It is therefore no impeachment to sound doctrine, which alone is Catholic, that many wish to take its name, who will not yield to its beneficial influence.  We must bear in mind the true meaning of the contrast which the Lord makes between the little company and the mass of mankind, as spread over all the world; for the company of saints and believers is small, as the amount of grain is small when compared with the heap of chaff; and yet the good grain is quite sufficient far to outnumber you, good and bad together, for good and bad are both strangers to the truth.  In a word, we are not a schism of the Gentiles, for we differ from them greatly for the better; nor are you, for you differ from them greatly for the worse. 755

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Footnotes

253:735

1 Tim. vi. 16.

253:736

1 Cor. i. 24.

253:737

[The Manichæan doctrine of the Jesus patabilis is more fully expounded in this book than elsewhere.  Of course, this is only a way of expressing the familiar Manichæan notion that the divine life which is imprisoned in the world and which is trying to escape through the growth of plants, etc., suffers from any sort of injury done to plants.  Compare Baur:  Das Manichäische Religionssystem, pp. 72-77.—A.H.N.]

254:738

1 Cor. x. 20.

256:739

Sen. Hipp. vv. 194, 195.

257:740

John xix. 38.

258:741

Rom. iii. 13.

259:742

1 Cor. 3:17, 1 Cor. 6:19.

260:743

1 Tim. iv. 2.

260:744

Matt. xii. 7.

260:745

Ps. lxxix. 9.

260:746

Matt. vi. 12.

261:747

1 Cor. x. 30.

261:748

Rom. i. 20-23.

261:749

Rom. i. 25.

261:750

1 Tim. 4:3, 4.

262:751

Rev. xix. 10.

262:752

Dan. vi.

262:753

Ps. l. 23.

263:754

Rom. xii. 1.

264:755

[Augustin’s exposure of the paganism of Manichæism is an admirable and effective piece of argumentum ad hominem.  That the Christianity of Augustin’s time was becoming paganized is undoubted, but Manichæism was pure paganism.—A.H.N.]



Book XXI.

Faustus denies that Manichæans believe in two gods.  Hyle no god.  Augustin discusses at large the doctrine of God and Hyle, and fixes the charge of dualism upon the Manichæans.

1.  Faustus said:  Do we believe in one God or in two?  In one, of course.  If we are accused of making two gods, I reply that it cannot be shown that we ever said anything of the kind.  Why do you suspect us of this?  Because, you say, you believe in two principles, good and evil.  It is true, we believe in two principles; but one we call God, and the other Hyle, or, to use common popular language, the devil.  If you think this means two gods, you may as well think that the health and sickness of which doctors speak are two kinds of health, or that good and evil are two kinds of good, or that wealth and poverty are two kinds of wealth.  If I were describing two things, one white and the other black, or one hot and the other cold, or one sweet and the other bitter, it would appear like idiocy or insanity in you to say that I was describing two white things, or two hot things, or two sweet things.  So, when I assert that there are two principles, God and Hyle, you have no reason for saying that I believe in two gods.  Do you think that we must call them both gods because we attribute, as is proper, all the power of evil to Hyle, and all the power of good to God?  If so, you may as well say that a poison and the antidote must both be called antidotes, because each has a power of its own, and certain effects follow from the action of both.  So also, you may say that a physician and a poisoner are both physicians; or that a just and an unjust man are both just, because both do something.  If this is absurd, it is still more absurd to say that God and Hyle must both be gods, because they both produce certain effects.  It is a very childish and impotent way of arguing, when you cannot refute my statements, to make a quarrel about names.  I grant that we, too, sometimes call the hostile nature God; not that we believe it to be God, but that this name is already adopted by the worshippers of this nature, who in their error suppose it to be God.  Thus the apostle says:  "The god of this world has blinded the minds of them that believe not." 756   He calls him God, because he would be so called by his worshippers; adding that he blinds their minds, to show that he is not the true God.

2.  Augustin replied:  You often speak in your discourses of two gods, as indeed you acknowledge, though at first you denied it.  And you give as a reason for thus speaking the words of the apostle:  "The god of this world has blinded the minds of them that believe not."  Most of us punctuate this sentence differently, and explain it as meaning that the true God has blinded the minds of unbelievers.  They put a stop after the word God, and read the following words together.  Or without this punctuation you may, for the sake of exposition, change the order of the words, and read, "In whom God has blinded the minds of unbelievers of this world," which gives the same sense.  The act of blinding the minds of unbelievers may in one sense be ascribed to God, as the effect not of malice, but of justice.  Thus Paul himself says elsewhere, "Is God unjust, who taketh vengeance?"  757 and again, "What shall we say then?  Is there unrighteousness with God?  God forbid.  For Moses saith, I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and will have compassion on whom I will have compassion."  Observe what he adds, after asserting the undeniable truth that there is no unrighteousness with God:  "But what if God, willing to show His wrath, and to make His power known, endured with much long-suffering the vessels of wrath fitted for destruction, and that He might manifest the riches of His grace towards the vessels of mercy, which He hath before prepared unto glory?" 758 etc.  Here it evidently cannot be said that it is one God who shows his wrath, and makes known his power in the vessels of wrath fitted for destruction, and another God who shows his riches in the vessels of mercy.  According to the apostle’s doctrine, it is one and the same God who does both.  Hence he says again, "For this cause God gave them up to the lusts of their own heart, to uncleanness, to dishonor their own bodies between themselves;" and immediately after, "For this cause God gave them up unto vile affections;" and again, "And even as they did not like to retain God in their knowledge, God gave them over to a reprobate mind." 759   Here we see how the true and just God blinds the minds of unbelievers.  For in all these words quoted from the apostle no other God is understood than He whose Son, sent by Him, came saying, "For judgment am I come into this world, that they which see not might see, and that they which see might be made blind." 760   Here, again, it is plain to the minds of believers how God blinds the minds of unbelievers.  For among the secret things, which contain the righteous principles of God’s judgment, there is a secret which determines that the minds of some shall be blinded, and the minds of some enlightened.  Regarding this, it is well said of God, "Thy judgments are a great deep." 761   The apostle, in admiration of the unfathomable depth of this abyss, exclaims:  "O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and of the knowledge of God!  How unsearchable are His judgments, and His ways past finding out!" 762

3.  You cannot distinguish between what God does in mercy and what He does in judgment, because you can neither understand nor use the words of our Psalter:  "I will sing of mercy and judgment unto Thee, O Lord." 763   Accordingly, whatever in the feebleness of your frail humanity seems amiss to you, you separate entirely from the will and judgment of God:  for you are provided with another evil god, not by a discovery of truth, but by an invention of folly; and to this god you attribute not only what you do unjustly, but also what you suffer justly.  Thus you assign to God the bestowal of blessings, and take from Him the infliction of judgments, as if He of whom Christ says that He has prepared everlasting fire for the wicked were a different being from Him who makes His sun to rise upon the evil and the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust.  Why do you not understand that this great goodness and great severity belong to one God, but because you have not learned to sing of mercy and judgment?  Is not He who causes the sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust, the same who also breaks off the natural branches, and engrafts contrary to nature the wild olive tree?  Does not the apostle, in reference to this, say of this one God:  "Thou seest, then, the goodness and severity of God:  to them which were broken off, severity; but toward thee, goodness, if thou continue in His goodness?" 764   Here it is to be observed how the apostle takes away neither judicial severity from God, nor free-will from man.  It is a profound mystery, impenetrable by human thought, how God both condemns the ungodly and justifies the ungodly; for both these things are said of Him in the truth of the Holy Scriptures.  But is the mysteriousness of the divine judgments any reason for taking pleasure in cavilling against them?  How much more becoming, and more suitable to the limitation of our powers, to feel the same awe which the apostle felt, and to exclaim, "O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and of the knowledge of God!  How unsearchable are His judgments, and His ways past finding out!"  How much better thus to admire what you cannot explain, than to try to make an evil god in addition to the true God, simply because you cannot understand the one good God!  For it is not a question of names, but of actions.

4.  Faustus glibly defends himself by saying, "We speak not of two gods, but of God and Hyle."  But when you ask for the meaning of Hyle, you find that it is in fact another god.  If the Manichæans gave the name of Hyle, as the ancients did, to the unformed matter which is susceptible of bodily forms, we should not accuse them of making two gods.  But it is pure folly and madness to give to matter the power of forming bodies, or to deny that what has this power is God.  When you give to some other being the power which belongs to the true God of making the qualities and forms, by which bodies, elements, and animals exist, according to their respective modes, whatever name you choose to give to this being, you are chargeable with making another god.  There are indeed two errors in this blasphemous doctrine.  In the first place, you ascribe the act of God to a being whom you are ashamed to call god; though you must call him god as long as you make him do things which only God can do.  In the second place, the good things done by a good God you call bad, and ascribe to an evil god, because you feel a childish horror of whatever shocks the frailty of fallen humanity, and a childish pleasure in the opposite.  So you think snakes are made by an evil being; while you consider the sun so great a good, that you believe it to be not the creature of God, but an emission from His substance.  You must know that the true God, in whom, alas, you have not yet come to believe, made both the snake along with the lower creatures, and the sun along with other exalted creatures.  Moreover, among still more exalted creatures, not heavenly bodies, but spiritual beings, He has made what far surpasses the light of the sun, and what no carnal man can perceive, much less you, who, in your condemnation of flesh, condemn the very principle by which you determine good and evil.  For your only idea of evil is from the disagreeableness of some things to the fleshly sense; and your only idea of good is from sensual gratification.

5.  When I consider the things lowest in the scale of nature, which are within our view, and which, though earthly, and feeble, and mortal, are still the works of God, I am lost in admiration of the Creator, who is so great, in the great works and no less great in the small.  For the divine skill seen in the formation of all creatures in heaven and earth is always like itself, even in those things that differ from one another; for it is everywhere perfect, in the perfection which it gives to everything in its own kind.  We see each creature made not as a whole by itself, but in relation to the rest of the creation; so that the whole divine skill is displayed in the formation of each, arranging each in its proper place and order, and providing what is suitable for all, both separately and unitedly.  See here, lowest in the scale, the animals which fly, and swim, and walk, and creep.  These are mortal creatures, whose life, as it is written, "is as a vapor which appeareth for a little time." 765   Each of these, according to the capacity of its kind, contributes the measure appointed in the goodness of the Creator to the completeness of the whole, so that the lowest partake in the good which the highest possess in a greater degree.  Show me, if you can, any animal, however despicable, whose soul hates its own flesh, and does not rather nourish and cherish it, by its vital motion minister to its growth and direct its activity, and exercise a sort of management over a little universe of its own, which it makes subservient to its own preservation.  Even in the discipline of his own body by a rational being, who brings his body under, that earthly passion may not hinder his perception of wisdom, there is love for his own flesh, which he then reduces to obedience, which is its proper condition.  Indeed, you yourselves, although your heresy teaches you a fleshly abhorrence of the flesh, cannot help loving your own flesh, and caring for its safety and comfort, both by avoiding all injury from blows, and falls, and inclement weather, and by seeking for the means of keeping it in health.  Thus the law of nature is too strong for your false doctrine.

6.  Looking at the flesh itself, do we not see in the construction of its vital parts, in the symmetry of form, in the position and arrangement of the limbs of action and the organs of sensation, all acting in harmony; do we not see in the adjustment of measures, in the proportion of numbers, in the order of weights, the handiwork of the true God, of whom it is truly said, "Thou hast ordered all things in measure, and number, and weight"?  766   If your heart was not hardened and corrupted by falsehood, you would understand the invisible things of God from the things which He has made, even in these feeble creatures of flesh.  For who is the author of the things I have mentioned, but He whose unity is the standard of all measure, whose wisdom is the model of all beauty, and whose law is the rule of all order?  If you are blind to these things, hear at least the words of the apostle.

7.  For the apostle, in speaking of the love which husbands ought to have for their wives gives, as an example, the love of the soul for the body.  The words are:  "He that loveth his wife, loveth himself:  for no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as Christ the Church." 767   Look at the whole animal creation, and you find in the instinctive self-preservation of every animal this natural principle of love to its own flesh.  It is so not only with men, who, when they live aright, both provide for the safety of their flesh, and keep their carnal appetites in subjection to the use of reason; the brutes also avoid pain, and shrink from death, and escape as rapidly as they can from whatever might break up the construction of their bodies, or dissolve the connection of spirit and flesh; for the brutes, too, nourish and cherish their own flesh.  "For no one ever yet," says the apostle, "hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as Christ the Church."  See where the apostle begins, and to what he ascends.  Consider, if you can, the greatness which creation derives from its Creator, embracing as it does the whole extent from the host of heaven down to flesh and blood, with the beauty of manifold form, and the order of successive gradations.

8.  The same apostle again, when speaking of spiritual gifts as diverse, and yet tending to harmonious action, to illustrate a matter so great, and divine, and mysterious, makes a comparison with the human body,—thus plainly intimating that this flesh is the handiwork of God.  The whole passage, as found in the Epistle to the Corinthians, is so much to the point, that though it is long, I think it not amiss to insert it all:  "Now concerning spiritual gifts, brethren, I would not have you ignorant.  Ye know that ye were Gentiles, carried away unto these dumb idols, even as ye were led.  Wherefore I give you to understand, that no man speaking by the Spirit of God calleth Jesus accursed; and that no man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy Ghost.  Now there are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit.  And there are diversities of administrations, but the same Lord.  And there are diversities of operations, but it is the same God which worketh all in all.  But the manifestation of the Spirit is given to every man to profit withal.  For to one is given by the Spirit the word of wisdom; to another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit; to another faith by the same Spirit; to another the gifts of healing by the same Spirit; to another the working of miracles; to another prophecy; to another discerning of spirits; to another divers kinds of tongues; to another the interpretation of tongues:  but all these worketh that one and the self-same Spirit, dividing to every man severally as He will.  For as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of that one body, being many, are one body:  so also is Christ.  For by one Spirit are we all baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or Gentiles, whether we be bond or free; and have been all made to drink into one Spirit.  For the body is not one member, but many.  If the foot shall say, Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body?  And if the ear shall say, Because I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body?  If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing?  If the whole were hearing, where were the smelling?  But now hath God set the members every one of them in the body, as it hath pleased Him.  And if they were all one member, where were the body?  But now are they many members, yet but one body.  And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you.  Nay, much more those members of the body, which seem to be more feeble, are necessary; and those members of the body which we think to be less honorable, upon these we bestow more abundant honor; and our uncomely parts have more abundant comeliness.  For our comely parts have no need; but God hath tempered the body together, having given more abundant honor to that part which lacked:  that there should be no schism in the body, but that the members should have the same care one for another.  And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it." 768   Apart altogether from Christian faith, which would lead you to believe the apostle, if you have common sense to perceive what is self-evident, let each examine and see for himself the plain truth regarding those things of which the apostle speaks,—what greatness belongs to the least, and what goodness to the lowest; for these are the things which the apostle extols, in order to illustrate by means of these common and visible bodily objects, unseen spiritual realities of the most exalted nature.

9.  Whoever, then, denies that our body and its members, which the apostle so approves and extols, are the handiwork of God, you see whom he contradicts, preaching contrary to what you have received.  So, instead of refuting his opinions, I may leave him to be accursed of all Christians.  The apostle says, God tempered the body.  Faustus says, Not God, but Hyle.  Anathemas are more suitable than arguments to such contradictions.  You cannot say that God is here called the God of this world.  And if any one understands the passage where this expression does occur to mean that the devil blinds the minds of unbelievers, we grant that he does so by his evil suggestions, from yielding to which, men lose the light of righteousness in God’s righteous retribution.  This is all in accordance with sacred Scripture.  The apostle himself speaks of temptation from without:  "I fear lest, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity and purity that is in Christ." 769   To the same purpose are the words, "Evil communications corrupt good manners;" 770 and when he speaks of a man deceiving himself, "Whoever thinketh himself to be anything, when he is nothing, deceiveth himself;" 771 or again, in the passage already quoted of the judgment of God, "God gave them over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not convenient." 772   Similarly, in the Old Testament, after the words, "God did not create death, nor hath He pleasure in the destruction of the living," we read, "By the envy of the devil death entered into the world." 773   And again of death, that men may not put the blame from themselves, "The wicked invite her with hands and voice; and thinking her a friend, they are drawn down." 774   Elsewhere, however, it is said, "Good and evil, life and death, riches and poverty, are from the Lord God." 775   This seems perplexing to people who do not understand that, apart from the manifest judgment to follow hereafter upon every evil work, there is an actual judgment at the time; so that in one action, besides the craft of the deceiver and the wickedness of the voluntary agent, there is also the just penalty of the judge:  for while the devil suggests, and man consents, God abandons.  So, if you join the words, God of this world, and understand that the devil blinds unbelievers by his mischievous delusions, the meaning is not a bad one.  For the word God is not used by itself, but with the qualification of this world, that is, of wicked men, who seek to prosper only in this age.  In this sense the world is also called evil, where it is written, "that He might deliver us from this present evil age." 776   In the same way, in the expression, "whose god is their belly," it is only in connection with the word whose that the belly is called god.  So also, in the Psalms, the devils would not be called gods without adding "of the nations." 777   But in the passage we are now considering it is not said, The god of this world, or, Whose god is their belly, or, The gods of the nations are devils; but simply, God has tempered the body, which can be understood only of the true God, the Creator of all.  There is no disparaging addition here, as in the other cases.  But perhaps Faustus will say that God tempered the body, not as the maker of it, in the arrangement of its members, but by mixing His light with it.  Thus Faustus would attribute to some other being than God the construction of the body, and the arrangement of its members, while God tempered the evil of the construction by the mixture of His goodness.  Such are the inventions with which the Manichæans cram feeble minds.  But God, in aid of the feeble, by the mouth of the sacred writers rebukes this opinion.  For we read a few verses before:  "God has placed the members every one of them in the body, as it has pleased Him."  Evidently, God is said to have tempered the body, because He has constructed it of many members, which in their union preserve the variety of their respective functions.

10.  Do the Manichæans suppose that the animals which, according to their wild notions, were constructed by Hyle in the race of darkness, had not this harmonious action of their members, commended by the apostle, before God mixed His light with them; so that then the head did say to the feet, or the eye to the hand, I have no need of thee?  This is not and cannot be the Manichæan doctrine, for they describe the animals as using all these members, and speak of them as creeping, walking, swimming, flying, each in its own kind.  They could all see, too, and hear, and use the other senses, and nourish and cherish their own bodies with appropriate means and appliances.  Hence, moreover, they had the power of reproduction, for they are spoken of as having offspring.  All these things, of which Faust speaks disparagingly as the works of Hyle, could not be done without that harmonious arrangement which the apostle praises and ascribes to God.  Is it not now plain who is to be followed, and who is to be pronounced accursed?  Indeed, the Manichæans tell us of animals that could speak; and their speeches were heard and understood and approved of by all creatures, whether creeping things, or quadrupeds, or birds, or fish.  Amazing and supernatural eloquence!  Especially as they had no grammarian or elocutionist to teach them, and had not passed through the painful experience of the cane and the birch.  Why, Faustus himself began late in life to learn oratory, that he might discourse eloquently on these absurdities; and with all his cleverness, after ruining his health by study, his preaching has gained a mere handful of followers.  What a pity that he was born in the light, and not in that region of darkness!  If he had discoursed there against the light, the whole animal creation, from the biped to the centipede, from the dragon to the shell-fish, would have listened eagerly, and obeyed at once; whereas, when he discourses here against the race of darkness, he is oftener called eloquent than learned, and oftener still a false teacher of the worst kind.  And among the few Manichæans who extol him as a great teacher, he has none of the lower animals as his disciples; and not even his horse is any the wiser for his master’s instructions, so that the mixture of a part of deity seems only to make the animals more stupid.  What absurdity is this!  When will these deluded beings have the sense to compare the description in the Manichæan fiction of what the animals were formerly in their own region, with what they are now in this world?  Then their bodies were strong, now they are feeble; then their power of vision was such that they were induced to invade the region of God on account of the beauty which they saw, now it is too weak to face the rays of the sun; then they had intelligence sufficient to understand a discourse addressed to them, now they have no ability of the kind; then this astonishing and effective eloquence was natural, now eloquence of the most meagre kind requires diligent study and preparation.  How many good things did the race of darkness lose by the mixture of good!

11.  Faustus has displayed his ingenuity, in the remarks to which I am now replying, by making for himself a long list of opposites—health and sickness, riches and poverty, white and black, cold and hot, sweet and bitter.  We need not say much about black and white.  Or, if there is a character for good or evil in colors, so that white must be ascribed to God and black to Hyle; if God threw a white color on the wings of birds, when Hyle, as the Manichæans say, created them, where had the crows gone to when the swans got whitened?  Nor need we discuss heat and cold, for both are good in moderation, and dangerous in excess.  With regard to the rest, Faustus probably intended that good and evil, which he might as well have put first, should be understood as including the rest, so that health, riches, white, hot, sweet, should belong to good; and sickness, poverty, black, cold, bitter, to evil.  The ignorance and folly of this is obvious.  It might look like reviling if I were to take up separately white and black, hot and cold, sweet and bitter, health and sickness.  For if white and sweet are both good, and black and bitter evil, how is it that most grapes and all olives become black as they become sweet, and so get good by getting evil?  And if heat and health are both good, and cold and sickness evil, why do bodies become sick when heated?  Is it healthy to have fever?  But I let these things pass, for they may have been put down hastily, or they may have been given as merely instances of opposition, and not as being good and bad, especially as it is nowhere stated that the fire among the race of darkness is cold, so that heat in this case must unquestionably be evil.

12.  We pass on, then, to health, riches, sweetness, which Faustus evidently accounts good in his contrasts.  Was there no health of body in the race of darkness where animals were born and grew up and brought forth, and had such vitality, that when some that were with child were taken, as the story is, and were put in bonds in heaven, even the abortive offspring of a premature birth, falling from heaven to earth, nevertheless lived, and grew, and produced the innumerable kinds of animals which now exist?  Or were there no riches where trees could grow not only in water and wind, but in smoke and fire, and could bear such a rich produce, that animals, according to their several kinds, sprang from the fruit, and were provided with the means of subsistence from those fertile trees, and showed how well fed they were by a numerous progeny?  And all this where there was no toil in cultivation, and no inclement change from summer to winter, for there was no sun to give variety to the seasons by his annual course.  There must have been perennial productiveness where the trees were not only born in their own element, but had a supply of appropriate nourishment to make them constantly fertile; as we see orange-trees bearing fruit all the year round if they are well watered.  The riches must have been abundant, and they must have been secure from harm; for there could be no fear of hailstorms when there were no light-gatherers who, in your fable, set the thunder in motion.

13.  Nor would the beings in this race of darkness have sought for food if it had not been sweet and pleasant, so that they would have died from want.  For we find that all bodies have their peculiar wants, according to which food is either agreeable or offensive.  If it is agreeable, it is said to be sweet or pleasant; if it is offensive, it is said to be bitter or sour, or in some way disagreeable.  In human beings we find that one desires food which another dislikes, from a difference in constitution or habit or state of health.  Still more, animals of quite different make can find pleasure in food which is disagreeable to us.  Why else should the goats feed so eagerly on the wild olives?  This food is sweet to them, as in some sicknesses honey tastes bitter to us.  To a thoughtful inquirer these things suggest the beauty of the arrangement in which each finds what suits it, and the greatness of the good which extends from the lowest to the highest, and from the material to the spiritual.  As for the race of darkness, if an animal sprung from any element fed on what was produced by that element, doubtless the food must have been sweet from its appropriateness.  Again, if this animal had found food of another element, the want of appropriateness would have appeared in its offensiveness to the taste.  Such offensiveness is called sourness, or bitterness, or disagreeableness, or something of the kind; or if its adverse nature is such as to destroy the harmony of the bodily constitution, and so take away life or reduce the strength, it is called poison, simply on account of this want of appropriateness, while it may nourish the kind of life to which it is appropriate.  So, if a hawk eat the bread which is our daily food, it dies; and we die if we eat hellebore, which cattle often feed on, and which may itself in a certain form be used as a medicine.  If Faustus had known or thought of this, he would not have given poison and antidote as an example of the two natures of good and evil, as if God were the antidote and Hyle the poison.  For the same thing, of one and the same nature, kills or cures, as it is used appropriately or inappropriately.  In the Manichæan legends, their god might be said to have been poison to the race of darkness; for he so injured their bodies, that from being strong, they became utterly feeble.  But then again, as the light was itself taken, and subjected to loss and injury, it may be said to have been poison to itself.

14.  Instead of one good and one evil principle, you seem to make both good or both evil, or rather two good and two evil; for they are good in themselves, and evil to one another.  We may see afterwards which is the better or the worse; but meanwhile we may think of them as both good in themselves.  Thus God reigned in one region, while Hyle reigned in the other.  There was health in both kingdoms, and rich produce in both; both had a numerous progeny, and both tasted the sweetness of pleasures suitable to their respective natures.  But the race of darkness, say the Manichæans, excepting the part which was evil to the light which it bordered on, was also evil to itself.  As, however, I have already pointed out many good things in it, if you can point out its evils, there will still be two good kingdoms, though the one where there are no evils will be the better of the two.  What, then, do you call its evils?  They plundered, and killed, and devoured one another, according to Faustus.  But if they did nothing else than this, how could such numerous hosts be born and grow up to maturity?  They must have enjoyed peace and tranquillity too.  But, allowing the kingdom where there is no discord to be the better of the two, still they should both be called good, rather than one good and the other bad.  Thus the better kingdom will be that where they killed neither themselves nor one another; and the worse, or less good, where, though they fought with one another, each separate animal preserved its own nature in health and safety.  But we cannot make much difference between your god and the prince of darkness, whom no one opposed, whose reign was acknowledged by all, and whose proposals were unanimously agreed to.  All this implies great peace and harmony.  Those kingdoms are happy where all agree heartily in obedience to the king.  Moreover, the rule of this prince extended not only to his own species, or to bipeds whom you make the parents of mankind, but to all kinds of animals, who waited in his presence, obeying his commands, and believing his declarations.  Do you think people are so stupid as not to recognize the attributes of deity in your description of this prince, or to think it possible that you can have another?  If the authority of this prince rested on his resources, he must have been very powerful; if on his fame, he must have been renowned; if on love, the regard must have been universal; if on fear, he must have kept the strictest order.  If some evils, then, were mixed with so many good things, who that knows the meaning of words would call this the nature of evil?  Besides, if you call this the nature of evil, because it was not only evil to the other nature, but was also evil in itself, was there no evil, think you, in the dire necessity to which your god was subjected before the mixture with the opposite nature, so that he was compelled to fight with it, and to send his own members to be swallowed up so mercilessly as to be beyond the hope of complete recovery?  This was a great evil in that nature before its mixture with the only thing you allow to be evil.  Your god must either have had it in his power not to be injured and sullied by the race of darkness, in which case his own folly must have brought him into trouble; or if his substance was liable to corruption, the object of your worship is not the incorruptible God of whom the apostle speaks.  778   Does not, then this liability to corruption, even apart from the actual experience, seem to you to be an evil in your god?

15.  It is plain, moreover, that either he must have been destitute of prescience,—a great defect, surely, in the Deity, not to know what is coming; or if he had prescience, he can never have felt secure, but must have been in constant terror, which you must allow to be a serious evil.  There must have been the fear at every moment, that the time might be come for that conflict in which his members suffered such loss and contamination, that to liberate and purify them costs infinite labor, and, after all, can be done only partially.  If it is going too far to attribute this state of alarm to the Deity himself, his members at least must have dreaded the prospect of suffering all these evils.  Then, again, if they were ignorant of what was to happen, the substance of your god must have been so far wanting in prescience.  How many evils do you reckon in your chief good?  Perhaps you will say that they had no fear, because they foresaw, along with the suffering, their liberation and triumph.  But still they must have feared for their companions, if they knew that they were to be cut off from their kingdom, and bound for ever in the mass of darkness.

16.  Had they not the charity to feel a kindly sympathy for those who were doomed to suffer eternal punishment, without having committed any sin?  These souls that were to be bound up with the mass, were not they too part of your god?  Were they not of the same origin, the same substance?  They at least must have felt grief or fear in the prospect of their own eternal bondage.  To say that they did not know what was to happen, while the others did, is to make one and the same substance partly acquainted with the future, and partly ignorant.  How can you call this substance the pure, and perfect, and supreme good, if there were such evils in it, even before its mixture with the evil principle?  You will have to confess your two principles either both good or both evil.  If you make two evils, you may make either of them the worse, as you please.  But if you make two goods, we shall have to inquire which you make the better.  Meanwhile there is an end to your doctrine of two principles, one good and the other evil, which are in fact two gods, one good and the other evil.  But if hurting another is evil, they both hurt one another.  Perhaps the greater evil was in the principle that first began the attack.  But if one began the injury, the other returned it; and not by the law of compensation, an eye for an eye, which you are foolish enough to find fault with, but with far greater severity.  You must choose which you will call the worse,—the one that began the injury, or the one that had the will and the power to do still greater injury.  The one tried to get a share in the enjoyment of light; the other effected the entire overthrow of its opponent.  If the one had got what it desired, it would certainly have done no harm to itself.  But the other, in the discomfiture of its adversary, did great mischief to part of itself; reminding us of the well-known passionate exclamation, which is on record as having been actually used, "Perish our friends, if that will rid us of our enemies." 779   For part of your god was sent to suffer hopeless contamination, that there might be a covering for the mass in which the enemy is to be buried for ever alive.  So much will he continue to be dreaded even when conquered and bound, that the security, such as it is, of one part of the deity must be purchased by the eternal misery of the other parts.  Such is the harmlessness of the good principle!  Your god, it appears, is guilty of the crime with which you charge the race of darkness—of injuring both friends and enemies.  The charge is proved in the case of your god, by that final mass in which his enemies are confined, while his own subjects are involved in it.  In fact, the principle that you call god is the more injurious of the two, both to friends and to enemies.  In the case of Hyle, there was no desire to destroy the opposite kingdom, but only to possess it; and though some of its subjects were put to death by the violence of others, they appeared again in other forms, so that in the alternation of life and death they had intervals of enjoyment in their history.  But your god, with all the omnipotence and perfect excellence that you ascribe to him, dooms his enemies to eternal destruction, and his friends to eternal punishment.  And the height of insanity is in believing that while internal contest occasions the injury of the members of Hyle, victory brings punishment to the members of God.  What means this folly?  To use Faustus’ comparison of God and Hyle to the antidote and poison, the antidote seems to be more mischievous than the poison.  We do not hear of Hyle shutting up God for ever in a mass of darkness, or driving its own members into it; or, which is worst of all, slandering this unfortunate remnant, as an excuse for not effecting its purification.  For Manichæus, in his Fundamental Epistle, says that these souls deserved to be thus punished, because they allowed themselves to be led away from their original brightness, and became enemies of holy light; whereas it was God himself that sent them to lose themselves in the region of darkness, that light might be opposed to light:  which was unjust, if he forced them against their will; while, if they went willingly, he is ungrateful in punishing them.  These souls can never have been happy, if they were tormented with fear before the conflict, from knowing that they were to become enemies to their original principle, and then in the conflict were hopelessly contaminated, and afterwards eternally condemned.  On the other hand, they can never have been divine, if before the conflict they were unaware of what was coming, from want of prescience, and then showed feebleness in the conflict, and suffered misery afterwards.  And what is true of them must be true of God, since they are of the same substance.  Is there any hope of your seeing the folly of these blasphemies?  You attempt, indeed, to vindicate the goodness of God, by asserting that Hyle when shut up is prevented from doing any more injury to itself.  Hyle, it seems, is to get some good, when it has no longer any good mixed with it.  Perhaps, as God before the conflict had the evil of necessity, when the good was unmixed with evil, so Hyle after the conflict is to have the good of rest, when the evil is unmixed with good.  Your principles are thus either two evils, one worse than the other; or two goods, both imperfect, but one better than the other.  The better, however, is the more miserable; for if the issue of this great conflict is that the enemy gets some good by the cessation of mutual injuries in Hyle, while God’s own subjects suffer the serious evil of being driven into the mass of darkness, we may ask who has got the victory.  The poison, we are to understand, is Hyle, where, nevertheless, animal life found a plentiful supply of the means of growth and productiveness; while the antidote is God, who could condemn his own members, but could not restore them.  In reality, it is as absurd to call the one Hyle, as it is to call the other God.  These are the follies of men who turn to fables because they cannot bear sound doctrine. 780

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Footnotes

264:756

2 Cor. iv. 4.

265:757

Rom. iii. 5.

265:758

Rom. 9:14, 15, 22, 23.

265:759

Rom. 1:24, 25, 28.

265:760

John ix. 39.

265:761

Ps. xxxvi. 6.

265:762

Rom. xi. 33.

265:763

Ps. ci. 1.

265:764

Rom. xi. 17-24.

266:765

Jas. iv. 15.

266:766

Wisd. xi. 21.

267:767

Eph. 5:28, 29.

267:768

1 Cor. xii. 1-26.

268:769

2 Cor. xi. 3.

268:770

1 Cor. xv. 33.

268:771

Gal. vi. 3.

268:772

Rom. i. 28.

268:773

Wis. 1:13, Wis. 2:24.

268:774

Wisd. i. 16.

268:775

Ecclus. xi. 14.

268:776

Gal. i. 4.

268:777

Ps. xcvi. 5.

271:778

1 Tim. i. 17.

271:779

Quoted Cic. pro Dejor. § 9.

272:780

[This is one of Augustin’s most effective refutations of Manichæan dualism.—A.H.N.]



Book XXII.

Faustus states his objections to the morality of the law and the prophets, and Augustin seeks by the application of the type and the allegory to explain away the moral difficulties of the Old Testament.

1.  Faustus said:  You ask why we blaspheme the law and the prophets.  We are so far from professing or feeling any hostility to the law and the prophets, that we are ready, if you will allow us, to declare the falsehood of all the writings which make the law and the prophets appear objectionable.  But this you refuse to admit, and by maintaining the authority of your writers, you bring a perhaps unmerited reproach upon the prophets; you slander the patriarchs, and dishonor the law.  You are so unreasonable as to deny that your writers are false, while you uphold the piety and sanctity of those who are described in these writings as guilty of the worst crimes, and as leading wicked lives.  These opinions are inconsistent; for either these were bad characters, or the writers were untruthful.

2.  Supposing, then, that we agree in condemning the writers, we may succeed in vindicating the law and the prophets.  By the law must be understood not circumcision, or Sabbaths, or sacrifices, or the other Jewish observances, but the true law, viz., Thou shall not kill, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not bear false witness, and so on.  To this law, promulgated throughout the world, that is, at the commencement of the present constitution of the world, the Hebrew writers did violence, by infecting it with the pollution of their disgusting precepts about circumcision and sacrifice.  As a friend of the law, you should join with me in condemning the Jews for injuring the law by this mixture of unsuitable precepts.  Plainly, you must be aware that these precepts are not the law, or any part of the law, since you claim to be righteous, though you make no attempt to keep the precepts.  In seeking to lead a righteous life, you pay great regard to the commandments which forbid sinful actions, while you take no notice of the Jewish observances; which would be unjustifiable if they were one and the same law.  You resent as a foul reproach being called negligent of the precept, "Thou shalt not kill," or "Thou shall not commit adultery."  And if you showed the same resentment at being called uncircumcised, or negligent of the Sabbath, it would be evident that you considered both to be the law and the commandment of God.  In fact, however, you consider the honor and glory of keeping the one no way endangered by disregard of the other.  It is plain, as I have said, that these observances are not the law, but a disfigurement of the law.  If we condemn them, it is not as being genuine, but as spurious.  In this condemnation there is no reproach of the law, or of God its author, but only of those who published their shocking superstitions under these names.  If we sometimes abuse the venerable name of law in attacking the Jewish precepts, the fault is yours, for refusing to distinguish between Hebrew observances and the law.  Only restore to the law its proper dignity, by removing these foul Israelitish blots; grant that these writers are guilty of disfiguring the law, and you will see at once that we are the enemies not of the law, but of Judaism.  You are misled by the word law; for you do not know to what that name properly belongs.

3.  For my part, I see no reason for your thinking that we blaspheme your prophets and patriarchs.  There would indeed be some ground for the charge, if we had been directly or remotely the authors of the account given of their actions.  But as this account is written either by themselves, in a criminal desire to be famous for their misdeeds, or by their companions and coevals, why should you blame us?  You condemn them in abhorrence of the wicked actions of which they have voluntarily declared themselves guilty, though there was no occasion for such a confession.  Or if the narrative is only a malicious fiction, let its authors be punished, let the books be condemned, let the prophetic name be cleared from this foul reproach, let the patriarchs recover the respect due to their simplicity and purity of managers.

4.  These books, moreover, contain shocking calumnies against God himself.  We are told that he existed from eternity in darkness, and admired the light when he saw it; that he was so ignorant of the future, that he gave Adam a command, not foreseeing that it would be broken; that his perception was so limited that he could not see Adam when, from the knowledge of his nakedness, he hid himself in a corner of Paradise; that envy made him afraid lest his creature man should taste of the tree of life, and live for ever; that afterwards he was greedy for blood, and fat from all kinds of sacrifices, and jealous if they were offered to any one but himself; that he was enraged sometimes against his enemies, sometimes against his friends; that he destroyed thousands of men for a slight offense, or for nothing; that he threatened to come with a sword and spare nobody, righteous or wicked.  The authors of such bold libels against God might very well slander the men of God.  You must join with us in laying the blame on the writers if you wish to vindicate the prophets.

5.  Again, we are not responsible for what is said of Abraham, that in his irrational craving to have children, and not believing God, who promised that his wife Sara should have a son, he defiled himself with a mistress, with the knowledge of his wife, which only made it worse; 781 or that, in sacrilegious profanation of his marriage, he on different occasions, from avarice and greed, sold his wife Sara for the gratification of the kings Abimelech and Pharas, telling them that she was his sister, because she was very fair. 782   The narrative is not ours, which tells how Lot, Abraham’s brother, after his escape from Sodom, lay with his two daughters on the mountain 783 (better for him to have perished in the conflagration of Sodom, than to have burned with incestuous passion); or how Isaac imitated his father’s conduct, and called his wife Rebecca his sister, that he might gain a shameful livelihood by her; 784 or how his son Jacob, husband of four wives—two full sisters, Rachel and Leah, and their handmaids—led the life of a goat among them, so that there was a daily strife among his women who should be the first to lay hold of him when he came from the field, ending sometimes in their hiring him from one another for the night; 785 or, again, how his son Judah slept with his daughter-in-law Tamar, after she had been married to two of his sons, deceived, we are told, by the harlot’s dress which Tamar put on, knowing that her father-in-law was in the habit of associating with such characters; 786 or how David, after having a number of wives, seduced the wife of his soldier Uriah, and caused Uriah himself to be killed in the battle; 787 or how his son Solomon had three hundred wives, and seven hundred concubines, and princesses without number; 788 or how the first prophet Hosea got children from a prostitute, and, what is worse, it is said that this disgraceful conduct was enjoined by God; 789 or how Moses committed murder, 790 and plundered Egypt, 791 and waged wars, and commanded, or himself perpetrated, many cruelties. 792   And he too was not content with one wife.  We are neither directly nor remotely the authors of these and similar narratives, which are found in the books of the patriarchs and the prophets.  Either your writers forged these things, or the fathers are really guilty.  Choose which you please; the crime in either case is detestable, for vicious conduct and falsehood are equally hateful.

6.  Augustin replied:  You understand neither the symbols of the law nor the acts of the prophets, because you do not know what holiness or righteousness means.  We have repeatedly shown at great length, that the precepts and symbols of the Old Testament contained both what was to be fulfilled in obedience through the grace bestowed in the New Testament, and what was to be set aside as a proof of its having been fulfilled in the truth now made manifest.  For in the love of God and of our neighbor is secured the accomplishment of the precepts of the law, while the accomplishment of its promises is shown in the abolition of circumcision, and of other typical observances formerly practised.  By the precept men were led, through a sense of guilt to desire salvation; by the promise they were led to find in the typical observances the assurance that the Saviour would come.  The salvation desired was to be obtained through the grace bestowed on the appearance of the New Testament; and the fulfillment of the expectation rendered the types no longer necessary.  The same law that was given by Moses became grace and truth in Jesus Christ.  By the grace in the pardon of sin, the precept is kept in force in the case of those supported by divine help.  By the truth the symbolic rites are set aside, that the promise might, in those who trust in the divine faithfulness, be brought to pass.

7.  Those, accordingly, who, finding fault with what they do not understand, call the typical institutions of the law disfigurements and excrescences, are like men displeased with things of which they do not know the use.  As if a deaf man, seeing others move their lips in speaking, were to find fault with the motion of the mouth as needless and unsightly; or as if a blind man, on hearing a house commended, were to test the truth of what he heard by passing his hand over the surface of the wall, and on coming to the windows were to cry out against them as flaws in the level, or were to suppose that the wall had fallen in.

8.  How shall I make those whose minds are full of vanity understand that the actions of the prophets were also mystical and prophetic?  The vanity of their minds is shown in their thinking that we believe God to have once existed in darkness, because it is written, "Darkness was over the deep." 793   As if we called the deep God, where there was darkness, because the light did not exist there before God made it by His word.  From their not distinguishing between the light which is God, and the light which God made, they imagine that God must have been in darkness before He made light, because darkness was over the deep before God said, "Let there be light, and there was light."  In the New Testament both these things are ascribed to God.  For we read, "God is light, and in Him is no darkness at all;" 794 and again, "God, who commanded the light to shine out of darkness, hath shined in our hearts." 795   So also, in the Old Testament, the name "Brightness of eternal light" 796 is given to the wisdom of God, which certainly was not created, for by it all things were made; and of the light which exists only as the production of this wisdom it is said, "Thou wilt light my candle, O Lord; my God, Thou wilt enlighten my darkness." 797   In the same way, in the beginning, when darkness was over the deep, God said, "Let there be light, and there was light," which only the light-giving light, which is God Himself, could have made.

9.  For as God is His own eternal happiness, and is besides the bestower of happiness, so He is His own eternal light, and is also the bestower of light.  He envies the good of none, for He is Himself the source of happiness to all good beings; He fears the evil of none, for the loss of all evil beings is in their being abandoned by Him.  He can neither be benefited by those on whom He Himself bestows happiness, nor is He afraid of those whose misery is the doom awarded by His own judgment.  Very different, O Manichæus, is the object of your worship. You have departed from God in the pursuit of your own fancies, which of all kinds have increased and multiplied in your foolish roving hearts, drinking in through the sense of sight the light of the heavenly bodies.  This light, though it too is made by God, is not to be compared to the light created in the minds of the pious, whom God brings out of darkness into light, as He brings them out of sinfulness into righteousness.  Still less can it be compared to that inaccessible light from which all kinds of light are derived.  Nor is this light inaccessible to all; for "blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." 798   "God is light, and in Him is no darkness at all;" but the wicked shall not see light, as is said in Isaiah. 799   To them the light-giving light is inaccessible.  From the light comes not only the spiritual light in the minds of the pious, but also the material light, which is not denied to the wicked, but is made to rise on the evil and on the good.

10.  So, when darkness was over the deep, He who was light said, "Let there be light."  From what light this light came is clear; for the words are, "God said."  What light is that which was made, is not so clear.  For there has been a friendly discussion among students of the sacred Scriptures, whether God then made the light in the minds of the angels, or, in other words, these rational spirits themselves, or some material light which exists in the higher regions of the universe beyond our ken.  For on the fourth day He made the visible luminaries of heaven.  And it is also a question whether these bodies were made at the same time as their light, or were somehow kindled from the light made already.  But whoever reads the sacred writings in the pious spirit which is required to understand them, must be convinced that whatever the light was which was made when, at the time that darkness was over the deep, God said, "Let there be light," it was created light, and the creating Light was the maker of it.

11.  Nor does it follow that God, before He made light, abode in darkness, because it is said that darkness was over the deep, and then that the Spirit of God moved on the waters.  The deep is the unfathomable abyss of the waters.  And the carnal mind might suppose that the Spirit abode in the darkness which was over the deep, because it is said that He moved on the waters.  This is from not understanding how the light shineth in darkness, and the darkness comprehendeth it not, till by the word of God those who were darkness are made light, and it is said to them, "Ye were once darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord." 800   But if rational minds which are in darkness through a sinful will cannot comprehend the light of the wisdom of God, though it is present everywhere, because they are separated from it not in place, but in disposition:  why may not the Spirit of God have moved on the darkness of the waters, when He moved on the waters, though at an immeasurable distance from it, not in place, but in nature?

12.  In all this I know I am singing to deaf ears; but the Lord, from whom is the truth which we speak, can open some ears to catch the strain.  But what shall we say of those critics of the Holy Scriptures who object to God’s being pleased with His own works, and find fault with the words, "God saw the light that it was good," as if this meant that God admired the light as something new?  God’s seeing His works that they were good, means that the Creator approved of His own works as pleasing to Himself.  For God cannot be forced to do anything against His will, so that He should not be pleased with His own work; nor can He do anything by mistake, so that He should regret having done it.  Why should the Manichæans object to our God seeing His work that it was good, when their god placed a covering before himself when he mingled his own members with the darkness?  For instead of seeing his work that it is good, he refuses to look at it because it is evil.

13.  Faustus speaks of our God as astonished, which is not said in Scripture; nor does it follow that one must be astonished when he sees anything to be good.  There are many good things which we see without being astonished, as if they were better than we expected; we merely approve of them as being what they ought to be.  We can, however, give an instance of God being astonished, not from the Old Testament, which the Manichæans assail with undeserved reproach, but from the New Testament, which they profess to believe in order to entrap the unwary.  For they acknowledge Christ as God, and use this as a bait to entice Christ’s followers into their snares.  God, then, was astonished when Christ was astonished.  For we read in the Gospel, that when Christ heard the faith of a certain centurion, He was astonished, and said to His disciples, "Verily I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel." 801   We have already given our explanation of the words, "God saw that it was good."  Better men may give a better explanation.  Meanwhile let the Manichæans explain Christ’s being astonished at what He foresaw before it happened, and knew before He heard it.  For though seeing a thing to be good is quite different from being astonished at it, in this case there is some resemblance, for Jesus was astonished at the light of faith which He Himself had created in the heart of the centurion; for Jesus is the true light, which enlighteneth every man that cometh into the world.

14.  Thus an irreligious Pagan might bring the same reproaches against Christ in the Gospel, as Faustus brings against God in the Old Testament.  He might say that Christ lacked foresight, not only because He was astonished at the faith of the centurion, but because He chose Judas as a disciple who proved disobedient to His commands; as Faustus objects to the precept given in Paradise, which, as it turned out, was not obeyed.  He might also cavil at Christ’s not knowing who touched Him, when the woman suffering from an issue of blood touched the hem of His garment; as Faustus blames God for not knowing where Adam had hid himself.  If this ignorance is implied in God’s saying, "Where art thou, Adam?" 802 the same may be said of Christ’s asking, "Who touched me?" 803   The Pagans also might call Christ timid and envious, in not wishing five of the ten virgins to gain eternal life by entering into His kingdom, and in shutting them out, so that they knocked in vain in their entreaty to have the door opened, as if forgetful of His own promise, "Knock, and it shall be opened unto you;" 804 as Faustus charges God with fear and envy in not admitting man after his sin to eternal life.  Again, he might call Christ greedy of the blood, not of beasts, but of men, because he said, "He that loseth his life for my sake, shall keep it unto life eternal;" 805 as Faustus reproaches God in reference to those animal sacrifices which prefigured the sacrifice of blood-shedding by which we are redeemed.  He might also accuse Christ of jealousy, because in narrating His driving the buyers and sellers out of the temple, the evangelist quotes as applicable to Him the words, "The jealousy of Thine house hath eaten me up;" 806 as Faustus accuses God of jealousy in forbidding sacrifices to be offered to other gods.  He might say that Christ was angry with both His friends and His enemies:  with His friends, because He said, "The servant that knows his lord’s will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes;" and with His enemies, because He said, "If any one shall not receive you, shake off against him the dust of your shoes; verily I say unto you, that it shall be more tolerable for Sodom in the day of judgment than for that city;" 807 as Faustus accuses God of being angry at one time with His friends, and at another with His enemies; both of whom are spoken of thus by the apostle:  "They that have sinned without law shall perish without law, and they that have sinned in the law shall be judged by the law." 808   Or he might say that Christ shed the blood of many without mercy, for a slight offense or for nothing.  For to a Pagan there would appear to be little or no harm in not having a wedding garment at the marriage feast, for which our King in the Gospel commanded a man to be bound hand and foot, and cast into outer darkness; 809 or in not wishing to have Christ for a king, which is the sin of which Christ says, "Those that would not have me to reign over them, bring hither and slay before me;" 810 as Faustus blames God in the Old Testament for slaughtering thousands of human beings for slight offenses, as Faustus calls them, or for nothing.  Again, if Faustus finds fault with God’s threatening to come with the sword, and to spare neither the righteous nor the wicked, might not the Pagan find as much fault with the words of the Apostle Paul, when he says of our God," He spared not His own Son, but gave Him up for us all;" 811 or of Peter, when, in exhorting the saints to be patient in the midst of persecution and slaughter, he says, "It is time that judgment begin from the house of God; and if it first begin at us, what shall the end be of them that believe not the gospel of the Lord?  And if the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and sinner appear?" 812   What can be more righteous than the Only-Begotten, whom nevertheless the Father did not spare?  And what can be plainer than that the righteous also are not spared, but chastised with manifold afflictions, as is clearly implied in the words, "If the righteous scarcely are saved"?  As it is said in the Old Testament, "Whom the Lord loveth He correcteth, and chastiseth every son whom He receiveth;" 813 and, "If we receive good at the hand of the Lord, shall we not also receive evil?" 814   So we read also in the New Testament, "Whom I love I rebuke and chasten;" 815 and, "If we judge ourselves, we shall not be judged of the Lord; but when we are judged, we are corrected of the Lord, that we may not be condemned with the world." 816   If a Pagan were to make such objections to the New Testament, would not the Manichæans try to answer them, though they themselves make similar objections to the Old Testament?  But supposing them able to answer the Pagan, how absurd it would be to defend in the one Testament what they find fault with in the other!  But if they could not answer the objections of the Pagan, why should they not allow in both Testaments, instead of in one only, that what appears wrong to unbelievers, from their ignorance, should be believed to be right by pious readers even when they also are ignorant?

15.  Perhaps our opponents will maintain that these parallel passages quoted from the New Testament are themselves neither authoritative nor true:  for they claim the impious liberty of holding and teaching, that whatever they deem favorable to their heresy was said by Christ and the apostles; while they have the profane boldness to say, that whatever in the same writings is unfavorable to them is a spurious interpolation.  I have already at some length, as far as the intention of the present work required, exposed the unreasonableness of this assault upon the authority of the whole of Scripture.

16.  At present I would call attention to the fact, that when the Manichæans, although they disguise their blasphemous absurdities under the name of Christianity, bring such objections against the Christian Scriptures, we have to defend the authority of the divine record in both Testaments against the Manichæans as much as against the Pagans.  A Pagan might find fault with passages in the New Testament in the same way as Faustus does with what he calls unworthy representations of God in the Old Testament; and the Pagan might be answered by the quotation of similar passages from his own authors, as in Paul’s speech at Athens. 817   Even in Pagan writings we might find the doctrine that God created and constructed the world, and that He is the giver of light, which does not imply that before light was made He abode in darkness; and that when His work was finished He was elated with joy, which is more than saying that He saw that it was good; and that He made a law with rewards for obedience, and punishments for disobedience, by which they do not mean to say that God was ignorant of the future, because He gave a law to those by whom it was to be broken.  Nor could they make asking questions a proof of a want of foresight even in a human being; for in their books many questions are asked only for the purpose of using the answers for the conviction of the persons addressed:  for the questioner knows not only what answer he desires, but what will actually be given.  Again, if the Pagan tried to make out God to be envious of any one, because He will not give happiness to the wicked, he would find many passages in the writings of his own authors in support of this principle of the divine government.

17.  The only objection that a Pagan would make on the subject of sacrifice would refer to our reason for finding fault with Pagan sacrifices, when in the Old Testament God is described as requiring men to offer sacrifice to Him.  If I were to reply at length on this subject, I might prove to him that sacrifice is due only to the one true God, and that this sacrifice was offered by the one true Priest, the Mediator of God and man; and that it was proper that this sacrifice should be pre-figured by animal sacrifices, in order to foreshadow the flesh and blood of the one sacrifice for the remission of sins contracted by flesh and blood, which shall not inherit the kingdom of God:  for the natural body will be endowed with heavenly attributes, as the fire in the sacrifice typified the swallowing up of death in victory.  Those observances properly belonged to the people whose kingdom and priesthood were prophetic of the King and Priest who should come to govern and to consecrate believers in all nations, and to lead them into the kingdom of heaven, and the holy society of angels and eternal life.  And as this true sacrifice was piously set forth in the Hebrew observances, so it was impiously caricatured by the Pagans, because, as the apostle says, what they offer they offer to devils, and not to God. 818   The typical rite of blood-shedding in sacrifice dates from the earliest ages, pointing forward from the outset of human history to the passion of the Mediator.  For Abel is mentioned in the sacred Scripture as the first who offered such sacrifices. 819   We need not therefore wonder that fallen angels who occupy the air, and whose chief sins are pride and falsehood, should demand from their worshippers by whom they wished to be considered as gods what they knew to be due to God only.  This deception was favored by the folly of the human heart, especially when regret for the dead led to the making of likenesses, and so to the use of images. 820   By the increase of this homage, divine honors came to be paid to the dead as dwelling in heaven, while devils took their place on earth as the objects of worship, and required that their deluded and degraded votaries should present sacrifices to them.  Thus the nature of sacrifice as due only to God appears not only when God righteously claims it, but also when a false god proudly arrogates it.  If the Pagan was slow to believe these things, I should argue from the prophecies, and point out that, though uttered long ago, they are now fulfilled.  If he still remained in unbelief, this is rather to be expected than to be wondered at; for the prophecy itself intimates that all would not believe.

18.  If the Pagan, in the next place, were to find fault with both Testaments as attributing jealousy to God and Christ, he would only show his own ignorance of literature, or his forgetfulness.  For though their philosophers distinguish between desire and passion, joy and gratification, caution and fear, gentleness and tender-heartedness, prudence and cunning, boldness and daring, and so on, giving the first name in each pair to what is good, and the second to what is bad, their books are notwithstanding full of instances in which, by the abuse of these words, virtues are called by the names which properly belong to vices; as passion is used for desire, gratification for joy, fear for caution, tender-heartedness for gentleness, cunning for prudence, daring for boldness.  The cases are innumerable in which speech exhibits similar inaccuracies.  Moreover, each language has its own idioms.  For in religious writings I remember no instance of the word tender-heartedness being used in a bad sense.  And common usage affords examples of similar peculiarities in the use of words.  In Greek, one word stands for two distinct things, labor and pain; while we have a separate name for each.  Again, we use the word in two senses, as when we say of what is not dead, that it has life; and again, of any one that he is a man of good life, whereas in Greek each of these meanings has a word of its own.  So that, apart from the abuse of words which prevails in all languages, it may be an Hebrew idiom to use jealousy in two senses, as a man is called jealous when he suffers from a diseased state of mind caused by distress on account of the faithlessness of his wife, in which sense the word cannot be applied to God; or as when diligence is manifested in guarding conjugal chastity, in which sense it is profitable for us not only unhesitatingly to admit, but thankfully to assert, that God is jealous of His people when He calls them His wife, and warns them against committing adultery with a multitude of false gods.  The same may be said of the anger of God.  For God does not suffer perturbation when He visits men in anger; but either by an abuse of the word, or by a peculiarity of idiom, anger is used in the sense of punishment.

19.  The slaughter of multitudes would not seem strange to the Pagan, unless he denied the judgment of God, which Pagans do not; for they allow that all things in the universe, from the highest to the lowest, are governed by God’s providence.  But if he would not allow this, he would be convinced either by the authority of Pagan writers, or by the more tedious method of demonstration; and if still obstinate and perverse, he would be left to the judgment which he denies.  Then, if he were to give instances of the destruction of men for no offense, or for a very slight one, we should show that these were offenses, and that they were not slight.  For instance, to take the case already referred to of the wedding garment, we should prove that it was a great crime in a man to attend the sacred feast, seeking not the bridegroom’s glory, but his own, or whatever the garment may be found on better interpretation to signify.  And in the case of the slaughter before the king of those who would not have him to reign over them, we might perhaps easily prove that, though it may be no sin in a man to refuse to obey his fellow-man, it is both a fault and a great one to reject the reign of Him in whose reign alone is there righteousness, and happiness, and continuance.

20.  Lastly, as regards Faustus’ crafty insinuation, that the Old Testament misrepresents God as threatening to come with a sword which will spare neither the righteous nor the wicked, if the words were explained to the Pagan, he would perhaps disagree neither with the Old Testament nor with the New; and he might see the beauty of the parable in the Gospel, which people who pretend to be Christians either misunderstand from their blindness, or reject from their perversity.  The great husbandman of the vine uses his pruning-hook differently in the fruitful and in the unfruitful branches; yet he spares neither good nor bad, pruning one and cutting off the other. 821   There is no man so just as not to require to be tried by affliction to advance, or to establish, or to prove his virtue.  Do the Manichæans not reckon Paul as righteous, who, while confessing humbly and honestly his past sins, still gives thanks for being justified by faith in Jesus Christ?  Was Paul then spared by Him whom fools misunderstand, when He says, "I will spare neither the righteous nor the sinner"?  Hear the apostle himself:  "Lest I should be exalted above measure by the abundance of the revelation, there was given me a thorn in the flesh, a messenger of Satan to buffet me.  For this I besought the Lord thrice, that He would remove it from me; and He said unto me, My grace is sufficient for thee:  for strength is perfected in weakness." 822   Here a just man is not spared that his strength might be perfected in weakness by Him who had given him an angel of Satan to buffet him.  If you say that the devil gave this angel, it follows that the devil sought to prevent Paul’s being exalted above measure by the abundance of the revelation, and to perfect his strength.  This is impossible.  Therefore He who gave up this righteous man to be buffeted by the messenger of Satan, is the same as He who, through Paul, gave up to Satan himself the wicked persons of whom Paul says:  "I have delivered them to Satan, that they may learn not to blaspheme." 823   Do you see now how the Most High spares neither the righteous nor the wicked?  Or is it the sword that frightens you?  For to be buffeted is not so bad as to be put to death.  But did not the thousands of martyrs suffer death in various forms?  And could their persecutors have had this power against them except it had been given them by God, who thus spared neither the righteous nor the wicked?  For the Lord Himself, the chief martyr, says expressly to Pilate:  "Thou couldst have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above." 824   Paul also, besides recording his own experience, says that the afflictions and persecutions of the righteous exhibit the judgment of God. 825   This truth is set forth at length by the Apostle Peter in the passage already quoted, where he says:  "It is time that judgment should begin at the house of the Lord.  And if it first begin at us, what shall the end be of those that believe not the gospel of God?  And if the righteous scarcely are saved, where shall the ungodly and the sinner appear?" 826   Peter also explains how the wicked are not spared, for they are branches broken off to be burnt; while the righteous are not spared, because their purification is to be brought to perfection.  He ascribes these things to the will of Him who says in the Old Testament, I will spare neither the righteous nor the wicked; for he says:  "It is better, if the will of the Spirit of God be so, that we suffer for well-doing than for evil-doing." 827   So, when by the will of the Spirit of God men suffer for well-doing, the righteous are not spared; when they suffer for evil-doing, the wicked are not spared.  In both cases it is according to the will of Him who says:  I will spare neither the righteous nor the wicked; correcting the one as a son, and punishing the other as a transgressor.

21.  I have thus shown, to the best of my power, that the God we worship did not abide from eternity in darkness, but is Himself light, and in Him is no darkness at all; and in Himself dwells in light inaccessible; and the brightness of this light is His coeternal wisdom.  From what we have said, it appears that God was not taken by surprise by the unexpected appearance of light, but that light owes its existence to Him as its Creator, as its owes its continued existence to His approval.  Neither was God ignorant of the future, but the author of the precept as well as the punisher of disobedience; that by showing His righteous anger against transgression, He might provide a restraint for the time, and a warning for the future.  Nor does He ask questions from ignorance, but by His very inquiry declares His judgment.  Nor is He curious or timid, but excludes the transgressor from eternal life, which is the just reward of obedience.  Nor is He greedy for blood and fat; but by requiring from a carnal people sacrifices, suited to their character, He by certain types prefigures the true sacrifice.  Nor is His jealousy an emotion of pale anxiety, but of quiet benevolence, in desire to keep the soul, which owes chastity to the one true God, from being defiled and prostituted by serving many false gods.  Nor is He enraged with a passion similar to human anger, but is angry, not in the sense of desiring vengeance, but in the peculiar sense of giving full effect to the sentence of a righteous retribution.  Nor does He destroy thousands of men for trifling offenses, or for nothing, but manifests to the world the benefit to be obtained from fearing Him, by the temporal death of those already mortal.  Nor does He punish the righteous and sinners indiscriminately, but chastises the righteous for their good, in order to perfect them, and gives to sinners the punishment justly due to them.  Thus, ye Manichæans, do your suspicions lead you astray, when, by misunderstanding our Scriptures, or by hearing bad interpreters, you form a mistaken judgment of Catholics.  Hence you leave sound doctrine, and turn to impious fables; and in your perversity and estrangement from the society of saints, you reject the instruction of the New Testament, which, as we have shown, contains statements similar to those which you condemn in the Old Testament.  So we are obliged to defend both Testaments against you as well as against the Pagans.

22.  But supposing that there is some one so deluded by carnality as to worship not the God whom we worship, who is one and true, but the fiction of your suspicions or your slanders, whom you say we worship, is not even this god better than yours?  Observe, I beseech you, what must be plain to the feeblest understanding; for here there is no need of great perspicacity.  I address all, wise and unwise.  I appeal to the common sense and judgment of all alike.  Hear, consider, judge.  Would it not have been better for your god to have remained in darkness from eternity, than to have plunged the light coeternal with him and cognate to him into darkness?  Would it not have been better to have expressed admiration in surprise at the appearance of a new light coming to scatter the darkness, than to have been unable to baffle the assault of darkness except by the concession of his own light?  Unhappy if he did this in alarm, and cruel if there was no need of it.  Surely it would have been better to see light, made by himself, and to admire it as good, than to make the light begotten by himself evil; better than that his own light should become hostile to himself in repelling the forces of darkness.  For this will be the accusation against those who will be condemned for ever to the mass of darkness, that they suffered themselves to lose their original brightness, and became the enemies of sacred light.  If they did not know from eternity that they would be thus condemned, they must have suffered the darkness of eternal ignorance; or if they did know, the darkness of eternal fear.  Thus part of the substance of your god really did remain from eternity in its own darkness; and instead of admiring new light on its appearance, it only met with another and a hostile darkness, of which it had always been in fear.  Indeed, God himself must have been in the darkness of fear for this part of himself, if he was dreading the evil coming upon it.  If he did not foresee the evil, he must have been in the darkness of ignorance.  If he foresaw it, and was not in fear, the darkness of such cruelty is worse than the darkness either of ignorance or of fear.  Your god appears to be destitute of the quality which the apostle commends in the body, which you insanely believe to be made not by God, but by Hyle:  "If one member suffers, all the members suffer with it." 828   But suppose he did suffer; he foresaw, he feared, he suffered, but he could not help himself.  Thus he remained from eternity in the darkness of his own misery; and then, instead of admiring a new light which was to drive away the darkness, he came in contact, to the injury of his own light, with another darkness which he had always dreaded.  Again, would it not have been much better, I say, not to have given a commandment like God, but even to have received a commandment like Adam, which he would be rewarded for keeping and punished for breaking, acting either way by his own free-will, than to be forced by inevitable necessity to admit darkness into his light in spite of himself?  Surely it would have been better to have given a precept to human nature, not knowing that it would become sinful, than to have been driven by necessity to sin contrary to his own divine nature.  Think for a moment, and say how darkness could be conquered by one who was himself conquered by necessity.  Conquered already by this greater enemy, he fought under his conqueror’s orders against a less formidable opponent.  Would it not have been better not to know where Adam had hid himself, than to have been himself destitute of any means of escape, first from a hard and hateful necessity, and then from a dissimilar and hostile race?  Would it not have been better to grudge eternal life to human nature, than to consign to misery the divine nature; to desire the blood and fat of sacrifices, than to be himself slaughtered in so many forms, on account of his mixture with the blood and fat of every victim; to be disturbed by jealousy at these sacrifices being offered to other gods as well as to himself, than to be himself offered on all altars to all devils, as mixed up not only with all fruits, but also with all animals?  Would it not have been much better to be affected even with human anger, so as to be enraged against both his friends and his enemies for their sins, than to be himself influenced by fear as well as by anger wherever these passions exist, or than to share in all the sin that is committed, and in all punishment that is suffered?  For this is the doom of that part of your god which is in confinement everywhere, condemned to this by himself, not as guilty, but in order to conquer his dreaded enemy.  Doomed himself to such a fatal necessity, the part of himself which he has given over to condemnation might pardon him, if he were as humble as he is miserable.  But how can you pretend to find fault with God for His anger against both friends and enemies when they sin, when the god of your fancies first under compulsion compels his own members to go to be devoured by sin, and then condemns them to remain in darkness?  Though he does this, you say that it will not be in anger.  But will he not be ashamed to punish, or to appear to punish, those from whom he should ask pardon in words such as these:  "Forgive me, I beseech you.  You are my members; could I treat you thus, except from necessity?  You know yourselves, that you were sent here because a formidable enemy had arisen; and now you must remain here to prevent his rising again"?  Again, is it not better to slay thousands of men for trifling faults, or for nothing, than to cast into the abyss of sin, and to condemn to the punishment of eternal imprisonment, God’s own members, his substance—in fact, God himself?  It cannot properly be said of the real substance of God that it has the choice of sinning or not sinning, for God’s substance is absolutely unchangeable.  God cannot sin, as He cannot deny Himself.  Man, on the contrary, can sin and deny God, or he can choose not to do so.  But suppose the members of your god had, like a rational human soul, the choice of sinning or not sinning; they might perhaps be justly punished for heinous offenses by confinement in the mass of darkness.  But you cannot attribute to these parts a liberty which you deny to God himself.  For if God had not given them up to sin, he would have been forced to sin himself, by the prevalence of the race of darkness.  But if there was no danger of being thus forced, it was a sin to send these parts to a place where they incurred this danger.  To do so, indeed, from free choice is a crime deserving the torment which your god unnaturally inflicts upon his own parts, more than the conduct of these parts in going by his command to a place where they lost the power of living in righteousness.  But if God himself was in danger of being forced to sin by invasion and capture, unless he had secured himself first by the misconduct and then by the punishment of his own parts, there can have been no free-will either in your god or in his parts.  Let him not set himself up as judge, but confess himself a criminal.  For though he was forced against his own will, he professes to pass a righteous sentence in condemning those whom he knows to have suffered evil rather than done it; making this profession that he may not be thought of as having been conquered; as if it could do a beggar any good to be called prosperous and happy.  Surely it would have been better for your god to have spared neither righteous nor wicked in indiscriminate punishment (which is Faustus’ last charge against our God), than to have been so cruel to his own members,—first giving them up to incurable contamination, and then, as if that was not enough, accusing them falsely of misconduct.  Faustus declares that they justly suffer this severe and eternal punishment, because they allowed themselves to be led astray from their original brightness, and became hostile to sacred light.  But the reason of this, as Faustus says, was that they were so greedily devoured in the first assault of the princes of darkness, that they were unable to recover themselves, or to separate themselves from the hostile principle.  These souls, therefore, did no evil themselves, but in all this were innocent sufferers.  The real agent was he who sent them away from himself into this wretchedness.  They suffered more from their father than from their enemy.  Their father sent them into all this misery; while their enemy desired them as something good, wishing not to hurt them, but to enjoy them.  The one injured them knowingly, the other in ignorance.  This god was so weak and helpless that he could not otherwise secure himself first against an enemy threatening attack, and then against the same enemy in confinement.  Let him, then, not condemn those parts whose obedience defended him, and whose death secures his safety.  If he could not avoid the conflict, why slander his defenders?  When these parts allowed themselves to be led astray from their original brightness, and became hostile to sacred light, this must have been from the force of the enemy; and if they were forced against their will, they are innocent; while, if they could have resisted had they chosen, there is no need of the origin of evil in an imaginary evil nature, since it is to be found in free-will.  Their not resisting, when they could have done so, is plainly their own fault, and not owing to any force from without.  For, supposing them able to do a thing, to do which is right, while not to do it is great and heinous sin, their not doing it is their own choice.  So, then, if they choose not to do it, the fault is in their will not in necessity.  The origin of sin is in the will; therefore in the will is also the origin of evil, both in the sense of acting against a just precept, and in the sense of suffering under a just sentence.  There is thus no reason why, in your search for the origin of evil, you should fall into so great an evil as that of calling a nature so rich in good things the nature of evil, and of attributing the terrible evil of necessity to the nature of perfect good, before any commixture with evil.  The cause of this erroneous belief is your pride, which you need not have unless you choose; but in your wish to defend at all hazards the error into which you have fallen, you take away the origin of evil from free-will, and place it in a fabulous nature of evil.  And thus you come at last to say, that the souls which are to be doomed to eternal confinement in the mass of darkness became enemies to sacred light not from choice, but by necessity; and to make your god a judge with whom it is of no use to prove, in behalf of your clients. that they were under compulsion, and a king who will make no allowance for your brethren, his own sons and members, whose hostility against you and against himself you ascribe not to choice, but to necessity.  What shocking cruelty! unless you proceed in the next place to defend your god, as also acting not from choice, but by necessity.  So, if there could be found another judge free from necessity, who could decide the question on the principles of equity, he would sentence your god to be bound to this mass, not by being fastened on the outside, but by being shut up inside along with the formidable enemy.  The first in the guilt of necessity ought to be first in the sentence of condemnation.  Would it not be much better, then, in comparison with such a god as this, to choose the god whom we indeed do not worship, but whom you think or pretend to think we worship?  Though he spares not his servants, whether righteous or sinful, making no proper separation, and not distinguishing between punishment and discipline, is he not better than the god who spares not his own members though innocent, if necessity is no crime, or guilty from their obedience to him, if necessity itself is criminal; so that they are condemned eternally by him, along with whom they should have been released, if any liberty was recovered by the victory, while he should have been condemned along with them if the victory reduced the force of necessity even so far as to give this small amount of force to justice?  Thus the god whom you represent us as worshipping, though he is not the one true God whom we really worship, is far better than your god.  Neither, indeed, has any existence; but both are the creatures of your imaginations.  But, according to your own representations, the one whom you call ours, and find fault with, is better than the one whom you call your own, and whom you worship.  829

23.  So also the patriarchs and prophets whom you cry out against are not the men whom we honor, but men whose characters are drawn from your fancy, prompted by ill-will.  And yet even thus as you paint them, I will not be content with showing them to be superior to your elect, who keep all the precepts of Manichæus, but will prove their superiority to your god himself.  Before proving this, however, I must, with the help of God, defend our holy fathers the patriarchs and prophets against your accusations, by a clear exposition of the truth as opposed to the carnality of your hearts.  As for you Manichæans, it would be enough to say that the faults you impute to our fathers are preferable to what you praise in your own, and to complete your shame by adding that your god can be proved far inferior to our fathers as you describe them.  This would be a sufficient reply for you.  But as, even apart from your perversities, some minds are of themselves disturbed when comparing the life of the prophets in the Old Testament with that of the apostles in the New,—not discerning between the manner of the time when the promise was under a veil, and that of the time when the promise is revealed,—I must first of all reply to those who either have the boldness to pride themselves as superior in temperance to the prophets, or quote the prophets in defence of their own bad conduct.

24.  First of all, then, not only the speech of these men, but their life also, was prophetic; and the whole kingdom of the Hebrews was like a great prophet, corresponding to the greatness of the Person prophesied.  So, as regards those Hebrews who were made wise in heart by divine instruction, we may discover a prophecy of the coming of Christ and of the Church, both in what they said and in what they did; and the same is true as regards the divine procedure towards the whole nation as a body.  For, as the apostle says, "all these things were our examples."

25.  Those who find fault with the prophets, accusing them of adultery for instance, in actions which are above their comprehension, are like those Pagans who profanely charge Christ with folly or madness because He looked for fruit from a tree out of the season; 830 or with childishness, because He stooped down and wrote on the ground, and, after answering the people who were questioning Him, began writing again. 831   Such critics are incapable of understanding that certain virtues in great minds resemble closely the vices of little minds, not in reality, but in appearance.  Such criticism of the great is like that of boys at school, whose learning consists in the important rule, that if the nominative is in the singular, the verb must also be in the singular; and so they find fault with the best Latin author, because he says, Pars in frusta secant.  832   He should have written, say they, secat.  And again, knowing that religio is spelt with one l, they blame him for writing relligio, when he says, Relligione patrum. 833   Hence it may with reason be said, that as the poetical usage of words differs from the solecisms and barbarisms of the unlearned, so, in their own way, the figurative actions of the prophets differ from the impure actions of the vicious.  Accordingly, as a boy guilty of a barbarism would be whipped if he pled the usage of Virgil; so any one quoting the example of Abraham begetting a son from Hagar, in defence of his own sinful passion for his wife’s handmaid, ought to be corrected not by caning only, but by severe scourging, that he may not suffer the doom of adulterers in eternal punishment.  This indeed is a comparison of great and important subjects with trifles; and it is not intended that a peculiar usage in speech should be put on a level with a sacrament, or a solecism with adultery.  Still, allowing for the difference in the character of the subjects, what is called learning or ignorance in the proprieties and improprieties of speech, resembles wisdom or the want of it in reference to the grand moral distinction between virtue and vice. 834

26.  Instead of entering on the distinctions between the praiseworthy and the blameworthy, the criminal and the innocent, the dangerous and the harmless, the guilty and the guiltless, the desirable and the undesirable, which are all illustrations of the distinction between sin and righteousness, we must first consider what sin is, and then examine the actions of the saints as recorded in the holy books, that, if we find these saints described as sinning, we may if possible discover the true reason for keeping these sins in memory by putting them on record.  Again, if we find things recorded which, though they are not sins, appear so to the foolish and the malevolent, and in fact do not exhibit any virtues, here also we have to see why these things are put into the Scriptures which we believe to contain wholesome doctrine as a guide in the present life, and a title to the inheritance of the future.  As regards the examples of righteousness found among the acts of the saints, the propriety of recording these must be plain even to the ignorant.  The question is about those actions the mention of which may seem useless if they are neither righteous nor sinful, or even dangerous if the actions are really sinful, as leading people to imitate them, because they are not condemned in these books, and so may be supposed not to be sinful, or because, though they are condemned, men may copy them from the idea that they must be venial if saints did them.

27.  Sin, then, is any transgression in deed, or word, or desire, of the eternal law.  And the eternal law is the divine order or will of God, which requires the preservation of natural order, and forbids the breach of it.  But what is this natural order in man?  Man, we know, consists of soul and body; but so does a beast.  Again, it is plain that in the order of nature the soul is superior to the body.  Moreover, in the soul of man there is reason, which is not in a beast.  Therefore, as the soul is superior to the body, so in the soul itself the reason is superior by the law of nature to the other parts which are found also in beasts; and in reason itself, which is partly contemplation and partly action, contemplation is unquestionably the superior part.  The object of contemplation is the image of God, by which we are renewed through faith to sight.  Rational action ought therefore to be subject to the control of contemplation, which is exercised through faith while we are absent from the Lord, as it will be hereafter through sight, when we shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is. 835   Then in a spiritual body we shall by His grace be made equal to angels, when we put on the garment of immortality and incorruption, with which this mortal and corruptible shall be clothed, that death may be swallowed up of victory, when righteousness is perfected through grace.  For the holy and lofty angels have also their contemplation and action.  They require of themselves the performance of the commands of Him whom they contemplate, whose eternal government they freely because sweetly obey.  We, on the other hand, whose body is dead because of sin, till God quicken also our mortal bodies by His Spirit dwelling in us, live righteously in our feeble measure, according to the eternal law in which the law of nature is preserved, when we live by that faith unfeigned which works by love, having in a good conscience a hope of immortality and incorruption laid up in heaven, and of the perfecting of righteousness to the measure of an inexpressible satisfaction, for which in our pilgrimage we must hunger and thirst, while we walk by faith and not by sight.

28.  A man, therefore, who acts in obedience to the faith which obeys God, restrains all mortal affections, and keeps them within the natural limit, regulating his desires so as to put the higher before the lower.  If there was no pleasure in what is unlawful, no one would sin.  To sin is to indulge this pleasure instead of restraining it.  And by unlawful is meant what is forbidden by the law in which the order of nature is preserved.  It is a great question whether there is any rational creature for which there is no pleasure in what is unlawful.  If there is such a class of creatures, it does not include man, nor that angelic nature which abode not in the truth.  These rational creatures were so made, that they had the potentiality of restraining their desires from the unlawful; and in not doing this they sinned.  Great, then, is the creature man, for he is restored by this potentiality, by which, if he had so chosen, he would not have fallen.  And great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised, who created man.  For He created also inferior natures which cannot sin, and superior natures which will not sin.  Beasts do not sin, for their nature agrees with the eternal law from being subject to it, without being in possession of it.  And again, angels do not sin, because their heavenly nature is so in possession of the eternal law that God is the only object of its desire, and they obey His will without any experience of temptation.  But man, whose life on this earth is a trial on account of sin, subdues to himself what he has in common with beasts, and subdues to God what he has in common with angels; till, when righteousness is perfected and immortality attained, he shall be raised from among beasts and ranked with angels.

29.  The exercise or indulgence of the bodily appetites is intended to secure the continued existence and the invigoration of the individual or of the species.  If the appetites go beyond this, and carry the man, no longer master of himself, beyond the limits of temperance, they become unlawful and shameful lusts, which severe discipline must subdue.  But if this unbridled course ends in plunging the man into such a depth of evil habits that he supposes that there will be no punishment of his sinful passions, and so refuses the wholesome discipline of confession and repentance by which he might be rescued; or, from a still worse insensibility, justifies his own indulgences in profane opposition to the eternal law of Providence; and if he dies in this state, that unerring law sentences him now not to correction, but to damnation.

30.  Referring, then, to the eternal law which enjoins the preservation of natural order and forbids the breach of it, let us see how our father Abraham sinned, that is, how he broke this law, in the things which Faustus has charged him with as highly criminal.  In his irrational craving to have children, says Faustus, and not believing God, who promised that his wife Sara should have a son, he defiled himself with a mistress.  But here Faustus, in his irrational desire to find fault, both discloses the impiety of his heresy, and in his error and ignorance praises Abraham’s intercourse with the handmaid.  For as the eternal law—that is, the will of God the Creator of all—for the preservation of the natural order, permits the indulgence of the bodily appetite under the guidance of reason in sexual intercourse, not for the gratification of passion, but for the continuance of the race through the procreation of children; so, on the contrary, the unrighteous law of the Manichæans, in order to prevent their god, whom they bewail as confined in all seeds, from suffering still closer confinement in the womb, requires married people not on any account to have children, their great desire being to liberate their god.  Instead, therefore, of an irrational craving in Abraham to have children, we find in Manichæus an irrational fancy against having children.  So the one preserved the natural order by seeking in marriage only the production of a child; while the other, influenced by his heretical notions, thought no evil could be greater than the confinement of his god.

31.  So, again, when Faustus says that the wife’s being privy to her husband’s conduct made the matter worse, while he is prompted only by the uncharitable wish to reproach Abraham and his wife, he really, without intending it, speaks in praise of both.  For Sara did not connive at any criminal action in her husband for the gratification of his unlawful passions; but from the same natural desire for children that he had, and knowing her own barrenness, she warrantably claimed as her own the fertility of her handmaid; not consenting with sinful desires in her husband, but requesting of him what it was proper in him to grant.  Nor was it the request of proud assumption; for every one knows that the duty of a wife is to obey her husband.  But in reference to the body, we are told by the apostle that the wife has power over her husband’s body, as he has over hers; 836 so that, while in all other social matters the wife ought to obey her husband, in this one matter of their bodily connection as man and wife their power over one another is mutual,—the man over the woman, and the woman over the man.  So, when Sara could not have children of her own, she wished to have them by her handmaid, and of the same seed from which she herself would have had them, if that had been possible.  No woman would do this if her love for her husband were merely an animal passion; she would rather be jealous of a mistress than make her a mother.  So here the pious desire for the procreation of children was an indication of the absence of criminal indulgence.

32.  Abraham, indeed, cannot be defended, if, as Faustus says, he wished to get children by Hagar, because he had no faith in God, who promised that he should have children by Sara.  But this is an entire mistake:  this promise had not yet been made.  Any one who reads the preceding chapters will find that Abraham had already got the promise of the land with a countless number of inhabitants, 837 but that it had not yet been made known to him how the seed spoken of was to be produced, whether by generation from his own body, or from his choice in the adoption of a son, or, in the case of its being from his own body, whether it would be by Sara or another.  Whoever examines into this will find that Faustus has made either an imprudent mistake or an impudent misrepresentation.  Abraham, then, when he saw that he had no children, though the promise was to his seed, thought first of adoption.  This appears from his saying of his slave, when speaking to God, "This is mine heir;" as much as to say, As Thou hast not given me a seed of my own, fulfill Thy promise in this man.  For the word seed may be applied to what has not come out of a man’s own body, else the apostle could not call us the seed of Abraham:  for we certainly are not his descendants in the flesh; but we are his seed in following his faith, by believing in Christ, whose flesh did spring from the flesh of Abraham.  Then Abraham was told by the Lord "This shall not be thine heir; but he that cometh out of thine own bowels shall be thine heir." 838   The thought of adoption was thus removed; but it still remained uncertain whether the seed which was to come from himself would be by Sara or another.  And this God was pleased to keep concealed, till a figure of the Old Testament had been supplied in the handmaid.  We may thus easily understand how Abraham, seeing that his wife was barren, and that she desired to obtain from her husband and her handmaid the offspring which she herself could not produce, acted not in compliance with carnal appetite, but in obedience to conjugal authority, believing that Sara had the sanction of God for her wish; because God had already promised him an heir from his own body, but had not foretold who was to be the mother.  Thus, when Faustus shows his own infidelity in accusing Abraham of unbelief, his groundless accusation only proves the madness of the assailant.  In other cases, Faustus’ infidelity has prevented him from understanding; but here, in his love of slander, he has not even taken time to read.

33.  Again, when Faustus accuses a righteous and faithful man of a shameless profanation of his marriage from avarice and greed, by selling his wife Sara at different times to the two kings Abimelech and Pharaoh, telling them that she was his sister, because she was very fair, he does not distinguish justly between right and wrong, but unjustly condemns the whole transaction.  Those who think that Abraham sold his wife cannot discern in the light of the eternal law the difference between sin and righteousness; and so they call perseverance obstinacy, and confidence presumption, as in these and similar cases men of wrong judgment are wont to blame what they suppose to be wrong actions.  Abraham did not become partner in crime with his wife by selling her to others:  but as she gave her handmaid to her husband, not to gratify his passion, but for the sake of offspring, in the authority she had consistently with the order of nature, requiring the performance of a duty, not complying with a sinful desire; so in this case, the husband, in perfect assurance of the chaste attachment of his wife to himself, and knowing her mind to be the abode of modest and virtuous affection, called her his sister, without saying that she was his wife, lest he himself should be killed, and his wife fall into the hands of strangers and evil-doers:  for he was assured by his God that He would not allow her to suffer violence or disgrace.  Nor was he disappointed in his faith and hope; for Pharaoh, terrified by strange occurrences, and after enduring many evils on account of her, when he was informed by God that Sara was Abraham’s wife, restored her with honor uninjured.  Abimelech also did the same, after learning the truth in a dream.

34.  Some people, not scoffers and evil-speakers like Faustus, but men who pay due honor to the Scriptures, which Faustus finds fault with because he does not understand them, or which he fails to understand because of his fault-finding, in commenting on this act of Abraham, are of opinion that he stumbled from weakness of faith, and denied his wife from fear of death, as Peter denied the Lord.  If this is the correct view, we must allow that Abraham sinned; but the sin should not cancel or obliterate all his merits, any more than in the case of the apostle.  Besides, to deny his wife is not the same as to deny the Saviour.  But when there is another explanation, why not abide by it, instead of giving blame without cause, since there is no proof that Abraham told a lie from fear?  He did not deny that Sara was his wife in answer to any question on the subject; but when asked who she was, he said she was his sister, without denying her to be his wife:  he concealed part of the truth, but said nothing false.

35.  It is waste of time to observe Faustus’ remark, that Abraham falsely called Sara his sister; as if Faustus had discovered the family of Sara, though it is not mentioned in Scripture.  In a matter which Abraham knew, and we do not, it is surely better to believe the patriarch when he says what he knows, than to believe Manichæus when he finds fault with what he knows nothing about.  Since, then, Abraham lived at that period in human history, when, though marriage had become unlawful between children of the same parents, or of the same father or mother, no law or authority interfered with the custom of marriage between the children of brothers, or any less degree of consanguinity, why should he not have had as wife his sister, that is, a woman descended from his father?  For he himself told the king, when he restored Sara, that she was his sister by his father, and not by his mother.  And on this occasion he could not have been led to tell a falsehood from fear, for the king knew that she was his wife, and was restoring her with honor, because he had been warned by God.  We learn from Scripture that, among the ancients, it was customary to call cousins brothers and sisters.  Thus Tobias says in his prayer to God, before having intercourse with his wife, "And now, O Lord, Thou knowest that not in wantonness I take to wife my sister;" 839 though she was not sprung immediately from the same father or the same mother, but only belonged to the same family.  And Lot is called the brother of Abraham, though Abraham was his uncle. 840   And, by the same use of the word, those called in the Gospel the Lord’s brothers are certainly not children of the Virgin Mary, but all the blood relations of the Lord. 841

36.  Some may say, Why did not Abraham’s confidence in God prevent his being afraid to confess his wife?  God could have warded off from him the death which he feared, and could have protected both him and his wife while among strangers, so that Sara, although very fair, should not have been desired by any one, nor Abraham killed on account of her.  Of course, God could have done this; it would be absurd to deny it.  But if, in reply to the people, Abraham had told them that Sara was his wife, his trust in God would have included both his own life and the chastity of Sara.  Now it is part of sound doctrine, that when a man has any means in his power, he should not tempt the Lord his God.  So it was not because the Saviour was unable to protect His disciples that He told them, "When ye are persecuted in one city, flee to another." 842  And He Himself set the example.  For though He had the power of laying down His own life, and did not lay it down till He chose to do so, still when an infant He fled to Egypt, carried by His parents; 843 and when He went up to the feast, He went not openly, but secretly, though at other times He spoke openly to the Jews, who in spite of their rage and hostility could not lay hands on Him, because His hour was not come, 844 —not the hour when He would be obliged to die, but the hour when He would consider it seasonable to be put to death.  Thus He who displayed divine power by teaching and reproving openly, without allowing the rage of his enemies to hurt Him, did also, by escaping and concealing Himself, exhibit the conduct becoming the feebleness of men, that they should not tempt God when they have any means in their power of escaping threatened danger.  So also in the apostle, it was not from despair of divine assistance and protection, or from loss of faith, that he was let down over the wall in a basket, in order to escape being taken by his enemies: 845   not from want of faith in God did he thus escape, but because not to escape, when this escape was possible, would have been tempting God.  Accordingly, when Abraham was among strangers, and when, on account of the remarkable beauty of Sara, both his life and her chastity were in danger, since it was in his power to protect not both of these, but one only,—his life, namely,—to avoid tempting God he did what he could; and in what he could not do, he trusted to God.  Unable to conceal his being a man, he concealed his being a husband, lest he should be put to death; trusting to God to preserve his wife’s purity.

37.  There might also be a difference of opinion on the nice point whether Sara’s chastity would have been violated even if some one had intercourse with her, since she submitted to this to save her husband’s life, both with his knowledge and by his authority.  In this there would be no desertion of conjugal fidelity or rebellion against her husband’s authority; in the same way as Abraham was not an adulterer, when, in submission to the lawful authority of his wife, he consented to be made a father by his wife’s handmaid.  But, from the nature of the relationship, for a wife to have two husbands, both in life, is not the same thing as for a man to have two wives:  so that we regard the explanation already given of Abraham’s conduct as the most correct and unobjectionable; that our father Abraham avoided tempting God by taking what measures he could for the preservation of his own life, and that he showed his hope in God by entrusting to Him the chastity of his wife.

38.  But a pleasure which all must feel is obtained from this narrative so faithfully recorded in the Holy Scriptures, when we examine into the prophetic character of the action, and knock with pious faith and diligence at the door of the mystery, that the Lord may open, and show us who was prefigured in the ancient personage, and whose wife this is, who, while in a foreign land and among strangers, is not allowed to be stained or defiled, that she may be brought to her own husband without spot or wrinkle.  Thus we find that the righteous life of the Church is for the glory of Christ, that her beauty may bring honor to her husband, as Abraham was honored on account of the beauty of Sara among the inhabitants of that foreign land.  To the Church, to whom it is said in the Song of Songs, "O thou fairest among women," 846 kings offer gifts in acknowledgment of her beauty; as king Abimelech offered gifts to Sara, admiring the grace of her appearance; all the more that, while he loved, he was not allowed to profane it.  The holy Church, too is in secret the spouse of the Lord Jesus Christ.  For it is secretly, and in the hidden depths of the Spirit, that the soul of man is joined to the word of God, so that they two are one flesh; of which the apostle speaks as a great mystery in marriage, as referring to Christ and the Church. 847   Again, the earthly kingdom of this world, typified by the kings which were not allowed to defile Sara, had no knowledge or experience of the Church as the spouse of Christ, that is, of how faithfully she maintained her relation to her Husband, till it tried to violate her, and was compelled to yield to the divine testimony borne by the faith of the martyrs, and in the person of later monarchs was brought humbly to honor with gifts the Bride whom their predecessors had not been able to humble by subduing her to themselves.  What, in the type, happened in the reign of one and the same king, is fulfilled in the earlier monarchs of this era and their successors.

39.  Again, when it is said that the Church is the sister of Christ, not by the mother but by the father, we learn the excellence of the relation, which is not of the temporary nature of earthly descent, but of divine grace, which is everlasting.  By this grace we shall no longer be a race of mortals when we receive power to be called and to become sons of God.  This grace we obtain not from the synagogue, which is the mother of Christ after the flesh, but from God the Father.  And when Christ calls us into another life where there is no death, He teaches us, instead of acknowledging, to deny the earthly relationship, where death soon follows upon birth; for He says to His disciples, "Call no man your father upon earth; for you have one Father, who is in heaven." 848   And He set us an example of this when He said, "Who is my mother, and who are my brethren?  And stretching forth His hand to His disciples, He said, These are my brethren."  And lest any one should think that He referred to an earthly relationship, He added, "Whosoever shall do the will of my Father, the same is my brother, and sister, and mother;" 849 as much as to say, I derive this relationship from God my Father, not from the Synagogue my mother; I call you to eternal life, where I have an immortal birth, not to earthly life, for to call you away from this life I have taken mortality.

40.  As for the reason why, though it is concealed among strangers whose wife the Church is, it is not hidden whose sister she is, it is plainly because it is obscure and hard to understand how the human soul and the Word of God are united or mingled, or whatever word may be used to express this connection between God and the creature.  It is from this connection that Christ and the Church are called bridegroom and bride, or husband and wife.  The other relationship, in which Christ and all the saints are brethren by divine grace and not by earthly consanguinity, or by the father and not by the mother, is more easily expressed in words, and more easily understood.  For the same grace makes all the saints to be also brethren of one another; while in their society no one is the bridegroom of all the rest.  So also, notwithstanding the surpassing justice and wisdom of Christ, His manhood was much more plainly and readily recognized by strangers, who, indeed, were not wrong in believing Him to be man, but they did not understand His being God as well as man.  Hence Jeremiah says:  "He is both a man, and who shall know Him?" 850   He is a man, for it is made manifest that He is a brother.  And who shall know Him? for it is concealed that He is a husband.  This must suffice as a defense of our father Abraham against Faustus’ impudence and ignorance and malice.

41.  Lot also, the brother of Abraham, was just and hospitable in Sodom, and was found worthy to escape the conflagration which prefigured the future judgment; for he was free from all participation in the corruption of the people of Sodom.  He was a type of the body of Christ, which in the person of all the saints both groans now among the ungodly and wicked, to whose evil deeds it does not consent, and will at the end of the world be rescued from their society, when they are doomed to the punishment of eternal fire.  Lot’s wife was the type of a different class of men,—of those, namely, who, when called by the grace of God, look back, instead of, like Paul, forgetting the things that are behind, and looking forward to the things that are before. 851   The Lord Himself says:  "No man that putteth his hand to the plough, and looketh back, is fit for the kingdom of Heaven." 852   Nor did He omit to mention the case of Lot’s wife; for she, for our warning, was turned into a pillar of salt, that being thus seasoned we might not trifle thoughtlessly with this danger, but be on our guard against it.  So, when the Lord was admonishing every one to get rid of the things that are behind by the most strenuous endeavor to reach the things that are before, He said, "Remember Lot’s wife." 853   And, in addition to these, there is still a third type in Lot, when his daughters lay with him.  For here Lot seems to prefigure the future law; for those who spring from the law, and are placed under the law, by misunderstanding it, stupefy it, as it were, and bring forth the works of unbelief by an unlawful use of the law.  "The law is good" says the apostle, "if a man use it lawfully." 854

42.  It is no excuse for this action of Lot or of his daughters that it represented the perversity which was afterwards in certain cases to be displayed.  The purpose of Lot’s daughters is one thing, and the purpose of God is another, in allowing this to happen that He might make some truth manifest; for God both pronounces judgment on the actions of the people of those times, and arranges in His providence for the prefigurement of the future.  As a part of Scripture, this action is a prophecy; as part of the history of those concerned, it is a crime.

43.  At the same time there is in this transaction no reason for the torrent of abuse which Faustus’ blind hostility discharges on it.  By the eternal law which requires the preservation of the order of nature and condemns its violation, the judgment in this case is not what it would have been if Lot had been prompted by a criminal passion to commit incest with his daughters, or if they had been inflamed with unnatural desires.  In justice, we must ask not only what was done, but with what motive, in order to obtain a fair view of the action as the effect of that motive.  The resolution of Lot’s daughters to lie with their father was the effect of the natural desire for offspring in order to preserve the race; for they supposed that there were no other men to be found, thinking that the whole world had been consumed in that conflagration, which, for all they knew, had left no one alive but themselves.  It would have been better for them never to have been mothers, than to have become mothers by their own father.  But still, the fulfillment of a desire like this is very different from the accursed gratification of lust.

44.  Knowing that their father would condemn their design, Lot’s daughters thought it necessary to fulfill it without his knowledge.  We are told that they made him drunk, so that he was unaware of what happened.  His guilt therefore is not that of incest, but of drunkenness.  This, too, is condemned by the eternal law, which allows meat and drink only as required by nature for the preservation of health.  There is, indeed, a great difference between a drunk man and an habitual drunkard; for the drunkard is not always drunk, and a man may be drunk on one occasion without being a drunkard.  However, in the case of a righteous man, we require to account for even one instance of drunkenness.  What can have made Lot consent to receive from his daughters all the cups of wine which they went on mixing for him, or perhaps giving him unmixed?  Did they feign excessive grief, and did he resort to this consolation in their loneliness, and in the loss of their mother, thinking that they were drinking too, while they only pretended to drink?  But this does not seem a proper method for a righteous man to take in consoling his friends when in trouble.  Had the daughters learned in Sodom some vile art which enabled them to intoxicate their father with a few cups, so that in his ignorance he might sin, or rather be sinned against?  But it is not likely that the Scripture would have omitted all notice of this, or that God would have allowed His servant to be thus abused without any fault of his own.

45.  But we are defending the sacred Scriptures, not man’s sins.  Nor are we concerned to justify this action, as if our God had either commanded it or approved of it; or as if, when men are called just in Scripture, it meant that they could not sin if they chose.  And as, in the books which those critics find fault with, God nowhere expresses approval of this action, what thoughtless folly it is to bring a charge from this narrative against these writings, when in other places such actions are condemned by express prohibitions!  In the story of Lot’s daughters the action is related, not commended.  And it is proper that the judgment of God should be declared in some cases, and concealed in others, that by its manifestation our ignorance may be enlightened, and that by its concealment our minds may be improved by the exercise of recalling what we already know, or our indolence stimulated to seek for an explanation.  Here, then, God, who can bring good out of evil, made nations arise from this origin, as He saw good, but did not bring upon His own Scriptures the guilt of man’s sin.  It is God’s writing, but not His doing; He does not propose these things for our imitation, but holds them up for our warning.

46.  Faustus’ effrontery appears notably in his accusing Isaac also, the son of Abraham of pretending that his wife Rebecca was his sister. 855   For as regards the family of Rebecca Scripture is not silent, and it appears that she was his sister in the well-known sense of the word.  His concealing that she was his wife is not surprising, nor is it insignificant, if he did it in imitation of his father, so that he can be justified on the same grounds.  We need only refer to the answer already given to Faustus’ charge against Abraham, as being equally applicable to Isaac.  Perhaps, however some inquirer will ask what typical significance there is in the foreign king discovering Rebecca to be the wife of Isaac by seeing him playing with her; for he would not have known, had he not seen Isaac playing with Rebecca as it would have been improper to do with a woman not his wife.  When holy men act thus as husbands, they do it not foolishly, but designedly:  for they accommodate themselves to the nature of the weaker sex in words and actions of gentle playfulness; not in effeminacy, but in subdued manliness.  But such behavior towards any woman except a wife would be disgraceful.  This is a question in good manners, which is referred to only in case some stern advocate of insensibility should find fault with the holy man even for playing with his wife.  For if these men without humanity see a sedate man chatting playfully with children that he may adapt himself to the childish understanding with kindly sympathy, they think that he is insane; forgetting that they themselves were once children, or unthankful for their maturity.  The typical meaning, as regards Christ and His Church, which is to be found in this great patriarch playing with his wife, and in the conjugal relation being thus discovered, will be seen by every one who, to avoid offending the Church by erroneous doctrine, carefully studies in Scripture the secret of the Church’s Bridegroom.  He will find that the Husband of the Church concealed for a time in the form of a servant the majesty in which He was equal to the Father, as being in the form of God, that feeble humanity might be capable of union with Him, and that so He might accommodate Himself to His spouse.  So far from being absurd, it has a symbolic suitableness that the prophet of God should use a playfulness which is of the flesh to meet the affection of his wife, as the Word of God Himself became flesh that He might dwell among us.

47.  Again, Jacob the son of Isaac is charged with having committed a great crime because he had four wives.  But here there is no ground for a criminal accusation:  for a plurality of wives was no crime when it was the custom; and it is a crime now, because it is no longer the custom.  There are sins against nature, and sins against custom, and sins against the laws.  In which, then, of these senses did Jacob sin in having a plurality of wives?  As regards nature, he used the women not for sensual gratification, but for the procreation of children.  For custom, this was the common practice at that time in those countries.  And for the laws, no prohibition existed.  The only reason of its being a crime now to do this, is because custom and the laws forbid it.  Whoever despises these restraints, even though he uses his wives only to get children, still commits sin, and does an injury to human society itself, for the sake of which it is that the procreation of children is required.  In the present altered state of customs and laws, men can have no pleasure in a plurality of wives, except from an excess of lust; and so the mistake arises of supposing that no one could ever have had many wives but from sensuality and the vehemence of sinful desires.  Unable to form an idea of men whose force of mind is beyond their conception, they compare themselves with themselves, as the apostle says, 856 and so make mistakes.  Conscious that, in their intercourse though with one wife only, they are often influenced by mere animal passion instead of an intelligent motive, they think it an obvious inference that, if the limits of moderation are not observed where there is only one wife, the infirmity must be aggravated where there are more than one.

48.  But those who have not the virtues of temperance must not be allowed to judge of the conduct of holy men, any more than those in fever of the sweetness and wholesomeness of food.  Nourishment must be provided not by the dictates of the sickly taste, but rather by the judgment and direction of health, so as to cure the sickness.  If our critics, then, wish to attain not a spurious and affected, but a genuine and sound moral health, let them find a cure in believing the Scripture record, that the honorable name of saint is given not without reason to men who had several wives; and that the reason is this, that the mind can exercise such control over the flesh as not to allow the appetite implanted in our nature by Providence to go beyond the limits of deliberate intention.  By a similar misunderstanding, this criticism, which consists rather in dishonest slander than in honest judgment, might accuse the holy apostles too of preaching the gospel to so many people, not from the desire of begetting children to eternal life, but from the love of human praise.  There was no lack of renown to these our fathers in the gospel, for their praise was spread in numerous tongues through the churches of Christ.  In fact, no greater honor and glory could have been paid by men to their fellow-creatures.  It was the sinful desire for this glory in the Church which led the reprobate Simon in his blindness to wish to purchase for money what was freely bestowed on the apostles by divine grace. 857   There must have been this desire of glory in the man whom the Lord in the Gospel checks in his desire to follow Him, saying, "The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests, but the Son of man hath not where to lay His Head." 858   The Lord saw that his mind was darkened by false appearances and elated by sudden emotion, and that there was no ground of faith to afford a lodging to the Teacher of humility; for in Christ’s discipleship the man sought not Christ’s grace, but his own glory.  By this love of glory those were led away whom the Apostle Paul characterizes as preaching Christ not sincerely, but of contention and envy; and yet the apostle rejoices in their preaching, knowing that it might happen that, while the preachers gratified their desire for human praise, believers might be born among their hearers,—not as the result of the envious feeling which made them wish to rival or surpass the fame of the apostles, but by means of the gospel which they preached, though not sincerely; so that God might bring good out of their evil.  So a man may be induced to marry by sensual desire, and not to beget children; and yet a child may be born, a good work of God, due to the natural power, not to the misconduct of the parent.  As, therefore, the holy apostles were gratified when their doctrine met with acceptance from their hearers, not because they were greedy for praise, but because they desired to spread the truth; so the holy patriarchs in their conjugal intercourse were actuated not by the love of pleasure, but by the intelligent desire for the continuance of their family.  Thus the number of their hearers did not make the apostles ambitious; nor did the number of their wives make the patriarchs licentious.  But why defend the husbands, to whose character the divine word bears the highest testimony, when it appears that the wives themselves looked upon their connection with their husbands only as a means of getting sons?  So, when they found themselves barren, they gave their handmaids to their husbands; so that while the handmaids had the fleshly motherhood, the wives were mothers in intention.

49.  Faustus makes a most groundless statement when he accuses the four women of quarreling like abandoned characters for the possession of their husband.  Where Faustus read this I know not, unless it was in his own heart, as in a book of impious delusions, in which Faustus himself is seduced by that serpent with regard to whom the apostle feared for the Church, which he desired to present as a chaste virgin to Christ; lest, as the serpent had deceived Eve by his subtlety, so he should also corrupt their minds by turning them away from the simplicity of Christ. 859   The Manichæans are so fond of this serpent, that they assert that he did more good than harm.  From him Faustus must have got his mind corrupted with the lies instilled into it, which he now reproduces in these infamous calumnies, and is even bold enough to put down in writing.  It is not true that one of the handmaids carried off Jacob from the other, or that they quarreled about possessing him.  There was arrangement, because there was no licentious passion; and the law of conjugal authority was all the stronger that there was none of the lawlessness of fleshly desire.  His being hired by one of his wives proves what is here said, in plain opposition to the libels of the Manichæans.  Why should one have hired him, unless by the arrangement he was to have gone in to the other?  It does not follow that he would never have gone in to Leah unless she had hired him.  He must have gone to her always in her turn, for he had many children by her; and in obedience to her he had children by her hand-maid, and afterwards, without any hiring, by herself.  On this occasion it was Rachel’s turn, so that she had the power so expressly mentioned in the New Testament by the apostle, "The husband hath not power over his own body, but the wife." 860   Rachel had a bargain with her sister, and, being in her sister’s debt, she referred her to Jacob, her own debtor.  For the apostle uses this figure when he says, "Let the husband render unto the wife what is due." 861   Rachel gave what was in her power as due from her husband, in return for what she had chosen to take from her sister.

50.  If Jacob had been of such a character as Faustus in his incurable blindness supposes, and not a servant of righteousness rather than of concupiscence, would he not have been looking forward eagerly all day to the pleasure of passing the night with the more beautiful of his wives, whom he certainly loved more than the other, and for whom he paid the price of twice seven years of gratuitous service?  How, then, at the close of the day, on his way to his beloved, could he have consented to be turned aside, if he had been such as the ignorant Manichæans represent him?  Would he not have disregarded the wish of the women, and insisted upon going to the fair Rachel, who belonged to him that night not only as his lawful wife, but also as coming in regular order?  He would thus have used his power as a husband, for the wife also has not power over her own body, but the husband; and having on this occasion the arrangement in their obedience in favor of the gratification of his love of beauty, he might have enforced his authority the more successfully.  In that case it would be to the credit of the women, that while he thought of his own pleasure they contended about having a son.  As it was, this virtuous man, in manly control of sensual appetite, thought more of what was due from him than to him, and instead of using his power for his own pleasure, consented to be only the debtor in this mutual obligation.  So he consented to pay the debt to the person to whom she to whom it was due wished him to pay it.  When, by this private bargain of his wives, Jacob was suddenly and unexpectedly forced to turn from the beautiful wife to the plain one, he did not give way either to anger or to disappointment, nor did he try to persuade his wives to let him have his own way; but, like a just husband and an intelligent parent, seeing his wives concerned about the production of children, which was all he himself desired in marriage, he thought it best to yield to their authority, in desiring that each should have a child:  for, since all the children were his, his own authority was not impaired.  As if he had said to them:  Arrange as you please among yourselves which is to be the mother; it matters not to me, since in any case I am the father.  This control over the appetites, and simple desire to beget children, Faustus would have been clever enough to see and approve, unless his mind had been corrupted by the shocking tenets of his sect, which lead him to find fault with everything in the Scripture, and, moreover, teach him to condemn as the greatest crime the procreation of children, which is the proper design of marriage.

51.  Now, having defended the character of the patriarch, and refuted an accusation arising from these detestable errors, let us avail ourselves of the opportunity of searching out the symbolical meaning, and let us knock with the reverence of faith, that the Lord may open to us the typical significance of the four wives of Jacob, of whom two were free, and two slaves.  We see that, in the wife and bond-slaves of Abraham, the apostle understands the two Testaments. 862   But there, one represents each; here, the application does not suit so well, as there are two and two.  There, also, the son of the bond-slave is disinherited; but here the sons of the slaves receive the land of promise along with the sons of the free women:  so that this type must have a different meaning.

52.  Supposing that the two free wives point to the New Testament, by which we are called to liberty, what is the meaning of there being two?  Perhaps because in Scripture, as the attentive reader will find, we are said to have two lives in the body of Christ,—one temporal, in which we suffer pain, and one eternal, in which we shall behold the blessedness of God.  We see the one in the Lord’s passion, and the other in His resurrection.  The names of the women point to this meaning:  It is said that Leah means Suffering, and Rachel the First Principle made visible, or the Word which makes the First Principle visible.  The action, then, of our mortal human life, in which we live by faith, doing many painful tasks without knowing what benefit may result from them to those in whom we are interested, is Leah, Jacob’s first wife.  And thus she is said to have had weak eyes.  For the purposes of mortals are timid, and our plans uncertain.  Again, the hope of the eternal contemplation of God, accompanied with a sure and delightful perception of truth, is Rachel.  And on this account she is described as fair and well-formed.  This is the beloved of every pious student, and for this he serves the grace of God, by which our sins, though like scarlet, are made white as snow. 863   For Laban means making white; and we read that Jacob served Laban for Rachel. 864   No man turns to serve righteousness, in subjection to the grace of forgiveness, but that he may live in peace in the Word which makes visible the First Principle, or God; that is, he serves for Rachel, not for Leah.  For what a man loves in the works of righteousness is not the toil of doing and suffering.  No one desires this life for its own sake; as Jacob desired not Leah, who yet was brought to him, and became his wife, and the mother of children.  Though she could not be loved of herself, the Lord made her be borne with as a step to Rachel; and then she came to be approved of on account of her children.  Thus every useful servant of God, brought into His grace by which his sins are made white, has in his mind, and heart, and affection, when he thus turns to God, nothing but the knowledge of wisdom.  This we often expect to attain as a reward for practising the seven precepts of the law which concern the love of our neighbor, that we injure no one:  namely, Honor thy father and mother; Thou shall not commit adultery; Thou shall not kill; Thou shalt not steal; Thou shall not bear false witness; Thou shalt not desire thy neighbor’s wife; Thou shall not covet thy neighbor’s property.  When a man has obeyed these to the best of his ability, and, instead of the bright joys of truth which he desired and hoped for, finds in the darkness of the manifold trials of this world that he is bound to painful endurance, or has embraced Leah instead of Rachel, if there is perseverance in his love, he bears with the one in order to attain the other; and as if it were said to him, Serve seven other years for Rachel, he hears seven new commands,—to be poor in spirit, to be meek, to be a mourner, to hunger and thirst after righteousness, to be merciful, pure, and a peacemaker. 865   A man would desire, if it were possible, to obtain at once the joys of lovely and perfect wisdom, without the endurance of toil in action and suffering; but this is impossible in mortal life.  This seems to be meant, when it is said to Jacob:  "It is not the custom in our country to marry the younger before the elder." 866   The elder may very well mean the first in order of time.  So, in the discipline of man, the toil of doing the work of righteousness precedes the delight of understanding the truth.

53.  To this purpose it is written:  "Thou hast desired wisdom; keep the commandments, and the Lord shall give it thee." 867   The commandments are those concerning righteousness, and the righteousness is that which is by faith, surrounded with the uncertainty of temptations; so that understanding is the reward of a pious belief of what is not yet understood.  The meaning I have given to these words, "Thou hast desired wisdom; keep the commandments, and the Lord shall give it thee," I find also in the passage, "Unless ye believe, ye shall not understand;" 868 showing that as righteousness is by faith, understanding comes by wisdom.  Accordingly, in the case of those who eagerly demand evident truth, we must not condemn the desire, but regulate it, so that beginning with faith it may proceed to the desired end through good works.  The life of virtue is one of toil; the end desired is unclouded wisdom.  Why should I believe, says one, what is not clearly proved?  Let me hear some word which will disclose the first principle of all things.  This is the one great craving of the rational soul in the pursuit of truth.  And the answer is, What you desire is excellent, and well worthy of your love; but Leah is to be married first, and then Rachel.  The proper effect of your eagerness is to lead you to submit to the right method, instead of rebelling against it; for without this method you cannot attain what you so eagerly long for.  And when it is attained, the possession of the lovely form of knowledge will be in this world accompanied with the toils of righteousness.  For however clear and true our perception in this life may be of the unchangeable good, the mortal body is still a weight on the mind and the earthly tabernacle is a clog on the intellect in its manifold activity.  The end then, is one, but many things must be gone through for the sake of it.

54.  Thus Jacob has two free wives; for both are daughters of the remission of sins, or of whitening, that is, of Laban.  One is loved, the other is borne.  But she that is borne is the most and the soonest fruitful, that she may be loved, if not for herself, at least for her children.  For the toil of the righteous is specially fruitful in those whom they beget for the kingdom of God, by preaching the gospel amid many trials and temptations; and they call those their joy and crown 869 for whom they are in labors more abundantly, in stripes above measure, in deaths often, 870 —for whom they have fightings without and fears within. 871   Such births result most easily and plentifully from the word of faith, the preaching of Christ crucified, which speaks also of His human nature as far as it can be easily understood, so as not to hurt the weak eyes of Leah.  Rachel, again, with clear eye, is beside herself to God, 872 and sees in the beginning the Word of God with God, and wishes to bring forth, but cannot; for who shall declare His generation?  So the life devoted to contemplation, in order to see with no feeble mental eye things invisible to flesh, but understood by the things that are made, and to discern the ineffable manifestation of the eternal power and divinity of God, seeks leisure from all occupation, and is therefore barren.  In this habit of retirement, where the fire of meditation burns bright, there is a want of sympathy with human weakness, and with the need men have of our help in their calamities.  This life also burns with the desire for children (for it wishes to teach what it knows, and not to go with the corruption of envy 873 ), and sees its sister-life fully occupied with work and with bringing forth; and it grieves that men run after that virtue which cares for their wants and weaknesses, instead of that which has a divine imperishable lesson to impart.  This is what is meant when it is said, "Rachel envied her sister." 874   Moreover, as the pure intellectual perception of that which is not matter, and so is not the object of the bodliy sense, cannot be expressed in words which spring from the flesh, the doctrine of wisdom prefers to get some lodging for divine truth in the mind by whatever material figures and illustrations occur, rather than to give up teaching these things; and thus Rachel preferred that her husband should have children by her handmaid, rather than that she should be without any children.  Bilhah, the name of her handmaid, is said to mean old; and so, even when we speak of the spiritual and unchangeable nature of God, ideas are suggested relating to the old life of the bodily senses.

55.  Leah, too, got children by her handmaid, from the desire of having a numerous family.  Zilpah, her handmaid, is, interpreted, an open mouth.  So Leah’s handmaid represents those who are spoken of in Scripture as engaging in the preaching of the gospel with open mouth, but not with open heart.  Thus it is written of some:  "This people honor me with their lips, but their heart is far from me." 875   To such the apostle says:  "Thou that preachest that a man should not steal, dost thou steal?  Thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery, dost thou commit adultery?" 876   But that even by this arrangement the free wife of Jacob, the type of labor or endurance, might obtain children to be heirs of the kingdom, the Lord says:  "What they say, do; but do not after their works." 877   And again, the apostolic life, when enduring imprisonment, says:  "Whether Christ is preached in pretence or in truth, I therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice." 878   It is the joy of the mother over her numerous family, though born of her handmaid.

56.  In one instance Leah owed her becoming a mother to Rachel, who, in return for some mandrakes, allowed her husband to give her night to her sister.  Some, I know, think that eating this fruit has the effect of making barren women productive, and that Rachel, from her desire for children, was thus bent on getting the fruit from her sister.  But I should not agree to this, even had Rachel conceived at the time.  As Leah then conceived, and, besides, had two other children before God opened Rachel’s womb, there is no reason for supposing any such quality in the mandrake, without any experience to prove it.  I will give my explanation; those better able than I may give a better.  Though this fruit is not often met with, I had once, to my great satisfaction, on account of its connection with this passage of Scripture, an opportunity of seeing it.  I examined the fruit as carefully as I could, not with the help of any recondite knowledge of the nature of roots or the virtues of plants, but only as to what I or any one might learn from the sight, and smell, and taste.  I thought it a nice-looking fruit, and sweet-smelling, but insipid; and I confess it is hard to say why Rachel desired it so much, unless it was for its rarity and its sweet smell.  Why the incident should be narrated in Scripture, in which the fancies of women would not be mentioned as important unless it was intended that we should learn some important lesson from them, the only thing I can think of is the very simple idea that the fruit represents a good character; not the praise given a man by a few just and wise people, but popular report, which bestows greatness and renown on a man, and which is not desirable for its own sake, but is essential to the success of good men in their endeavors to benefit their fellow-men.  So the apostle says, that it is proper to have a good report of those that are without; 879 for though they are not infallible, the lustre of their praise and the odor of their good opinion are a great help to the efforts of those who seek to benefit them.  And this popular renown is not obtained by those that are highest in the Church, unless they expose themselves to the toils and hazards of an active life.  Thus the son of Leah found the mandrakes when he went out into the field, that is, when walking honestly towards those that are without.  The pursuit of wisdom, on the other hand, retired from the busy crowd, and lost in calm meditation, could never obtain a particle of this public approval, except through those who take the management of public business, not for the sake of being leaders, but in order to be useful.  These men of action and business exert themselves for the public benefit, and by a popular use of their influence gain the approval of the people even for the quiet life of the student and inquirer after truth; and thus through Leah the mandrakes come into the hands of Rachel.  Leah herself got them from her first-born son, that is, in honor of her fertility, which represents all the useful result of a laborious life exposed to the common vicissitudes; a life which many avoid on account of its troublesome engagements, because, although they might be able to take the lead, they are bent on study, and devote all their powers to the quiet pursuit of knowledge, in love with the beauty of Rachel.

57.  But as it is right that this studious life should gain public approval by letting itself be known, while it cannot rightly gain this approval if it keeps its follower in retirement, instead of using his powers for the management of ecclesiastical affairs, and so prevents his being generally useful; to this purpose Leah says to her sister, "Is it a small matter that thou hast taken my husband? and wouldest thou take away my son’s mandrakes also?"  880   The husband represents all those who, though fit for active life, and able to govern the Church, in administering to believers the mystery of the faith, from their love of learning and of the pursuit of wisdom, desire to relinquish all troublesome occupations, and to bury themselves in the classroom.  Thus the words, "Is it a small matter that thou hast taken my husband? and wouldest thou take away my son’s mandrakes also?" mean, "Is it a small matter that the life of study keeps in retirement men required for the toils of public life? and does it ask for popular renown as well?"

58.  To get this renown justly, Rachel gives her husband to her sister for the night; that is, those who, by a talent for business, are fitted for government, must for the public benefit consent to bear the burden and suffer the hardships of public life; lest the pursuit of wisdom, to which their leisure is devoted, should be evil spoken of, and should not gain from the multitude the good opinion, represented by the fruit, which is necessary for the encouragement of their pupils.  But the life of business must be forced upon them.  This is clearly shown by Leah’s meeting Jacob when coming from the field, and laying hold of him, saying, "Thou shalt come in to me; for I have hired thee with my son’s mandrakes." 881   As if she said, Dost thou wish the knowledge which thou lovest to be well thought of?  Do not shirk the toil of business.  The same thing happens constantly in the Church.  What we read is explained by what we meet with in our own experience.  Do we not everywhere see men coming from secular employments, to seek leisure for the study and contemplation of truth, their beloved Rachel, and intercepted mid-way by ecclesiastical affairs, which require them to be set to work, as if Leah said to them, You must come in to me?  When such men minister in sincerity the mystery of God, so as in the night of this world to beget sons in the faith, popular approval is gained also for that life, in love for which they were led to abandon worldly pursuits, and from the adoption of which they were called away to undertake the benevolent task of government.  In all their labors they aim chiefly at this, that their chosen way of life may have greater and wider renown, as having supplied the people with such leaders; as Jacob consents to go with Leah, that Rachel may obtain the sweet-smelling and good-looking fruit.  Rachel, too, in course of time, by the mercy of God, brings forth a child herself, but not till after some time; for it seldom happens that there is a sound, though only partial, apprehension, without fleshly ideas, of such sacred lessons of wisdom as this:  "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." 882

59.  This must suffice as a reply to the false accusations brought by Faustus against the three fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, from whom the God whom the Catholic Church worship was pleased to take His name.  This is not the place to discourse on the merits and piety of these three men, or on the dignity of their prophetic character, which is beyond the comprehension of carnal minds.  It is enough in this treatise to defend them against the calumnious attacks of malevolence and falsehood, in case those who read the Scriptures in a carping and hostile spirit should fancy that they have proved anything against the sacredness and the profitableness of these books, by their attempts to blacken the character of men who are there mentioned so honorably.

60.  It should be added that Lot, the brother, that is the blood relation, of Abraham, is not to be ranked as equal to those of whom God says, "I am the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob;" nor does he belong to those testified to in Scripture as having continued righteous to the end, although in Sodom he lived a pious and virtuous life, and showed a praiseworthy hospitality, so that he was rescued from the fire, and a land was given by God to his seed to dwell in, for the sake of his uncle Abraham.  On these accounts he is commended in Scripture—not for intemperance or incest.  But when we find bad and good actions recorded of the same person, we must take warning from the one, and example from the other.  As, then, the sin of Lot, of whom we are told that he was righteous previous to this sin, instead of bringing a stain on the character of God, or the truth of Scripture, rather calls on us to approve and admire the record in its resemblance to a faithful mirror, which reflects not only the beauties and perfections, but also the faults and deformities, of those who approach it; still more, in the case of Judah, who lay with his daughter-in-law, we may see how groundless are the reproaches cast on the narrative.  The sacred record has an authority which raises it far above not merely the cavils of a handful of Manichæans, but the determined enmity of the whole Gentile world; for, in confirmation of its claims, we see that already it has brought nearly all people from their idolatrous superstitions to the worship of one God, according to the rule of Christianity.  It has conquered the world, not by violence and warfare, but by the resistless force of truth.  Where, then, is Judah praised in Scripture?  Where is anything good said of him, except that in the blessing pronounced by his father he is distinguished above the rest, because of the prophecy that Christ would come in the flesh from his tribe?  883

61.  Judah, as Faustus says, committed fornication; and besides that, we can accuse him of selling his brother into Egypt.  Is it any disparagement to light, that in revealing all things it discloses what is unsightly?  So neither is the character of Scripture affected by the evil deeds of which we are informed by the record itself.  Undoubtedly, by the eternal law, which requires the preservation of natural order, and forbids the transgression of it, conjugal intercourse should take place only for the procreation of children, and after the celebration of marriage, so as to maintain the bond of peace.  Therefore, the prostitution of women, merely for the gratification of sinful passion, is condemned by the divine and eternal law.  To purchase the degradation of another, disgraces the purchaser; so that, though the sin would have been greater if Judah had knowingly lain with his daughter-in-law (for if, as the Lord says, man and wife are no more two, but one flesh, 884 a daughter-in-law is the same as a daughter); still, it is plain that, as regards his own intention, he was disgraced by his intercourse with an harlot.  The woman, on the other hand, who deceived her father-in-law, sinned not from wantonness, or because she loved the gains of iniquity, but from her desire to have children of this particular family.  So, being disappointed in two of the brothers, and not obtaining the third, she succeeded by craft in getting a child by their father; and the reward which she got was kept, not as an ornament, but as a pledge.  It would certainly have been better to have remained childless than to become a mother without marriage.  Still, her desire to have her father-in-law as the father of her children was very different from having a criminal affection for him.  And when, by his order, she was brought out to be killed, on her producing the staff and necklace and ring, saying that the father of the child was the man who had given her those pledges, Judah acknowledged them, and said, "She hath been more righteous than I"—not praising her, but condemning himself.  He blamed her desire to have children less than his own unlawful passion, which had led him to one whom he thought to be an harlot.  In a similar sense, it is said of some that they justified Sodom; 885 that is, their sin was so great, that Sodom seemed righteous in comparison.  And even allowing that this woman is not spoken of as comparatively less guilty, but is actually praised by her father-in-law, while, on account of her not observing the established rites of marriage, she is a criminal in the eye of the eternal law of right, which forbids the transgression of natural order, both as regards the body, and first and chiefly as regards the mind, what wonder though one sinner should praise another?

62.  The mistake of Faustus and of Manichæism generally, is in supposing that these objections prove anything against us, as if our reverence for Scripture, and our profession of regard for its authority, bound us to approve of all the evil actions mentioned in it; whereas the greater our homage for the Scripture, the more decided must be our condemnation of what the truth of Scripture itself teaches us to condemn.  In Scripture, all fornication and adultery are condemned by the divine law; accordingly, when actions of this kind are narrated, without being expressly condemned, it is intended not that we should praise them, but that we should pass judgment on them ourselves.  Every one execrates the cruelty of Herod in the Gospel, when, in his uneasiness on hearing of the birth of Christ, he commanded the slaughter of so many infants. 886   But this is merely narrated without being condemned.  Or if Manichæan absurdity is bold enough to deny the truth of this narrative, since they do not admit the birth of Christ, which was what troubled Herod, let them read the account of the blind fury of the Jews, which is related without any expression of reproach, although the feeling of abhorrence is the same in all.

63.  But, it is said, Judah, who lay with his daughter-in-law, is reckoned as one of the twelve patriarchs.  And was not Judas, who betrayed the Lord, reckoned among the twelve apostles?  And was not this one of them, who was a devil, sent along with them to preach the gospel? 887   In reply to this, it will be said that after his crime Judas hanged himself, and was removed from the number of the apostles; while Judah, after his evil conduct, was not only blessed along with his brethren, but got special honor and approval from his father, who is so highly spoken of in Scripture.  But the main lesson to be learned from this is, that this prophecy refers not to Judah, but to Christ, who was foretold as to come in the flesh from his tribe; and the very reason for the mention of this crime of Judah is to be found in the desirableness of teaching us to look for another meaning in the words of his father, which are seen not to be applicable to him in his misconduct, from the praise which they express.

64.  Doubtless, the intention of Faustus’ calumnies is to damage this very assertion, that Christ was born of the tribe of Judah.  Especially, as in the genealogy given by Matthew we find the name of Zara, whom this woman Tamar bore to Judah.  Had Faustus wished to reproach Jacob’s family merely, and not Christ’s birth, he might have taken the case of Reuben the first-born, who committed the unnatural crime of defiling his father’s bed, of which fornication the apostle says, that it was not so much as named among the Gentiles. 888   Jacob also mentions this in his blessing, charging his son with the infamous deed.  Faustus might have brought up this, as Reuben seems to have been guilty of deliberate incest, and there was no harlot’s disguise in this case, were it not that Tamar’s conduct in desiring nothing but to have children is more odious to Faustus than if she had acted from criminal passion, and did he not wish to discredit the incarnation, by bringing reproach on Christ’s progenitors.  Faustus unhappily is not aware that the most true and truthful Saviour is a teacher, not only in His words, but also in His birth.  In His fleshly origin there is this lesson for those who should believe on Him from all nations, that the sins of their fathers need be no hindrance to them.  Besides, the Bridegroom, who was to call good and bad to His marriage, 889 was pleased to assimilate Himself to His guests, in being born of good and bad.  He thus confirms as typical of Himself the symbol of the Passover, in which it was commanded that the lamb to be eaten should be taken from the sheep or from the goats—that is, from the righteous or the wicked. 890   Preserving throughout the indication of divinity and humanity, as man He consented to have both bad and good as His parents, while as God He chose the miraculous birth from a virgin.

65.  The impiety, therefore, of Faustus’ attacks on Scripture can injure no one but himself; for what he thus assails is now deservedly the object of universal reverence.  As has been said already, the sacred record, like a faithful mirror, has no flattery in its portraits, and either itself passes sentence upon human actions as worthy of approval or disapproval, or leaves the reader to do so.  And not only does it distinguish men as blameworthy or praiseworthy, but it also takes notice of cases where the blameworthy deserve praise, and the praiseworthy blame.  Thus, although Saul was blameworthy, it was not the less praiseworthy in him to examine so carefully who had eaten food during the curse, and to pronounce the stern sentence in obedience to the commandment of God. 891   So, too, he was right in banishing those that had familiar spirits and wizards out of the land. 892   And although David was praiseworthy, we are not called on to approve or imitate his sins, which God rebukes by the prophet.  And so Pontius Pilate was not wrong in pronouncing the Lord innocent, in spite of the accusations of the Jews; 893 nor was it praiseworthy in Peter to deny the Lord thrice; nor, again, was he praiseworthy on that occasion when Christ called him Satan because, not understanding the things of God, he wished to withhold Christ from his passion, that is, from our salvation.  Here Peter, immediately after being called blessed, is called Satan. 894   Which character most truly belonged to him, we may see from his apostleship, and from his crown of martyrdom.

66.  In the case of David also, we read of both good and bad actions.  But where David’s strength lay, and what was the secret of his success, is sufficiently plain, not to the blind malevolence with which Faustus assails holy writings and holy men, but to pious discernment, which bows to the divine authority, and at the same time judges correctly of human conduct.  The Manichæans will find, if they read the Scriptures, that God rebukes David more than Faustus does. 895   But they will read also of the sacrifice of his penitence, of his surpassing gentleness to his merciless and bloodthirsty enemy, whom David, pious as he was brave, dismissed unhurt when now and again he fell into his hands. 896   They will read of his memorable humility under divine chastisement, when the kingly neck was so bowed under the Master’s yoke, that he bore with perfect patience bitter taunts from his enemy, though he was armed, and had armed men with him.  And when his companion was enraged at such things being said to the king, and was on the point of requiting the insult on the head of the scoffer, he mildly restrained him, appealing to the fear of God in support of his own royal order, and saying that this bad happened to him as a punishment from God, who had sent the man to curse him. 897   They will read how, with the love of a shepherd for the flock entrusted to him, he was willing to die for them, when, after he had numbered the people, God saw good to punish his sinful pride by lessening the number he boasted of.  In this destruction, God, with whom there is no iniquity, in His secret judgment, both took away the lives of those whom He knew to be unworthy of life, and by this diminution cured the vainglory which had prided itself on the number of the people.  They will read of that scrupulous fear of God in his regard for the emblem of Christ in the sacred anointing, which made David’s heart smite him with regret for having secretly cut off a small piece of Saul’s garment, that he might prove to him that he had no wish to kill him, when he might have done it.  They will read of his judicious behavior as regards his children, and also of his tenderness toward them—how, when one was sick, he entreated the Lord for him with many tears and with much self-abasement, but when he died, an innocent child, he did not mourn for him; and again, how, when his youthful son was carried away with unnatural hostility to an infamous violation of his father’s bed, and in a parricidal war, he wished him to live, and wept for him when he was killed; for he thought of the eternal doom of a soul guilty of such crimes, and desired that he should live to escape this doom by being brought to submission and repentance.  These, and many other praiseworthy and exemplary things, may be seen in this holy man by a candid examination of the Scripture narrative, especially if in humble piety and unfeigned faith we regard the judgment of God, who knew the secrets of David’s heart, and who, in His infallible inspection, so approves of David as to commend him as a pattern to his sons.

67.  It must have been on account of this inspection of the depths of David’s heart by the Spirit of God that, when on being reproved by the prophet, he said, I have sinned, he was considered worthy to be told, immediately after this brief confession, that he was pardoned—that is, that he was admitted to eternal salvation.  For he did not escape the correction of the fatherly rod, of which God spoke in His threatening, that, while by his confession he obtained eternal exemption, he might be tried by temporal chastisement.  And it is a remarkable evidence of the strength of David’s faith, and of his meek and submissive spirit, that, when he had been told by the prophet that God had forgiven him, although the threatened consequences were still permitted to follow, he did not accuse the prophet of having deluded him, or murmur against God as having mocked him with a declaration of forgiveness.  This deeply holy man, whose soul was lifted up unto God, and not against God, knew that had not the Lord mercifully accepted his confession and repentance, his sins would have deserved eternal punishment.  So when, instead of this, he was made to smart under temporal correction, he saw that, while the pardon remained good, wholesome discipline was also provided.  Saul, too, when he was reproved by Samuel, said, I have sinned. 898   Why, then, was he not considered fit to be told, as David was, that the Lord had pardoned his sin?  Is there acceptance of persons with God?  Far from it.  While to the human ear the words were the same, the divine eye saw a difference in the heart.  The lesson for us to learn from these things is, that the kingdom of heaven is within us, 899 and that we must worship God from our inmost feelings, that out of the abundance of the heart the mouth may speak, instead of honoring Him with our lips, like the people of old, while our hearts are far from Him.  We may learn also to judge of men, whose hearts we cannot see, only as God judges, who sees what we cannot, and who cannot be biased or misled.  Having, on the high authority of sacred Scripture, the plainest announcement of God’s opinion of David, we may regard as absurd or deplorable the rashness of men who hold a different opinion.  The authority of Scripture, as regards the character of these men of ancient times, is supported by the evidence from the prophecies which they contain, and which are now receiving their fulfillment.

68.  We see the same thing in the Gospel, where the devils confess that Christ is the Son of God in the words used by Peter, but with a very different heart.  So, though the words were the same, Peter is praised for his faith, while the impiety of the devils is checked.  For Christ, not by human sense, but by divine knowledge, could inspect and infallibly discriminate the sources from which the words came.  Besides, there are multitudes who confess that Christ is the Son of the living God, without meriting the same approval as Peter—not only of those who shall say in that day, "Lord, Lord," and shall receive the sentence, "Depart from me," but also of those who shall be placed on the right hand.  They may probably never have denied Christ even once; they may never have opposed His suffering for our salvation; they may never have forced the Gentiles to do as the Jews; 900 and yet they shall not be honored equally with Peter, who, though he did all these things, will sit on one of the twelve thrones, and judge not only the twelve tribes, but the angels.  So, again, many who have never desired another man’s wife, or procured the death of the husband, as David did, will never reach the place which David nevertheless held in the divine favor.  There is a vast difference between what is in itself so undesirable that it must be utterly rejected, and the rich and plenteous harvest which may afterwards appear.  For farmers are best pleased with the fields from which, after weeding them, it may be, of great thistles, they receive an hundred-fold; not with fields which have never had any thistles, and hardly bear thirty-fold.

69.  So Moses, too, who was so faithful a servant of God in all his house; the minister of the holy, just, and good law; of whose character the apostle speaks in the words here quoted; 901 the minister also of the symbols which, though not conferring salvation, promised the Saviour, as the Saviour Himself shows, when He says, "If ye believed Moses, ye would also believe me, for he wrote of me,"—from which passage we have already sufficiently answered the presumptuous cavils of the Manichæans;—this Moses, the servant of the living, the true, the most high God, that made heaven and earth, not of a foreign substance, but of nothing—not from the pressure of necessity, but from plenitude of goodness—not by the suffering of His members, but by the power of His word;—this Moses, who humbly put from him this high ministry, but obediently accepted it, and faithfully kept it, and diligently fulfilled it; who ruled the people with vigilance, reproved them with vehemence, loved them with fervor, and bore with them in patience, standing for his subjects before God to receive His counsel, and to appease His wrath;—this great and good man is not to be judged of from Faustus’ malicious representations, but from what is said by God, whose word is a true expression of His true opinion of this man, whom He knew because He made him.  For the sins of men are also known to God, though He is not their author; but He takes notice of them as a judge in those who refuse to own them, and pardons them as a father in those who make confession.  His servant Moses, as thus described, we love and admire and to the best of our power imitate, coming indeed far short of his merits, though we have killed no Egyptian, nor plundered any one, nor carried on any war; which actions of Moses were in one case prompted by the zeal of the future champion of his people, and in the other cases commanded by God.

70.  It might be shown that, though Moses slew the Egyptian, without being commanded by God, the action was divinely permitted, as, from the prophetic character of Moses, it prefigured something in the future.  Now however, I do not use this argument, but view the action as having no symbolical meaning.  In the light, then, of the eternal law, it was wrong for one who had no legal authority to kill the man, even though he was a bad character, besides being the aggressor.  But in minds where great virtue is to come, there is often an early crop of vices, in which we may still discern a disposition for some particular virtue, which will come when the mind is duly cultivated.  For as farmers, when they see land bringing forth huge crops, though of weeds, pronounce it good for corn; or when they see wild creepers, which have to be rooted out, still consider the land good for useful vines; and when they see a hill covered with wild olives, conclude that with culture it will produce good fruit:  so the disposition of mind which led Moses to take the law into his own hands, to prevent the wrong done to his brother, living among strangers, by a wicked citizen of the country from being unrequited, was not unfit for the production of virtue, but from want of culture gave signs of its productiveness in an unjustifiable manner.  He who afterwards, by His angel, called Moses on Mount Sinai, with the divine commission to liberate the people of Israel from Egypt, and who trained him to obedience by the miraculous appearance in the bush burning but not consumed, and by instructing him in his ministry, was the same who, by the call addressed from heaven to Saul when persecuting the Church, humbled him, raised him up, and animated him; or in figurative words, by this stroke He cut off the branch, grafted it, and made it fruitful.  For the fierce energy of Paul, when in his zeal for hereditary traditions he persecuted the Church, thinking that he was doing God service, was like a crop of weeds showing great signs of productiveness.  It was the same in Peter, when he took his sword out of its sheath to defend the Lord, and cut off the right ear of an assailant, when the Lord rebuked him with something like a threat, saying, "Put up thy sword into its sheath; for he that taketh the sword shall perish by the sword." 902   To take the sword is to use weapons against a man’s life, without the sanction of the constituted authority.  The Lord, indeed, had told His disciples to carry a sword; but He did not tell them to use it.  But that after this sin Peter should become a pastor of the Church was no more improper than that Moses, after smiting the Egyptian, should become the leader of the congregation.  In both cases the trespass originated not in inveterate cruelty, but in a hasty zeal which admitted of correction.  In both cases there was resentment against injury, accompanied in one case by love for a brother, and in the other by love, though still carnal, of the Lord.  Here was evil to be subdued or rooted out; but the heart with such capacities needed only, like good soil, to be cultivated to make it fruitful in virtue.

71.  Then, as for Faustus’ objection to the spoiling of the Egyptians, he knows not what he says.  In this Moses not only did not sin, but it would have been sin not to do it.  It was by the command of God, 903 who, from His knowledge both of the actions and of the hearts of men, can decide on what every one should be made to suffer, and through whose agency.  The people at that time were still carnal, and engrossed with earthly affections; while the Egyptians were in open rebellion against God, for they used the gold, God’s creature, in the service of idols, to the dishonor of the Creator, and they had grievously oppressed strangers by making them work without pay.  Thus the Egyptians deserved the punishment, and the Israelites were suitably employed in inflicting it.  Perhaps, indeed, it was not so much a command as a permission to the Hebrews to act in the matter according to their own inclinations; and God, in sending the message by Moses, only wished that they should thus be informed of His permission.  There may also have been mysterious reasons for what God said to the people on this matter.  At any rate, God’s commands are to be submissively received, not to be argued against.  The apostle says, "Who hath known the mind of the Lord? or who hath been His counsellor?" 904   Whether, then, the reason was what I have said, or whether in the secret appointment of God, there was some unknown reason for His telling the people by Moses to borrow things from the Egyptians, and to take them away with them, this remains certain, that this was said for some good reason, and that Moses could not lawfully have done otherwise than God told him, leaving to God the reason of the command, while the servant’s duty is to obey.

72.  But, says Faustus, it cannot be admitted that the true God, who is also good, ever gave such a command.  I answer, such a command can be rightly given by no other than the true and good God, who alone knows the suitable command in every case, and who alone is incapable of inflicting unmerited suffering on any one.  This ignorant and spurious goodness of the human heart may as well deny what Christ says, and object to the wicked being made to suffer by the good God, when He shall say to the angels, "Gather first the tares into bundles to burn them."  The servants, however, were stopped when they wished to do this prematurely:  "Lest by chance, when ye would gather the tares, ye root up the wheat also with them." 905   Thus the true and good God alone knows when, to whom, and by whom to order anything, or to permit anything.  In the same way, this human goodness, or folly rather, might object to the Lord’s permitting the devils to enter the swine, which they asked to be allowed to do with a mischievous intent, 906 especially as the Manichæans believe that not only pigs, but the vilest insects, have human souls.  But setting aside these absurd notions, this is undeniable, that our Lord Jesus Christ, the only son of God, and therefore the true and good God, permitted the destruction of swine belonging to strangers, implying loss of life and of a great amount of property, at the request of devils.  No one can be so insane as to suppose that Christ could not have driven the devils out of the men without gratifying their malice by the destruction of the swine.  If, then, the Creator and Governor of all natures, in His superintendence, which, though mysterious, is ever just, indulged the violent and unjust inclination of those lost spirits already doomed to eternal fire, why should not the Egyptians, who were unrighteous oppressors, be spoiled by the Hebrews, a free people, who would claim payment for their enforced and painful toil, especially as the earthly possessions which they thus lost were used by the Egyptians in their impious rites, to the dishonor of the Creator?  Still, if Moses had originated this order, or if the people had done it spontaneously, undoubtedly it would have been sinful; and perhaps the people did sin, not in doing what God commanded or permitted, but in some desire of their own for what they took.  The permission given to this action by divine authority was in accordance with the just and good counsel of Him who uses punishments both to restrain the wicked and to educate His own people; who knows also how to give more advanced precepts to those able to bear them, while He begins on a lower scale in the treatment of the feeble.  As for Moses, he can be blamed neither for coveting the property, nor for disputing, in any instance, the divine authority.

73.  According to the eternal law, which requires the preservation of natural order, and forbids the transgression of it, some actions have an indifferent character, so that men are blamed for presumption if they do them without being called upon, while they are deservedly praised for doing them when required.  The act, the agent, and the authority for the action are all of great importance in the order of nature.  For Abraham to sacrifice his son of his own accord is shocking madness.  His doing so at the command of God proves him faithful and submissive.  This is so loudly proclaimed by the very voice of truth, that Faustus, eagerly rummaging for some fault, and reduced at last to slanderous charges, has not the boldness to attack this action.  It is scarcely possible that he can have forgotten a deed so famous, that it recurs to the mind of itself without any study or reflection, and is in fact repeated by so many tongues, and portrayed in so many places, that no one can pretend to shut his eyes or his ears to it.  If, therefore, while Abraham’s killing his son of his own accord would have been unnatural, his doing it at the command of God shows not only guiltless but praiseworthy compliance, why does Faustus blame Moses for spoiling the Egyptians?  Your feeling of disapproval for the mere human action should be restrained by a regard for the divine sanction.  Will you venture to blame God Himself for desiring such actions?  Then "Get thee behind me, Satan, for thou understandest not the things which be of God, but those which be of men."  Would that this rebuke might accomplish in you what it did in Peter, and that you might hereafter preach the truth concerning God, which you now, judging by feeble sense, find fault with! as Peter became a zealous messenger to announce to the Gentiles what he objected to at first, when the Lord spoke of it as His intention.

74.  Now, if this explanation suffices to satisfy human obstinacy and perverse misinterpretation of right actions of the vast difference between the indulgence of passion and presumption on the part of men, and obedience to the command of God, who knows what to permit or to order, and also the time and the persons, and the due action or suffering in each case, the account of the wars of Moses will not excite surprise or abhorrence, for in wars carried on by divine command, he showed not ferocity but obedience; and God in giving the command, acted not in cruelty, but in righteous retribution, giving to all what they deserved, and warning those who needed warning.  What is the evil in war?  Is it the death of some who will soon die in any case, that others may live in peaceful subjection?  This is mere cowardly dislike, not any religious feeling.  The real evils in war are love of violence, revengeful cruelty, fierce and implacable enmity, wild resistance, and the lust of power, and such like; and it is generally to punish these things, when force is required to inflict the punishment, that, in obedience to God or some lawful authority, good men undertake wars, when they find themselves in such a position as regards the conduct of human affairs, that right conduct requires them to act, or to make others act in this way.  Otherwise John, when the soldiers who came to be baptized asked, What shall we do? would have replied, Throw away your arms; give up the service; never strike, or wound, or disable any one.  But knowing that such actions in battle were not murderous but authorized by law, and that the soldiers did not thus avenge themselves, but defend the public safety, he replied, "Do violence to no man, accuse no man falsely, and be content with your wages." 907   But as the Manichæans are in the habit of speaking evil of John, let them hear the Lord Jesus Christ Himself ordering this money to be given to Cæsar, which John tells the soldiers to be content with.  "Give," He says, "to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s." 908   For tribute-money is given on purpose to pay the soldiers for war.  Again, in the case of the centurion who said, "I am a man under authority, and have soldiers under me:  and I say to one, Go, and he goeth; and to another, Come, and he cometh; and to my servant, Do this, and he doeth it," Christ gave due praise to his faith; 909 He did not tell him to leave the service.  But there is no need here to enter on the long discussion of just and unjust ways.

75.  A great deal depends on the causes for which men undertake wars, and on the authority they have for doing so; for the natural order which seeks the peace of mankind, ordains that the monarch should have the power of undertaking war if he thinks it advisable, and that the soldiers should perform their military duties in behalf of the peace and safety of the community.  When war is undertaken in obedience to God, who would rebuke, or humble, or crush the pride of man, it must be allowed to be a righteous war; for even the wars which arise from human passion cannot harm the eternal well-being of God, nor even hurt His saints; for in the trial of their patience, and the chastening of their spirit, and in bearing fatherly correction, they are rather benefited than injured.  No one can have any power against them but what is given him from above.  For there is no power but of God, 910 who either orders or permits.  Since, therefore, a righteous man, serving it may be under an ungodly king, may do the duty belonging to his position in the State in fighting by the order of his sovereign,—for in some cases it is plainly the will of God that he should fight, and in others, where this is not so plain, it may be an unrighteous command on the part of the king, while the soldier is innocent, because his position makes obedience a duty,—how much more must the man be blameless who carries on war on the authority of God, of whom every one who serves Him knows that He can never require what is wrong?

76.  If it is supposed that God could not enjoin warfare, because in after times it was said by the Lord Jesus Christ, "I say unto you, That ye resist not evil:  but if any one strike thee on the right cheek, turn to him the left also," 911 the answer is, that what is here required is not a bodily action, but an inward disposition.  The sacred seat of virtue is the heart, and such were the hearts of our fathers, the righteous men of old.  But order required such a regulation of events, and such a distinction of times, as to show first of all that even earthly blessings (for so temporal kingdoms and victory over enemies are considered to be, and these are the things which the community of the ungodly all over the world are continually begging from idols and devils) are entirely under the control and at the disposal of the one true God.  Thus, under the Old Testament, the secret of the kingdom of heaven, which was to be disclosed in due time, was veiled, and so far obscured, in the disguise of earthly promises.  But when the fullness of time came for the revelation of the New Testament, which was hidden under the types of the Old, clear testimony was to be borne to the truth, that there is another life for which this life ought to be disregarded, and another kingdom for which the opposition of all earthly kingdoms should be patiently borne.  Thus the name martyrs, which means witnesses, was given to those who, by the will of God, bore this testimony, by their confessions, their sufferings, and their death.  The number of such witnesses is so great, that if it pleased Christ—who called Saul by a voice from heaven, and having changed him from a wolf to a sheep, sent him into the midst of wolves—to unite them all in one army, and to give them success in battle, as He gave to the Hebrews, what nation could withstand them? what kingdom would remain unsubdued?  But as the doctrine of the New Testament is, that we must serve God not for temporal happiness in this life, but for eternal felicity hereafter, this truth was most strikingly confirmed by the patient endurance of what is commonly called adversity for the sake of that felicity.  So in fullness of time the Son of God, made of a woman, made under the law, that He might redeem them that were under the law, made of the seed of David according to the flesh sends His disciples as sheep into the midst of wolves, and bids them not fear those that can kill the body, but cannot kill the soul, and promises that even the body will be entirely restored, so that not a hair shall be lost. 912   Peter’s sword He orders back into its sheath, restoring as it was before the ear of His enemy that had been cut off.  He says that He could obtain legions of angels to destroy His enemies, but that He must drink the cup which His Father’s will had given Him. 913   He sets the example of drinking this cup, then hands it to His followers, manifesting thus, both in word and deed, the grace of patience.  Therefore God raised Him from the dead, and has given Him a name which is above every name; that in the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven and of things in earth, and of things under the earth; and that every tongue should confess that Jesus is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. 914   The patriarchs and prophets, then, have a kingdom in this world, to show that these kingdoms, too, are given and taken away by God:  the apostles and martyrs had no kingdom here, to show the superior desirableness of the kingdom of heaven.  The prophets, however, could even in those times die for the truth, as the Lord Himself says, "From the blood of Abel to the blood of Zacharia; 915 and in these days, since the commencement of the fulfillment of what is prophesied in the psalm of Christ, under the figure of Solomon, which means the peacemaker, as Christ is our peace, 916 "All kings of the earth shall bow to Him, all nations shall serve Him," 917 we have seen Christian emperors, who have put all their confidence in Christ, gaining splendid victories over ungodly enemies, whose hope was in the rites of idolatry and devil-worship.  There are public and undeniable proofs of the fact, that on one side the prognostications of devils were found to be fallacious, and on the other, the predictions of saints were a means of support; and we have now writings in which those facts are recorded.

77.  If our foolish opponents are surprised at the difference between the precepts given by God to the ministers of the Old Testament, at a time when the grace of the New was still undisclosed, and those given to the preachers of the New Testament, now that the obscurity of the Old is removed, they will find Christ Himself saying one thing at one time, and another at another.  "When I sent you," He says, "without scrip, or purse, or shoes, did ye lack anything?  And they said, Nothing.  Then saith He to them, But now, he that hath a scrip, let him take it, and also a purse; and he that hath not a sword, let him sell his garment, and buy one."  If the Manichæans found passages in the Old and New Testaments differing in this way, they would proclaim it as a proof that the Testaments are opposed to each other.  But here the difference is in the utterances of one and the same person.  At one time He says, "I sent you without scrip, or purse, or shoes, and ye lacked nothing;" at another, "Now let him that hath a scrip take it, and also a purse; and he that hath a tunic, let him sell it and buy a sword."  Does not this show how, without any inconsistency, precepts and counsels and permissions may be changed, as different times require different arrangements?  If it is said that there was a symbolical meaning in the command to take a scrip and purse, and to buy a sword, why may there not be a symbolical meaning in the fact, that one and the same God commanded the prophets in old times to make war, and forbade the apostles?  And we find in the passage that we have quoted from the Gospel, that the words spoken by the Lord were carried into effect by His disciples.  For, besides going at first without scrip or purse, and yet lacking nothing, as from the Lord’s question and their answer it is plain they did, now that He speaks of buying a sword, they say, "Lo, here are two swords;" and He replied, "It is enough."  Hence we find Peter with a weapon when he cut off the assailant’s ear, on which occasion his spontaneous boldness was checked, because, although he had been told to take a sword, he had not been told to use it. 918   Doubtless, it was mysterious that the Lord should require them to carry weapons, and forbid the use of them.  But it was His part to give the suitable precepts, and it was their part to obey without reserve.

78.  It is therefore mere groundless calumny to charge Moses with making war, for there would have been less harm in making war of his own accord, than in not doing it when God commanded him.  And to dare to find fault with God Himself for giving such a command, or not to believe it possible that a just and good God did so, shows, to say the least, an inability to consider that in the view of divine providence, which pervades all things from the highest to the lowest, time can neither add anything nor take away; but all things go, or come, or remain according to the order of nature or desert in each separate case, while in men a right will is in union with the divine law, and ungoverned passion is restrained by the order of divine law; so that a good man wills only what is commanded, and a bad man can do only what he is permitted, at the same time that he is punished for what he wills to do unjustly.  Thus, in all the things which appear shocking and terrible to human feebleness, the real evil is the injustice; the rest is only the result of natural properties or of moral demerit.  This injustice is seen in every case where a man loves for their own sake things which are desirable only as means to an end, and seeks for the sake of something else things which ought to be loved for themselves.  For thus, as far as he can, he disturbs in himself the natural order which the eternal law requires us to observe.  Again, a man is just when he seeks to use things only for the end for which God appointed them, and to enjoy God as the end of all, while he enjoys himself and his friend in God and for God.  For to love in a friend the love of God is to love the friend for God.  Now both justice and injustice, to be acts at all, must be voluntary; otherwise, there can be no just rewards or punishments; which no man in his senses will assert.  The ignorance and infirmity which prevent a man from knowing his duty, or from doing all he wishes to do, belong to God’s secret penal arrangement, and to His unfathomable judgments, for with Him there is no iniquity.  Thus we are informed by the sure word of God of Adam’s sin; and Scripture truly declares that in him all die, and that by him sin entered into the world, and death by sin. 919   And our experience gives abundant evidence, that in punishment for this sin our body is corrupted, and weighs down the soul, and the clay tabernacle clogs the mind in its manifold activity; 920 and we know that we can be freed from this punishment only by gracious interposition.  So the apostle cries out in distress, "O wretched man that I am! who shall deliver me from the body of this death?  The grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord." 921   So much we know; but the reasons for the distribution of divine judgment and mercy, why one is in this condition, and another in that, though just, are unknown.  Still, we are sure that all these things are due either to the mercy or the judgment of God, while the measures and numbers and weights by which the Creator of all natural productions arranges all things are concealed from our view.  For God is not the author, but He is the controller of sin; so that sinful actions, which are sinful because they are against nature, are judged and controlled, and assigned to their proper place and condition, in order that they may not bring discord and disgrace on universal nature.  This being the case, and as the judgments of God and the movements of man’s will contain the hidden reason why the same prosperous circumstances which some make a right use of are the ruin of others, and the same afflictions under which some give way are profitable to others, and since the whole mortal life of man upon earth is a trial, 922 who can tell whether it may be good or bad in any particular case—in time of peace, to reign or to serve, or to be at ease or to die—or in time of war, to command or to fight, or to conquer or to be killed?  At the same time, it remains true, that whatever is good is so by the divine blessing, and whatever is bad is so by the divine judgment.

79.  Let no one, then, be so daring as to make rash charges against men, not to say against God.  If the service of the ministers of the Old Testament, who were also heralds of the New, consisted in putting sinners to death, and that of the ministers of the New Testament, who are also interpreters of the Old, in being put to death by sinners, the service in both cases is rendered to one God, who, varying the lesson to suit the times, teaches both that temporal blessings are to be sought from Him, and that they are to be forsaken for Him, and that temporal distress is both sent by Him and should be endured for Him.  There was, therefore, no cruelty in the command, or in the action of Moses, when, in his holy jealousy for his people, whom he wished to be subject to the one true God, on learning that they had fallen away to the worship of an idol made by their own hands, he impressed their minds at the time with a wholesome fear, and gave them a warning for the future, by using the sword in the punishment of a few, whose just punishment God, against whom they had sinned, appointed in the depth of His secret judgment to be immediately inflicted.  That Moses acted as he did, not in cruelty, but in great love, may be seen from the words in which he prayed for the sins of the people:  "If Thou wilt forgive their sin, forgive it; and if not, blot me out of Thy book." 923   The pious inquirer who compares the slaughter with the prayer will find in this the clearest evidence of the awful nature of the injury done to the soul by prostitution to the images of devils, since such love is roused to such anger.  We see the same in the apostle, who, not in cruelty, but in love, delivered a man up to Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. 924   Others, too, he delivered up, that they might learn not to blaspheme. 925   In the apocryphal books of the Manichæans there is a collection of fables, published by some unknown authors under the name of the apostles.  The books would no doubt have been sanctioned by the Church at the time of their publication, if holy and learned men then in life, and competent to determine the matter, had thought the contents to be true.  One of the stories is, that the Apostle Thomas was once at a marriage feast in a country where he was unknown, when one of the servants struck him, and that he forthwith by his curse brought a terrible punishment on this man.  For when he went out to the fountain to provide water for the guests, a lion fell on him and killed him, and the hand with which he had given a slight blow to the apostle was torn off, in fulfillment of the imprecation, and brought by a dog to the table at which the apostle was reclining.  What could be more cruel than this?  And yet, if I mistake not, the story goes on to say, that the apostle made up for the cruelty by obtaining for the man the blessing of pardon in the next world; so that, while the people of this strange country learned to fear the apostle as being so dear to God, the man’s eternal welfare was secured in exchange for the loss of this mortal life.  It matters not whether the story is true or false.  At any rate, the Manichæans, who regard as genuine and authentic books which the canon of the Church rejects, must allow, as shown in the story, that the virtue of patience, which the Lord enjoins when He says, "If any one smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him thy left also," may be in the inward disposition, though it is not exhibited in bodily action or in words.  For when the apostle was struck, instead of turning his other side to the man, or telling him to repeat the blow, he prayed to God to pardon his assailant in the next world, but not to leave the injury unpunished at the time.  Inwardly he preserved a kindly feeling, while outwardly he wished the man to be punished as an example.  As the Manichæans believe this, rightly or wrongly, they may also believe that such was the intention of Moses, the servant of God, when he cut down with the sword the makers and worshippers of the idol; for his own words show that he so entreated for pardon for their sin of idolatry as to ask to be blotted out of God’s book if his prayer was not heard.  There is no comparison between a stranger being struck with the hand, and the dishonor done to God by forsaking Him for an idol, when He had brought the people out of the bondage of Egypt, had led them through the sea, and had covered with the waters the enemy pursuing them.  Nor, as regards the punishment, is there any comparison between being killed with the sword and being torn in pieces by wild beasts.  For judges in administering the law condemn to exposure to wild beasts worse criminals than are condemned to be put to death by the sword.

80.  Another of Faustus’ malicious and impious charges which has to be answered, is about the Lord’s saying to the prophet Hosea, "Take unto thee a wife of whoredoms and children of whoredoms." 926   As regards this passage, the impure mind of our adversaries is so blinded that they do not understand the plain words of the Lord in His gospel, when He says to the Jews, "The publicans and harlots shall go into the kingdom of heaven before you." 927   There is nothing contrary to the mercifulness of truth, or inconsistent with Christian faith, in a harlot leaving fornication, and becoming a chaste wife.  Indeed, nothing could be more unbecoming in one professing to be a prophet than not to believe that all the sins of the fallen woman were pardoned when she changed for the better.  So when the prophet took the harlot as his wife, it was both good for the woman to have her life amended, and the action symbolized a truth of which we shall speak presently.  But it is plain what offends the Manichæans in this case; for their great anxiety is to prevent harlots from being with child.  It would have pleased them better that the woman should continue a prostitute, so as not to bring their god into confinement, than that she should become the wife of one man, and have children.

81.  As regards Solomon, it need only be said that the condemnation of his conduct in the faithful narrative of holy Scripture is much more serious than the childish vehemence of Faustus’ attacks.  The Scripture tells us with faithful accuracy both the good that Solomon had at first, and the evil actions by which he lost the good he began with; while Faustus, in his attacks, like a man closing his eyes, or with no eyes at all, seeks no guidance from the light, but is prompted only by violent animosity.  To pious and discerning readers of the sacred Scriptures evidence of the chastity of the holy men who are said to have had several wives is found in this, that Solomon, who by his polygamy gratified his passions, instead of seeking for offspring, is expressly noted as chargeable with being a lover of women.  This, as we are informed by the truth which accepts no man’s person, led him down into the abyss of idolatry.

82.  Having now gone over all the cases in which Faustus finds fault with the Old Testament, and having attended to the merit of each, either defending men of God against the calumnies of carnal heretics, or, where the men were at fault, showing the excellence and the majesty of Scripture, let us again take the cases in the order of Faustus’ accusations, and see the meaning of the actions recorded, what they typify, and what they foretell.  This we have already done in the case of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, of whom God said that He was their God, as if the God of universal nature were the God of none besides them; not honoring them with an unmeaning title, but because He, who could alone have a full and perfect knowledge, knew the sincere and remarkable charity of these men; and because these three patriarchs united formed a notable type of the future people of God, in not only having free children by free women, as by Sarah, and Rebecca, and Leah, and Rachel, but also bond children, as of this same Rebecca was born Esau, to whom it was said, "Thou shalt serve thy brother;" 928 and in having by bond women not only bond children, as by Hagar, but also free children, as by Bilhah and Zilphah.  Thus also in the people of God, those spiritually free not only have children born into the enjoyment of liberty, like those to whom it is said, "Be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ," 929 but they have also children born into guilty bondage, as Simon was born of Philip. 930   Again, from carnal bondmen are born not only children of guilty bondage, who imitate them, but also children of happy liberty, to whom it is said, "What they say, do; but do not after their works." 931   Whoever rightly observes the fulfillment of this type in the people of God, keeps the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, by continuing to the end in union with some, and in patient endurance of others.  Of Lot, also, we have already spoken, and have shown what the Scripture mentions as praiseworthy in him, and what as blameworthy and the meaning of the whole narrative.

83.  We have next to consider the prophetic significance of the action of Judah in lying with his daughter-in-law.  But, for the sake of those whose understanding is feeble, we shall begin with observing, that in sacred Scripture evil actions are sometimes prophetic not of evil, but of good.  Divine providence preserves throughout its essential goodness, so that, as in the example given above, from adulterous intercourse a man-child is born, a good work of God from the evil of man, by the power of nature, and not due to the misconduct of the parents; so in the prophetic Scriptures, where both good and evil actions are recorded, the narrative being itself prophetic, foretells something good even by the record of what is evil, the credit being due not to the evil-doer, but to the writer.  Judah, when, to gratify his sinful passion, he went in to Tamar, had no intention by his licentious conduct to typify anything connected with the salvation of men, any more than Judas, who betrayed the Lord, intended to produce any result connected with the salvation of men.  So then if from the evil deed of Judas the Lord brought the good work of our redemption by His own passion, why should not His prophet, of whom He Himself says "He wrote of me," for the sake of instructing us make the evil action of Judah significant of something good?  Under the guidance and inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the prophet has compiled a narrative of actions so as to make a continuous prophecy of the things he designed to foretell.  In foretelling good, it is of no consequence whether the typical actions are good or bad.  If it is written in red ink that the Ethiopians are black, or in black ink that the Gauls are white, this circumstance does not affect the information which the writing conveys.  No doubt, if it was a painting instead of a writing, the wrong color would be a fault; so when human actions are represented for example or for warning much depends on whether they are good or bad.  But when actions are related or recorded as types, the merit or demerit of the agents is a matter of no importance, as long as there is a true typical relation between the action and the thing signified.  So in the case of Caiaphas in the Gospel as regards his iniquitous and mischievous intention, and even as regards his words in the sense in which he used them, that a just man should be put to death unjustly, assuredly they were bad; and yet there was a good meaning in his words which he did not know of when he said, "It is expedient that one man should die for the people and that the whole nation perish not."  So it is written of Him, "This he spake not of himself; but being the high priest, he prophesied that Jesus should die for the people." 932   In the same way the action of Judah was bad as regards his sinful passion, but it typified a great good he knew nothing of.  Of himself he did evil while it was not of himself that he typified good.  These introductory remarks apply not only to Judah, but also to all the other cases where in the narrative of bad actions is contained a prophecy of good.

84.  In Tamar, then, the daughter-in-law of Judah, we see the people of the kingdom of Judah, whose kings, answering to Tamar’s husbands, were taken from this tribe.  Tamar means bitterness; and the meaning is suitable, for this people gave the cup of gall to the Lord. 933   The two sons of Judah represent two classes of kings who governed ill—those who did harm and those who did no good.  One of these sons was evil or cruel before the Lord; the other spilled the seed on the ground that Tamar might not become a mother.  There are only those two kinds of useless people in the world—the injurious and those who will not give the good they have but lose it or spill it on the ground.  And as injury is worse than not doing good, the evil-doer is called the elder and the other the younger.  Er, the name of the elder, means a preparer of skins, which were the coats given to our first parents when they were punished with expulsion from paradise. 934   Onan, the name of the younger, means, their grief; that is, the grief of those to whom he does no good, wasting the good he has on the earth.  The loss of life implied in the name of the elder is a greater evil than the want of help implied in the name of the younger.  Both being killed by God typifies the removal of the kingdom from men of this character.  The meaning of the third son of Judah not being joined to the woman, is that for a time the kings of Judah were not of that tribe.  So this third son did not become the husband of Tamar; as Tamar represents the tribe of Judah, which continued to exist, although the people received no king from it.  Hence the name of this son, Selom, means, his dismission.  None of those types apply to the holy and righteous men who, like David, though they lived in those times, belong properly to the New Testament, which they served by their enlightened predictions.  Again, in the time when Judah ceased to have a king of its own tribe, the elder Herod does not count as one of the kings typified by the husbands of Tamar; for he was a foreigner, and his union with the people was never consecrated with the holy oil.  His was the power of a stranger, given him by the Romans and by Cæsar.  And it was the same with his sons, the tetrarchs, one of whom, called Herod, like his father, agreed with Pilate at the time of the Lord’s passion. 935   So plainly were these foreigners considered as distinct from the sacred monarchy of Judah, that the Jews themselves, when raging against Christ, exclaimed openly, "We have no king but Cæsar." 936   Nor was Cæsar properly their king, except in the sense that all the world was subject to Rome.  The Jews thus condemned themselves, only to express their rejection of Christ, and to flatter Cæsar.

85.  The time when the kingdom was removed from the tribe of Judah was the time appointed for the coming of Christ our Lord, the true Saviour, who should come not for harm, but for great good.  Thus was it prophesied, "A prince shall not fail from Judah, nor a leader from his loins, till He come for whom it is reserved:  He is the desire of nations." 937   Not only the kingdom, but all government, of the Jews had ceased, and also, as prophesied by Daniel, the sacred anointing from which the name Christ or Anointed is derived.  Then came He for whom it was reserved, the desire of nations; and the holy of holies was anointed with the oil of gladness above His fellows. 938   Christ was born in the time of the elder Herod, and suffered in the time of Herod the tetrarch.  He who thus came to the lost sheep of the house of Israel was typified by Judah when he went to shear his sheep in Thamna, which means, failing.  For then the prince had failed from Judah, with all the government and anointing of the Jews, that He might come for whom it was reserved.  Judah, we are told, came with his Adullamite shepherd, whose name was Iras; and Adullamite means, a testimony in water.  So it was with this testimony that the Lord came, having indeed greater testimony than that of John; 939 but for the sake of his feeble sheep he made use of the testimony in water.  The name Iras, too, means, vision of my brother.  So John saw his brother, a brother in the family of Abraham, and from the relationship of Mary and Elisabeth; and the same person he recognised as his Lord and his God, for, as he himself says, he received of His fullness. 940   On account of this vision, among those born of woman, there has arisen no greater than he; 941 because, of all who foretold Christ, he alone saw what many righteous men and prophets desired to see and saw not.  He saluted Christ from the womb; 942 he knew Him more certainly from seeing the dove; and therefore, as the Adullamite, he gave testimony by water.  The Lord came to shear His sheep, in releasing them from painful burdens, as it is said in praise of the Church in the Song of Songs, that her teeth are like a flock of sheep after shearing. 943

86.  Next, we have Tamar changing her dress; for Tamar also means changing.  Still, the name of bitterness must be retained—not that bitterness in which gall was given to the Lord, but that in which Peter wept bitterly. 944   For Judah means confession; and bitterness is mingled with confession as a type of true repentance.  It is this repentance which gives fruitfulness to the Church established among all nations.  For "it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead, and that repentance and the remission of sins be preached among all nations in His name, beginning at Jerusalem." 945   In the dress Tamar put on there is a confession of sins; and Tamar sitting in this dress at the gate of Ænan or Ænaim, which means fountain, is a type of the Church called from among the nations.  She ran as a hart to the springs of water, to meet with the seed of Abraham; and there she is made fruitful by one who knows her not, as it is foretold, "A people whom I have not known shall serve me." 946   Tamar received under her disguise a ring, a bracelet, a staff; she is sealed in her calling, adorned in her justification, raised in her glorification.  For "whom He predestinated, them He also called: and whom He called, them He also justified:  and whom He justified, them He also glorified." 947   This was while she was still disguised, as I have said; and in the same state she conceives, and becomes fruitful in holiness.  Also the kid promised is sent to her as to a harlot.  The kid represents rebuke for sin, and it is sent by the Adullamite already mentioned, who, as it were, uses the reproachful words, "O generation of vipers!" 948   But this rebuke for sin does not reach her, for she has been changed by the bitterness of confession.  Afterwards, by exhibiting the pledges of the ring and bracelet and staff, she prevails over the Jews, in their hasty judgment of her, who are now represented by Judah himself; as at this day we hear the Jews saying that we are not the people of Christ, and have not the seed of Abraham.  But when we exhibit the sure tokens of our calling and justification and glorification, they will immediately be confounded, and will acknowledge that we are justified rather than they.  I should enter into this more particularly, taking, as it were, each limb and joint separately, as the Lord might enable me, were it not that such minute inquiry is prevented by the necessity of bringing this work to a close, for it is already longer than is desirable.

87.  As regards the prophetic significance of David’s sin, a single word must suffice.  The names occurring in the narrative show what it typifies.  David means, strong of hand, or desirable; and what can be stronger than the Lion of the tribe of Judah, who has conquered the world, or more desirable than He of whom the prophet says, "The desire of all nations shall come?" 949   Bersabee means, well of satisfaction, or seventh well:  either of these interpretations will suit our purpose.  So, in the Song of Songs, the spouse, who is the Church, is called a well of living water; 950 or again, the number seven represents the Holy Spirit, as in the number of days in Pentecost, when the Holy Spirit came from heaven.  We learn also from the book of Tobit, that Pentecost was the feast of seven weeks. 951   To forty-nine, which is seven times seven, one is added to denote unity.  To this effect is the saying of the apostle:  "Bearing with one another in love, endeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." 952   The Church becomes a well of satisfaction by this gift of the Spirit, the number seven denoting its spirituality; for it is in her a fountain of living water springing up unto everlasting life, and he who has it shall never thirst. 953   Uriah, Bersabee’s husband, must, from the meaning of his name, be understood as representing the devil.  It is in union to the devil that all are bound whom the grace of God sets free, that the Church without spot or wrinkle may be married to her true Saviour.  Uriah means, my light of God; and Hittite means, cut off, referring either to his not abiding in the truth, when he was cut off on account of his pride from the celestial light which he had of God, or to his transforming himself into an angel of light, because after losing his real strength by his fall, he still dares to say, My light is of God.  The literal David, then, was guilty of a heinous crime, which God by the prophet condemned in the rebuke addressed to David, and which David atoned for by his repentance.  On the other hand, He who is the desire of all nations loved the Church when washing herself on the roof, that is, when cleansing herself from the pollution of the world, and in spiritual contemplation mounting above her house of clay, and trampling upon it; and after commencing an acquaintance, He puts to death the devil, whom He first entirely removes from her, and joins her to Himself in perpetual union.  While we hate the sin, we must not overlook the prophetical significance; and while we love, as is His due, that David who in His mercy has freed us from the devil, we may also love the David who by the humility of his repentance healed the wound made by his transgression.

88.  Little need be said of Solomon, who is spoken of in Holy Scripture in terms of the strongest disapproval and condemnation, while nothing is said of his repentance and restoration to the divine favor.  Nor can I find in his lamentable fall even a symbolical connection with anything good.  Perhaps the strange women he lusted after may be thought to represent the Churches chosen from among the Gentiles.  This idea might have been admissible, if the women had left their gods for Solomon’s sake to worship his God.  But as he for their sakes offended his God and worshipped their gods, it seems impossible to think of any good meaning.  Doubtless, something is typified, but it is something bad, as in the case already explained of Lot’s wife and daughters.  We see in Solomon a notable pre-eminence and a notable fall.  Now, this good and evil which we see in him at different periods, first good and then evil, are in our day found together in the Church.  What is good in Solomon represents, I think, the good members of the Church; and what was bad in him represents the bad members.  Both are in one man, as the bad and the good are in the chaff and grain of one floor, or in the tares and wheat of one field.  A closer inquiry into what is said of Solomon in Scripture might disclose, either to me or to others of greater learning and greater worth, some more probable interpretation.  But as we are now engaged on a different subject, we must not allow this matter to break the connection of our discourse.

89.  As regards the prophet Hosea, it is unnecessary for me to explain the meaning of the command, or of the prophet’s conduct, when God said to him, "Go and take unto thee a wife of whoredoms and produce children of whoredoms," for the Scripture itself informs us of the origin and purpose of this direction.  It proceeds thus:  "For the land hath committed great whoredom, departing from the Lord.  So he went and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim; which conceived, and bare him a son.  And the Lord said unto him, Call his name Jezreel; for yet a little while, and I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the house of Judah, and will cause to cease the kingdom of the house of Israel.  And it shall come to pass at that day, that I will break the bow of Israel in the valley of Jezreel.  And she conceived again, and bare a daughter.  And God said unto him, Call her name No-mercy:  for I will no more have mercy upon the house of Israel; but I will utterly take them away.  But I will have mercy upon the house of Judah, and will save them by the Lord their God, and will not save them by bow, nor by sword, nor by battle, by horses, nor by horsemen.  Now when she had weaned No-mercy, she conceived, and bare a son.  Then said God, Call his name Not-my-people:  for ye are not my people, and I will not be your God.  Yet the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the sea, which cannot be measured for multitude; and it shall come to pass that in the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people, there it shall be said unto them, Ye are the sons of the living God.  Then shall the children of Israel and the children of Judah be gathered together, and appoint themselves one head, and they shall come up out of the land:  for great shall be the day of Jezreel.  Say ye unto your brethren, My people; and to your sister, She hath found mercy." 954   Since the typical meaning of the command and of the prophet’s conduct is thus explained in the same book by the Lord Himself, and since the writings of the apostles declare the fulfillment of this prophecy in the preaching of the New Testament, every one must accept the explanation thus given of the command and of the action of the prophet as the true explanation.  Thus it is said by the Apostle Paul, "That He might make known the riches of His glory on the vessels of mercy, which He had afore prepared unto glory, even us, whom He hath called, not of the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles.  As He saith also in Hosea, I will call them my people, which were not my people; and her beloved, which was not beloved.  And it shall come to pass, that in the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people, there shall they be called the children of the living God." 955   Here Paul applies the prophecy to the Gentiles.  So also Peter, writing to the Gentiles, without naming the prophet, borrows his expressions when he says, "But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people; that ye might show forth the praises of Him who has called you out of darkness into His marvellous light; which in time past were not a people, but are now the people of God:  which had not obtained mercy, but now have obtained mercy."  956   From this it is plain that the words of the prophet, "And the number of the children of Israel shall be as the sand of the sea, which cannot be measured for multitude," and the words immediately following, "And it shall be that in the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people, there they shall be called the children of the living God," do not apply to that Israel which is after the flesh, but to that of which the apostle says to the Gentiles, "Ye therefore are the seed of Abraham, and heirs according to the promise." 957   But, as many Jews who were of the Israel after the flesh have believed, and will yet believe; for of these were the apostles, and all the thousands in Jerusalem of the company of the apostles, as also the churches of which Paul speaks, when he says to the Galatians, "I was unknown by face to the churches of Judæa which were in Christ;" 958 and again, he explains the passage in the Psalms, where the Lord is called the cornerstone, 959 as referring to His uniting in Himself the two walls of circumcision and uncircumcision, "that He might make in Himself of twain one new man, so making peace; and that He might reconcile both unto God in one body by the cross, having slain the enmity thereby:  and that He might come and preach peace to them that are far off, and to them that are nigh," that is, to the Gentiles and to the Jews; "for He is our peace, who hath made of both one;" 960 to the same purpose we find the prophet speaking of the Jews as the children of Judah, and of the Gentiles as children of Israel, where he says, "The children of Judah and the children of Israel shall be gathered together, and shall make to themselves one head, and shall go up from the land."  Therefore, to speak against a prophecy thus confirmed by actual events, is to speak against the writings of the apostles as well as those of the prophets; and not only to speak against writings, but to impugn in the most reckless manner the evidence clear as noonday of established facts.  In the case of the narrative of Judah, it is perhaps not so easy to recognize, under the disguise of the woman called Tamar, the harlot representing the Church gathered from among the corruption of Gentile superstition; but here, where Scripture explains itself, and where the explanation is confirmed by the writings of the apostles, instead of dwelling longer on this, we may proceed at once to inquire into the meaning of the very things to which Faustus objects in Moses the servant of God.

90.  Moses killing the Egyptian in defending one of his brethren reminds us naturally of the destruction of the devil, our assailant in this land of strangers, by our defender the Lord Christ.  And as Moses hid the dead body in the sand, even so the devil, though slain, remains concealed in those who are not firmly settled.  The Lord, we know, builds the Church on a rock; and those who hear His word and do it, He compares to a wise man who builds his house upon a rock, and who does not yield or give way before temptation; and those who hear and do not, He compares to a foolish man who builds on the sand, and when his house is tried its ruin is great. 961

91.  Of the prophetic significance of the spoiling of the Egyptians, which was done by Moses at the command of the Lord his God, who commands nothing but what is most just, I remember to have set down what occurred to me at the time in my book entitled On Christian Doctrine; 962 to the effect that the gold and silver and garments of the Egyptians typified certain branches of learning which may be profitably learned or taught among the Gentiles.  This may be the true explanation; or we may suppose that the vessels of gold and silver represent the precious souls, and the garments the bodies, of those from among the Gentiles who join themselves to the people of God, that along with them they may be freed from the Egypt of this world.  Whatever the true interpretation may be, the pious student of the Scriptures will feel certain that in the command, in the action, and in the narrative there is a purpose and a symbolic meaning.

92.  It would take too long to go through all the wars of Moses.  It is enough to refer to what has already been said, as sufficient for the purpose in this reply to Faustus of the prophetic and symbolic character of the war with Amalek. 963   There is also the charge of cruelty made against Moses by the enemies of Scriptures, or by those who have never read anything.  Faustus does not make any specific charge, but speaks of Moses as commanding and doing many cruel things.  But, knowing the things they are in the habit of bringing forward and of misrepresenting, I have already taken a particular case and have defended it, so that any Manichæans who are willing to be corrected, and all other ignorant and irreligious people, may see that there is no ground for their accusations.  We must now inquire into the prophetic significance of the command, that many of those who, while Moses was absent, made an idol for themselves should be slain without regard to relationship.  It is easy to see that the slaughter of these men represents the warfare against the evil principles which led the people into the same idolatry.  Against such evil we are commanded to wage war in the words of the psalm, "Be ye angry and sin not." 964   And a similar command is given by the apostle, when he says, "Mortify your members which are on earth fornication, uncleanness, luxury, evil concupiscence, and covetousness, which is idolatry." 965

93.  It requires closer examination to see the meaning of the first action of Moses in burning the calf in fire, and grinding it to powder, and sprinkling it in the water for the people to drink.  The tables given to him, written with the finger of God, that is, by the agency of the Holy Spirit, he may have broken, because he judged the people unworthy of having them read to them; and he may have burned the calf, and ground it, and scattered it so as to be carried away by the water, in order to let nothing of it remain among the people.  But why should he have made them drink it?  Every one must feel anxious to discover the typical significance of this action.  Pursuing the inquiry, we may find that in the calf there was an embodiment of the devil, as there is in men of all nations who have the devil as their head or leader in their impious rites.  The calf is gold, because there is a semblance of wisdom in the institution of idolatrous worship.  Of this the apostle says, "Knowing God, they glorified Him not as God, nor were thankful; but they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened.  Professing themselves to be wise they became foolish, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of corruptible man, and of birds, and of four-footed beasts, and of creeping things." 966   From this so-called wisdom came the golden calf, which was one of the forms of idolatry among the chief men and professed sages of Egypt.  The calf, then, represents every body or society of Gentile idolaters.  This impious society the Lord Christ burns with that fire of which He says in the Gospel, "I am come to send fire on the earth;" 967 for, as there is nothing hid from His heat, 968 when the Gentiles believe in Him they lose the form of the devil in the fire of divine influence.  Then all the body is ground, that is, after the dissolution of the combination in the membership of iniquity comes humiliation under the word of truth.  Then the dust is sprinkled in the water, that the Israelites, that is, the preachers of the gospel, may in baptism admit those formerly idolaters into their own body, that is, the body of Christ.  To Peter, who was one of those Israelites, it was said of the Gentiles, "Kill, and eat." 969   To kill and eat is much the same as to grind and drink.  So this calf, by the fire of zeal, and the keen penetration of the word, and the water of baptism, was swallowed up by the people, instead of their being swallowed up by it.

94.  Thus, when the very passages on which the heretics found their objections to the Scriptures are studied and examined, the more obscure they are the more wonderful are the secrets which we discover in reply to our questions; so that the mouths of blasphemers are completely stopped, and the evidence of the truth so stifles them that they cannot even utter a sound.  The unhappy men who will not receive into their hearts the sweetness of the truth must feel its force as a gag in their mouths.  All those passages speak of Christ.  The head now ascended into heaven along with the body still suffering on earth is the full development of the whole purpose of the authors of Scripture, which is well called Sacred Scripture.  Every part of the narrative in the prophetical books should be viewed as having a figurative meaning, except what serves merely as a framework for the literal or figurative predictions of this king and of his people.  For as in harps and other musical instruments the musical sound does not come from all parts of the instrument, but from the strings, and the rest is only for fastening and stretching the strings so as to tune them, that when they are struck by the musician they may give a pleasant sound; so in these prophetical narratives the circumstances selected by the prophetic spirit either predict some future event, or if they have no voice of their own, they serve to connect together other significant utterances.

95.  Should the heretics reject our exposition of those allegorical narratives, or even insist on understanding them only in a literal sense, to dispute about such a difference of understanding would be as useless as to dispute about a difference of taste.  Only, the fact that the divine precepts have either a moral and religious character or a prophetic meaning must be believed, whether intelligently or not.  Moreover, the figurative interpretations must all be in the interest of morality and religion.  So, if the Manichæans or any others disagree with our interpretation, or differ from us in method or in any particular opinion, suffice it that the character of the fathers whom God commends for their conduct and obedience to His precepts is vindicated on a principle which all but those inveterate in their hostility will acknowledge to be true; and that the purity and dignity of the Scriptures are maintained in reference to those passages which the enemies of the truth find fault with, where certain actions are either praised or blamed, or merely narrated for us to form a judgment of them.

96.  In fact, nothing could have been devised more likely to instruct and benefit the pious reader of sacred Scripture than that, besides describing praiseworthy characters as examples, and blameworthy characters as warnings, it should also narrate cases where good men have gone back and fallen into evil, whether they are restored to the right path or continue irreclaimable; and also where bad men have changed, and have attained to goodness, whether they persevere in it or relapse into evil; in order that the righteous may be not lifted up in the pride of security, nor the wicked hardened in despair of cure.  And even those passages in Scripture which contain no examples or warnings are either required for connection, so as to pass on to essential matters, or, from their very appearance of superfluity, indicate the presence of some secret symbolical meaning.  For in the books we speak of, so far from there being a want or a scarcity of prophetical announcements, such announcements are numerous and distinct; and now that the fulfillment has actually taken place, the testimony thus borne to the divine authority of the books is irresistibly strong, so that it is mere madness to suppose that there can be any useless or unmeaning passages in books to which all classes of men and of minds do homage, and which themselves predict what we see thus actually coming to pass.

97.  If, then, any one reading of the action of David, of which he repented when the Lord rebuked and threatened him, find in the narrative an encouragement to sin, is Scripture to be blamed for this?  Is not the man’s own guilt in proportion to the abuse which he makes for his own injury or destruction of what was written for his recovery and release?  David is set forth as a great example of repentance, because men who fall into sin either proudly disregard the cure of repentance, or lose themselves in despair of obtaining salvation or of meriting pardon.  The example is for the benefit of the sick, not for the injury of those in health.  If madmen destroy themselves, or if evil-doers destroy others, with surgical instruments, it is not the fault of surgery.

98.  Even supposing that our fathers the patriarchs and prophets, of whose devout and religious habits so good a report is given in that Scripture which every one who knows it, and has not lost entirely the use of his reason, must admit to have been provided by God for the salvation of men, were as lustful and cruel as the Manichæans falsely and fanatically allege, they might still be shown to be superior not only to those whom the Manichæans call the Elect, but also to their god himself.  Is there in the licentious intercourse of man with woman anything so bad as the self-abasement of unclouded light by mixture with darkness?  Here, is a man prompted by avarice and greed to pass off his wife as his sister and sell her to her lover; but worse still and more shocking, that one should disguise his own nature to gratify criminal passion, and submit gratuitously to pollution and degradation.  Why, even one who knowingly lies with his own daughters is not equally criminal with one who lets his members share in the defilement of all sensuality as gross as this, or grosser.  And is not the Manichæan god a partaker in the contamination of the most atrocious acts of uncleanness?  Again, if it were true, as Faustus says, that Jacob went from one to another of his four wives, not desiring offspring, but resembling a he-goat in licentiousness, he would still not be sunk so low as your god, who must not only have shared in this degradation, from his being confined in the bodies of Jacob and his wives so as to be mixed up with all their movements, but also, in union with this very he-goat of Faustus’ coarse comparison, must have endured all the pains of animal appetite, incurring fresh defilement at every step, as partaking in the passion of the male, the conception of the female, and the birth of the kid.  And, in the same way, supposing Judah to have been guilty not only of fornication, but of incest, a share in the heats and impurities of this incestuous passion would also belong to your god.  David repented of his sin in loving the wife of another, and in ordering the death of her husband; but when will your god repent of giving up his members to the wanton passion of the male and female chiefs of the race of darkness, and of putting to death not the husband of his mistress, but his own children, whom he confines in the members of the very demons who were his own lovers?  Even if David had not repented, nor been thus restored to righteousness, he would still have been better than your god.  David may have been defiled by this one act, or to the extent to which one man is capable of such defilement; but your god suffers the pollution of his members in all such actions by whomsoever committed.  The prophet Hosea, too, is accused by Faustus:  and, supposing him to have taken the harlot to wife because he had a criminal affection for her, if he is licentious and she a prostitute, their souls, according to your own assertion, are parts and members of your god and of his nature.  In plain language, the harlot herself must be your god.  You cannot pretend that your god is not confined in the contaminated body, or that he is only present, while preserving entire the purity of his own nature; and you acknowledge that the members of your god are so defiled as to require a special purification.  This harlot, then, for whom you venture to find fault with the man of God, even if she had not been changed for the better by becoming a chaste wife, would still have been your god; at least you must admit her soul to have been a part, however small, of your god.  But one single harlot is not so bad as your god, for he on account of his mixture with the race of darkness shares in every act of prostitution; and wherever such impurities are perpetrated, he goes through the corresponding experiences of abandonment, of release, and of confinement, and this from generation to generation, till this most corrupt part reaches its final state in the mass of darkness, like an irreclaimable harlot.  Such are the evils and such the shameful abominations which your god could not ward off from his members, and to which he was brought irresistibly by his merciless enemy; for only by the sacrifice of his own subjects, or rather his own parts, could he effect the destruction of his formidable assailant.  Surely, there was nothing so bad as this in killing an Egyptian so as to preserve uninjured a fellow-countryman.  Yet Faustus finds fault with this most absurdly, while with amazing infatuation he overlooks the case of his own god.  Would it not have been better for him to have carried off the gold and silver vessels of the Egyptians, than to let his members be carried off by the race of darkness?  And yet the worshippers of this unfortunate god find fault with the servant of our God for carrying on wars, in which he with his followers were always victorious, so that, under the leadership of Moses, the children of Israel carried captive their enemies, men and women, as your god would have done too, if he had been able.  You profess to accuse Moses of doing wrong, while in fact you envy his success.  There was no cruelty in punishing with the sword those who had sinned grievously against God.  Indeed, Moses entreated pardon for this sin, even offering to bear himself in their stead the divine anger.  But even had he been cruel instead of compassionate, he would still have been better than your god.  For if any of his followers had been sent to break the force of the enemy and had been taken captive, he would never, if victorious, have condemned him when he had done no wrong, but acted in obedience to orders.  And yet this is what your god is to do with the part of himself which is to be fastened in the mass of darkness, because it obeyed orders, and advanced at the risk of its own life in defence of his kingdom against the body of the enemy.  But, says the Manichæan, this part, after mixture and combination with evil during the course of ages, has not been obedient.  But why?  If the obedience was voluntary, the guilt is real, and the punishment just.  But from this it would follow that there is no nature opposed to sin; otherwise it would not sin voluntarily; and so the whole system of Manichæism falls at once.  If, again, this part suffers from the power of this enemy against whom it was sent, and is subdued by a force it was unable to resist, the punishment is unjust, and flagrantly cruel.  The god who is defended on the plea of necessity is a fit object of worship to those who refuse to worship the one true God.  Still, it must be allowed that, however debasing the worship of this god may be, the worshippers are so far better than their deity, that they have an existence, while he is nothing more than a fabulous invention.  Proceed we now to the rest of Faustus’ vagaries.  970

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Footnotes

273:781

Gen. xvi. 2-4.

273:782

Gen. 12:13, Gen. 20:2.

273:783

Gen. 19:33, 35.

273:784

Gen. xxvi. 7.

273:785

Gen. 29--30.

274:786

Gen. xxxviii.

274:787

2 Sam. 11:4, 15.

274:788

1 Kings xi. 1-3.

274:789

Hos. 1:2, 3.

274:790

Ex. ii. 12.

274:791

Exod. 12:35, 36.

274:792

Ex. xvii. 9.

274:793

Gen. i. 2.

274:794

1 John i. 5.

274:795

2 Cor. iv. 6.

274:796

Wisd. vii. 26.

274:797

Ps. xviii. 28.

275:798

Matt. v. 8.

275:799

Isa. viii. 20.

275:800

Eph. v. 8.

275:801

Matt. viii. 10.

276:802

Gen. iii. 9.

276:803

Luke 8:44, 45.

276:804

Matt. vii. 7.

276:805

Matt. x. 39.

276:806

John ii. 17.

276:807

Matt. 10:14, 15.

276:808

Rom. ii. 12.

276:809

Matt. 22:11, 15.

276:810

Luke xix. 27.

276:811

Rom. viii. 32.

276:812

1 Pet. 4:17, 18.

276:813

Prov. iii. 12.

276:814

Job ii. 10.

276:815

Rev. iii. 19.

276:816

1 Cor. 11:31, 32.

277:817

Acts xvii. 28.

277:818

1 Cor. x. 20.

277:819

Gen. iv. 4.

277:820

Wisd. xiv. 15.

278:821

John xv. 1-3.

279:822

2 Cor. xii. 7-9.

279:823

1 Tim. i. 20.

279:824

John xix. 11.

279:825

2 Thess. i. 5.

279:826

1 Pet. 4:17, 18.

279:827

1 Pet. iii. 17.

280:828

1 Cor. xii. 26.

282:829

[Augustin certainly makes it appear that the God in the Old Testament is not so bad as the God of the Manichæans, yet he cannot be said to reach a complete theodicy.—A.H.N.]

282:830

Matt. xxi. 19.

282:831

John viii. 6-8.

283:832

Æn. i. 212.

283:833

Æn. ii. 715.

283:834

[This comparison of the objectors to the Old Testament to blundering school-boys is very fine.—A.H.N.]

283:835

1 John iii. 2.

284:836

1 Cor. vii. 4.

285:837

Gen. xii. 3.

285:838

Gen. 15:3, 4.

286:839

Tob. viii. 9.

286:840

Gen. 13:8, Gen. 11:31.

286:841

Matt. xii. 46.

286:842

Matt. x. 23.

286:843

Matt. ii. 14.

286:844

John 7:10, 30.

286:845

Acts ix. 25.

287:846

Cant. i. 7.

287:847

Eph. 5:31, 32.

287:848

Matt. xxiii. 9.

287:849

Matt. xii. 48-50.

288:850

Jer. xvii. 9.

288:851

Phil. iii. 13.

288:852

Luke ix. 62.

288:853

Luke xvii. 32.

288:854

1 Tim. i. 8.

289:855

Gen. xxvi. 7.

290:856

2 Cor. x. 12.

290:857

Acts viii. 18-20.

290:858

Matt. viii. 20.

290:859

2 Cor. 11:2, 3.

291:860

1 Cor. vii. 4.

291:861

1 Cor. vii. 3.

291:862

Gal. iv. 22-24.

292:863

Isa. i. 18.

292:864

Gen. xxix. 17.

292:865

Matt. v. 3-9.

292:866

Gen. xxix. 26.

292:867

Ecclus. i. 33.

292:868

Isa. vii. 9, Vulg.

293:869

Phil. iv. 1.

293:870

2 Cor. xi. 23.

293:871

2 Cor. vii. 5.

293:872

2 Cor. v. 13.

293:873

Wisd. vi. 23.

293:874

Gen. xxx. 1.

293:875

Isa. xxix. 13.

293:876

Rom. 2:21, 22.

293:877

Matt. xxiii. 3.

293:878

Phil. i. 18.

294:879

1 Tim. iii. 7.

294:880

Gen. xxx. 15.

294:881

Gen. xxx. 16.

295:882

John i. 1.

295:883

Gen. xlix. 8-12.

295:884

Matt. xix. 6.

296:885

Ezek. xvi. 52.

296:886

Matt. ii. 16.

296:887

John 6:70, 71.

296:888

1 Cor. v. 1.

296:889

Matt. xxii. 10.

296:890

Ex. xii. 3-5.

297:891

1 Sam. xiv.

297:892

1 Sam. xxviii. 3.

297:893

John 19:4, 6.

297:894

Matt. 16:17, 22, 23.

297:895

2 Sam. xii.

297:896

1 Sam. 24:0, 1 Sam. 26:0.

297:897

2 Sam. xvi.

298:898

1 Sam. xv. 24.

298:899

Luke xvii. 28.

298:900

Gal. ii. 14.

298:901

Heb. iii. 5.

299:902

Matt. 26:51, 52.

299:903

Exod. 3:21, 22, Exod. 11:2, Exod. 12:35, 36.

299:904

Rom. xi. 34.

300:905

Matt. 13:29, 30.

300:906

Matt. 8:31, 32.

301:907

Luke iii. 14.

301:908

Matt. xxii. 21.

301:909

Matt. 8:9, 10.

301:910

Rom. xiii. 1.

301:911

Matt. v. 39.

302:912

Matt. 10:16, 28, 30.

302:913

Matt. 26:52, 53, Luke 22:42, 51, John 18:11.

302:914

Phil. ii. 9-11.

302:915

Matt. xxiii. 35.

302:916

Eph. ii. 14.

302:917

Ps. lxxii. 11.

303:918

Luke 22:35, 50, 51.

303:919

Rom. 5:12, 19.

303:920

Wisd. ix. 15.

303:921

Rom. 7:24, 25.

303:922

Job vii. 4.

304:923

Ex. xxxii. 32.

304:924

1 Cor. v. 5.

304:925

1 Tim. i. 20.

304:926

Hos. i. 2.

304:927

Matt. xxi. 31.

305:928

Gen. xxvii. 40.

305:929

1 Cor. iv. 16.

305:930

Acts viii. 13.

305:931

Matt. xxiii. 3.

306:932

John 11:50, 51.

306:933

Matt. xxvii. 34.

306:934

Gen. iii. 21.

306:935

Luke xxiii. 12.

306:936

John xix. 15.

306:937

Gen. xlix. 10.

306:938

Dan. 9:24, Ps. 45:7.

307:939

John v. 36.

307:940

John i. 6.

307:941

Matt. xi. 11.

307:942

Luke i. 44.

307:943

Cant. iv. 2.

307:944

Matt. xxvi. 75.

307:945

Luke 24:46, 47.

307:946

Ps. xviii. 43.

307:947

Rom. viii. 30.

307:948

Matt. iii. 7.

307:949

Hag. ii. 8.

307:950

Cant. iv. 15.

307:951

Tob. ii. 1.

307:952

Eph. 4:2, 3.

307:953

John 4:13, 14.

308:954

Hos. 1.2-2.1.

309:955

Rom. ix. 23-26.

309:956

1 Pet. 2:9, 10.

309:957

Gal. iii. 29.

309:958

Gal. i. 22.

309:959

Ps. cxviii. 22.

309:960

Eph. ii. 11-22.

309:961

Matt. vii. 24-27.

309:962

ii. sec. 40.

310:963

L. xii. sec. 30.

310:964

Ps. iv. 4.

310:965

Col. iii. 5.

310:966

Rom. i. 21-23.

310:967

Luke xii. 49.

310:968

Ps. xix. 6.

310:969

Acts x. 13.

312:970

[This book is one of the most unsatisfactory parts of the entire treatise.  We have here some of the worst specimens of perverse Scripture interpretation.—A.H.N.]



Book XXIII.

Faustus recurs to the genealogical difficulty and insists that even according to Matthew Jesus was not Son of God until His baptism.  Augustin sets forth the Catholic view of the relation of the divine and the human in the person of Christ.

1.  Faustus said:  On one occasion, when addressing a large audience, I was asked by one of the crowd, Do you believe that Jesus was born of Mary?  I replied, Which Jesus do you mean? for in the Hebrew it is the name of several people.  One was the son of Nun, the follower of Moses; 971 another was the son of Josedech the high priest; 972 again, another is spoken of as the son of David; 973 and another is the Son of God. 974   Of which of these do you ask whether I believe him to have been born of Mary?  His answer was, The Son of God, of course.  On what evidence, said I, oral or written, am I to believe this?  He replied, On the authority of Matthew.  What, said I, did Matthew write?  He replied, "The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham" (Matt. 1.1).  Then said I, I was afraid you were going to say, The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the Son of God; and I was prepared to correct you.  Now that you have quoted the verse accurately, you must nevertheless be advised to pay attention to the words.  Matthew does not profess to give an account of the generation of the Son of God, but of the son of David.

2.  I will, for the present, suppose that this person was right in saying that the son of David was born of Mary.  It still remains true, that in this whole passage of the generation no mention is made of the Son of God till we come to the baptism; so that it is an injurious misrepresentation on your part to speak of this writer as making the Son of God the inmate of a womb.  The writer, indeed, seems to cry out against such an idea, and in the very title of his book to clear himself of such blasphemy, asserting that the person whose birth he describes is the son of David, not the Son of God.  And if you attend to the writer’s meaning and purpose, you will see that what he wishes us to believe of Jesus the Son of God is not so much that He was born of Mary, as that He became the Son of God by baptism at the river Jordan.  He tells us that the person of whom he spoke at the outset as the son of David was baptized by John, and became the Son of God on this particular occasion, when about thirty years old, according to Luke, when also the voice was heard saying to Him, "Thou art my Son; this day have I begotten Thee." 975  It appears from this, that what was born, as is supposed, of Mary thirty years before, was not the Son of God, but what was afterwards made so by baptism at Jordan, that is, the new man, the same as in us when we were converted from Gentile error, and believe in God.  This doctrine may or may not agree with what you call the Catholic faith; at all events, it is what Matthew says, if Matthew is the real author.  The words, Thou art my Son, this day I have begotten Thee, or, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, do not occur in connection with the story of Mary’s motherhood, but with the putting away of sin at Jordan.  This is what is written; and if you believe this doctrine, you must be called a Matthæan, for you will no longer be a Catholic.  The Catholic doctrine is well known; and it is as unlike Matthew’s representations as it is unlike the truth.  In the words of your creed, you declare that you believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who was born of the Virgin Mary.  According to you, therefore, the Son of God comes from Mary; according to Matthew, from the Jordan; while we believe Him to come from God.  Thus the doctrine of Matthew, if we are right in assigning the authorship to him, is as different from yours as from ours; only we acknowledge that he is more cautious than you in ascribing the being born of a woman to the son of David, and not to the Son of God.  As for you, your only alternative is to deny that those statements were made, as they appear to be, by Matthew, or to allow that you have abandoned the faith of the apostles.

3.  For our part, while no one can alter our conviction that the Son of God comes from God, we might indulge a credulous disposition, to the extent of admitting the fiction, that Jesus became the Son of God at Jordan, but not that the Son of God was born of a woman.  Then, again, the son said to have been born of Mary cannot properly be called the son of David, unless it is ascertained that he was begotten by Joseph.  You say he was not, and therefore you must allow him not to have been the son of David, even though he were the son of Mary.  The genealogy proceeds in the line of Hebrew fathers from Abraham to David, and from David to Joseph; and as we are told that Joseph was not the real father of Jesus, Jesus cannot be said to be the son of David.  To begin with calling Jesus the son of David, and then to go on to tell of his being born of Mary before the consummation of her marriage with Joseph, is pure madness.  And if the son of Mary cannot be called the son of David, on account of his not being the son of Joseph, still less can the name be given to the Son of God.

4.  Moreover, the Virgin herself appears to have belonged not to the tribe of Judah, to which the Jewish kings belonged, and which all agree was David’s tribe, but to the priestly tribe of Levi.  This appears from the fact that the Virgin’s father Joachim was a priest; and his name does not occur in the genealogy.  How, then, can Mary be brought within the pale of relationship to David, when she has neither father nor husband belonging to it?  Consequently, Mary’s son cannot possibly be the son of David, unless you can bring the mother into some connection with Joseph, so as to be either his wife or his daughter.

5.  Augustin replied:  The Catholic, which is also the apostolic, doctrine, is, that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is both the Son of God in His divine nature, and the Son of David after the flesh.  This we prove from the writings of the evangelists and apostles, so that no one can reject our proofs without also rejecting these writings.  Faustus’ plan is to represent some one as saying a few words, without bringing forward any evidence in answer to Faustus’ fertile sophistry.  But with all his ingenuity, the proofs I have to give will leave Faustus no reply, but that these passages are spurious interpolations in the sacred record,—a reply which serves as a means of escaping, or of trying to escape, the force of the plainest statements in Holy Scripture.  We have already in this treatise sufficiently exposed the irrational absurdity, as well as the daring profanity, of such criticism; and not to exceed all limits, we must avoid repetition.  It cannot be necessary that we should bring together all the passages scattered throughout Scripture, which show, in answer to Faustus, that in the books of the highest and most sacred authority He who is called the only-begotten Son of God, even God with God, is also called the Son of David, on account of His taking the form of a servant from the Virgin Mary, the wife of Joseph.  To instance only Matthew, since Faustus’ argument refers to this Gospel, as the whole book cannot be quoted here, let whoever choose read it, and see how Matthew carries on to the passion and the resurrection the narrative of Him whom He calls the Son of David in the introduction to the genealogy.  Of this same Son of David he speaks as being conceived and born of the Virgin Mary by the Holy Ghost.  He also applies to this the declaration of the prophet, "Behold, a virgin shall conceive, and shall bear a son, and they shall call His name Emmanuel, which is being interpreted, God with us." 976   Again, He who was called, even from the Virgin’s womb, God-with-us, is said to have heard, when He was baptized by John, a voice from heaven, saying, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased." 977   Will Faustus say that to be called God is less than to be called the Son of God?  He seems to think so, for he tries to prove that because this voice came from heaven at the time of the baptism, therefore, according to Matthew, He must then have become the Son of God; whereas the same evangelist, in a previous passage, quotes the sacred announcement made by the prophet, in which the child born of the Virgin is called God-with-us.

6.  It is remarkable how, amid his wild irrelevancies, this wretched trifler loses no available opportunity of darkening the declarations of Scripture by the fabulous creations of his own fancy.  Thus he says of Abraham, that when he took his handmaid to wife he disbelieved God’s promise that he should have a child by Sarah; whereas, in fact, this promise had not at that time been given.  Then he accuses Abraham of falsehood in calling Sarah his sister, not having read what may be learned on the authority of Scripture about the family of Sarah.  Abraham’s son Isaac also he accuses of falsely calling his wife his sister, though a distinct account is given of her family.  Then he accuses Jacob of there being a daily quarrel among his four wives, which should be the first to appropriate him on his return from the field, while nothing of this is said in Scripture.  And this is the man who pretends to hate the writers of the sacred books for their falsehood, and who has the effrontery so to misrepresent even the gospel record, though its authority is admitted by all as possessing the most abundant confirmation, as to try to make it appear, not indeed that Matthew himself,—for in that case he would have been forced to yield to apostolic authority,—but that some one under the name of Matthew, has written about Christ what he refuses to believe, and attempts to refute with a contumelious ingenuity!

7.  The voice from heaven at the Jordan should be compared with the voice heard on the Mount. 978   In neither case do the words, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased," imply that He was not the Son of God before; for He who from the Virgin’s womb took the form of a servant "was in the form of God, and thought it no robbery to be equal with God." 979   And the same Apostle Paul himself says distinctly elsewhere, "But in the fullness of time, God sent His Son, made of a woman, made under the law;" 980 that is, a woman in the Hebrew sense, not a wife, but one of the female sex.  The Son of God is both Lord of David in His divine nature, and Son of David as being of the seed of David after the flesh.  And if it were not profitable for us to believe this, the same apostle would not have made it so prominent as he does, when he says to Timothy, "Remember that Christ Jesus, of the seed of David, rose from the dead, according to my gospel." 981   And he carefully enjoins believers to regard as accursed whoever preaches another gospel contrary to this.

8.  This assailant of the holy Gospel need find no difficulty in the fact that Christ is called the Son of David, though He was born of a virgin, and though Joseph was not His real father; while the genealogy is brought down by the evangelist Matthew, not to Mary, but to Joseph.  First of all, the husband, as the man, is the more honorable; and Joseph was Mary’s husband, though she did not live with him, for Matthew himself mentions that she was called Joseph’s wife by the angel; as it is also from Matthew that we learn that Mary conceived not by Joseph, but by the Holy Spirit.  But if this, instead of being a true narrative written by Matthew the apostle, was a false narrative written by some one else under his name, is it likely that he would have contradicted himself in such an apparent manner, and in passages so immediately connected, as to speak of the Son of David as born of Mary without conjugal intercourse, and then, in giving His genealogy, to bring it down to the very man with whom the Virgin is expressly said not to have had intercourse, unless he had some reason for doing so?  Even supposing there were two writers, one calling Christ the Son of David, and giving an account of Christ’s progenitors from David down to Joseph; while the other does not call Christ the Son of David, and says that He was born of the Virgin Mary without intercourse with any man; those statements are not irreconcilable, so as to prove that one or both writers must be false.  It will appear on reflection that both accounts might be true; for Joseph might be called the husband of Mary, though she was his wife only in affection, and in the intercourse of the mind, which is more intimate than that of the body.  In this way it might be proper that the husband of the virgin-mother of Christ should have a place in the list of Christ’s ancestors.  It might also be the case that some of David’s blood flowed in Mary herself, so that the flesh of Christ, although produced from a virgin, still owed its origin to David’s seed.  But as, in fact, both statements are made by one and the same writer, who informs us both that Joseph was the husband of Mary and that the mother of Christ was a virgin, and that Christ was of the seed of David, and that Joseph is in the list of Christ’s progenitors in the line of David, those who prefer the authority of the sacred Gospel to that of heretical fiction must conclude that Mary was not unconnected with the family of David, and that she was properly called the wife of Joseph, because being a woman she was in spiritual alliance with him, though there was no bodily connection.  Joseph, too, it is plain, could not be omitted in the genealogy; for, from the superiority of his sex, such an omission would be equivalent to a denial of his relation to the woman with whom he was inwardly united; and believers in Christ are taught not to think carnal connection the chief thing in marriage, as if without this they could not be man and wife, but to imitate in Christian wedlock as closely as possible the parents of Christ, that so they may have the more intimate union with the members of Christ.

9.  We believe that Mary, as well as Joseph, was of the family of David, because we believe the Scriptures, which assert both that Christ was of the seed of David after the flesh, and that His mother was the Virgin Mary, He having no human father.  Therefore, whoever denies the relationship of Mary to David, evidently opposes the pre-eminent authority of these passages of Scripture; and to maintain this opposition he must bring evidence in support of his statement from writings acknowledged by the Church as canonical and catholic, not from any writings he pleases.  In the matters of which we are now treating, only the canonical writings have any weight with us; for they only are received and acknowledged by the Church spread over all the world, which is itself a fulfillment of the prophecies regarding it contained in these writings.  Accordingly, I am not bound to admit the uncanonical account of Mary’s birth which Faustus adopts, that her father was a priest of the tribe of Levi, of the name of Joachim.  But even were I to admit this account, I should still contend that Joachim must have in some way belonged to the family of David, and had somehow been adopted from the tribe of Judah into that of Levi; or if not he, one of his ancestors; or, at least, that while born in the tribe of Levi, he had still some relation to the line of David; as Faustus himself acknowledges that Mary, though belonging to the tribe of Levi, could be given to a husband of the tribe of Judah; and he expressly says that if Mary were Joseph’s daughter, the name Son of David would be applicable to Christ.  In this way, by the marriage of Joseph’s daughter in the tribe of Levi, her son, though born in the tribe of Levi, might not improperly be called the Son of David.  And so, if the mother of that Joachim, who in the passage quoted by Faustus is called the father of Mary, married in the tribe of Levi while she belonged to the tribe of Judah and to the family of David, there would thus be a sufficient reason for speaking of Joachim and Mary and Mary’s son as belonging to the seed of David.  If I felt obliged to pay any regard to the apocryphal scripture in which Joachim is called the father of Mary, I should adopt some such explanation as the above, rather than admit any falsehood in the Gospel, where it is written both that Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and our Saviour, was of the seed of David after the flesh, and that He was born of the Virgin Mary.  It is enough for us that the enemies of these Scriptures, which record these truths and which we believe, cannot prove against them any charge of falsehood.

10.  Faustus cannot pretend then I am unable to prove that Mary was of the family of David, as I have shown him unable to prove that she was not.  I produce the strongest evidence from Scriptures of established authority, which declare that Christ was of the seed of David, and that He was born without a father of the Virgin Mary.  Faustus expresses what he considers a most becoming indignation against impropriety when he says, It is an injurious misrepresentation of the writer to make him speak of the Son of God as the inmate of a womb.  Of course, the Catholic doctrine which teaches that Christ the Son of God was born in the flesh of a virgin, does not make the Son of God the inmate of her womb in the sense of having no existence beyond it, as if He had abandoned the government of heaven and earth, or as if He had left the presence of the Father.  The mistake is with the Manichæans, whose understanding is so incapable of forming a conception of anything except what is material, that they cannot comprehend how the Word of God, who is the virtue and wisdom of God, while remaining in Himself and with the Father, and while governing the universe, reaches from end to end in strength, and sweetly orders all things. 982   In the faultless procedure of this adorable providence, He appointed for Himself an earthly mother; and to free His servants from the bondage of corruption He took in this mother the form of a servant, that is, a mortal body; and this body which He took He showed openly, and when it had been exposed, even to suffering and death, He raised it again from the dead, and built again the temple which had been destroyed.  You who shrink from this doctrine as blasphemous, make the members of your god to be confined not in a virgin’s womb, but in the wombs of all female animals, from elephants down to flies.  Perhaps you think the less of the true Christ, because the Word is said so to have become incarnate in the Virgin’s womb as to provide a temple for Himself in human nature, while His own nature continued unaltered in its integrity; and, on the other hand, you think the more of your god, because in the bonds and pollution of his confinement in flesh, in the part which is to be made fast to the mass of darkness, he seeks for help to no purpose, or is even rendered powerless to ask for help.

————————————


Footnotes

313:971

Ex. xxiii. 11.

313:972

Hag. i. 1.

313:973

Rom. i. 1-3.

313:974

Mark i. 1.

313:975

Luke 3:22, 23.

314:976

Isa. 8:14, Matt. 1:23.

314:977

Matt. iii. 17.

315:978

Matt. xvii. 5.

315:979

Phil. ii. 6.

315:980

Gal. iv. 4.

315:981

2 Tim. ii. 8.

316:982

Wisd. viii. 1.



Book XXIV.

Faustus explains the Manichæan denial that man was made by God as applying to the fleshly man not to the spiritual.  Augustin elucidates the Apostle Paul’s contrasts between flesh and spirit so as to exclude the Manichæan view.

1.  Faustus said:  We are asked the reason for our denial that man is made by God.  But we do not assert that man is in no sense made by God; we only ask in what sense, and when, and how.  For, according to the apostle, there are two men, one of whom he calls sometimes the outer man, generally the earthy, sometimes, too, the old man:  the other he calls the inner or heavenly or new man.  983   The question is, Which of these is made by God?  For there are likewise two times of our nativity; one when nature brought us forth into this light, binding us in the bonds of flesh; and the other, when the truth regenerated us on our conversion from error and our entrance into the faith.  It is this second birth of which Jesus speaks in the Gospel, when He says, "Except a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God." 984   Nicodemus, not knowing what Christ meant, was at a loss, and inquired how this could be, for an old man could not enter into his mother’s womb and be born a second time.  Jesus said in reply, "Except a man be born of water and of the Holy Spirit, he cannot see the kingdom of God."  Then He adds, "That which is born of the flesh is flesh; and that which is born of the Spirit is spirit."  Hence, as the birth in which our bodies originate is not the only birth, but there is another in which we are born again in spirit, an important question arises from this distinction as to which of those births it is in which God makes us.  The manner of birth also is twofold.  In the humiliating process of ordinary generation, we spring from the heat of animal passion; but when we are brought into the faith, we are formed under good instruction in honor and purity in Jesus Christ, by the Holy Spirit.  For this reason, in all religion, and especially in the Christian religion, young children are invited to membership.  This is hinted at in the words of His apostle:  "My little children, of whom I travail in birth again until Christ be formed in you." 985   The question, then, is not whether God makes man, but what man He makes, and when, and how.  For if it is when we are fashioned in the womb that God forms us after His own image, which is the common belief of Gentiles and Jews, and which is also your belief, then God makes the old man, and produces us by means of sensual passion, which does not seem suitable to His divine nature.  But if it is when we are converted and brought to a better life that we are formed by God, which is the general doctrine of Christ and His apostles, and which is also our doctrine, in this case God makes us new men, and produces us in honor and purity, which would agree perfectly with His sacred and adorable majesty.  If you do not reject Paul’s authority, we will prove to you from him what man God makes, and when, and how.  He says to the Ephesians, "That ye put off according to your former conversation the old man, which is corrupt through deceitful lusts; and be renewed in the spirit of your mind; and put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and holiness of truth." 986   This shows that in the creation of man after the image of God, it is another man that is spoken of, and another birth, and another manner of birth.  The putting off and putting on of which he speaks, point to the time of the reception of the truth; and the assertion that the new man is created by God implies that the old man is created neither by God nor after God.  And when he adds, that this new man is made in holiness and righteousness and truth, he thus points to another manner of birth of which this is the character, and which, as I have said, differs widely from the manner in which bodily generation is effected.  And as he declares that only the former is of God, it follows that the latter is not.  Again, writing to the Colossians, he uses words to the same effect:  "Put off the old man with his deeds, and put on the new man, which is renewed in the knowledge of God according to the image of Him who created Him in you."  Here he not only shows that it is the new man that God makes, but he declares the time and manner of the formation, for the words in the knowledge of God point to the time of believing.  Then he adds, according to the image of Him who created him, to make it clear that the old man is not the image of God, nor formed by God.  Moreover, the following words, "Where there is neither male nor female, Jew nor Greek, Barbarian nor Scythian," 987 show more plainly still that the birth by which we are made male and female, Greeks and Jews, Scythians and Barbarians, is not the birth in which God effects the formation of man; but that the birth with which God has to do is that in which we lose the difference of nation and sex and condition, and become one like Him who is one, that is, Christ.  So the same apostle says again, "As many as have been baptized in Christ have put on Christ:  there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither male nor female, there is neither bond nor free; but all are one in Christ." 988   Man, then, is made by God, not when from one he is divided into many, but when from many he becomes one.  The division is in the first birth, or that of the body; union comes by the second, which is immaterial and divine.  This affords sufficient ground for our opinion, that the birth of the body should be ascribed to nature, and the second birth to the Supernal Majesty.  So the same apostle says again to the Corinthians, "I have begotten you in Christ Jesus by the gospel;" 989 and, speaking of himself, to the Galatians, "When it pleased Him, who separated me from my mother’s womb, to reveal His Son in me, that I might preach Him among the Gentiles, immediately I conferred not with flesh and blood." 990  It is plain that everywhere he speaks of the second or spiritual birth as that in which we are made by God, as distinct from the indecency of the first birth, in which we are on a level with other animals as regards dignity and purity, as we are conceived in the maternal womb, and are formed, and brought forth.  You may observe that in this matter the dispute between us is not so much about a question of doctrine as of interpretation.  For you think that it is the old or outer or earthy man that is said to have been made by God; while we apply this to the heavenly man, giving the superiority to the inner or new man.  And our opinion is not rash or groundless, for we have learned it from Christ and His apostles, who are proved to have been the first in the world who thus taught.

2.  Augustin replied:  The Apostle Paul certainly uses the expression the inner man for the spirit of the mind, and the outer man for the body and for this mortal life; but we nowhere find him making these two different men, but one, which is all made by God, both the inner and the outer.  However, it is made in the image of God only as regards the inner, which, besides being immaterial, is rational, and is not possessed by the lower animals.  God, then, did not make one man after His own image, and another man not after that image; but the one man, which includes both the inner and the outer, He made after His own image, not as regards the possession of a body and of mortal life, but as regards the rational mind with the power of knowing God, and with the superiority as compared with all irrational creatures which the possession of reason implies.  Faustus allows that the inner man is made by God, when, as he says, it is renewed in the knowledge of God after the image of Him that created him.  I readily admit this on the apostle’s authority.  Why does not Faustus admit on the same authority that "God has placed the members every one in the body, as it has pleased Him"? 991   Here we learn from the same apostle that God is the framer of the outer man too.  Why does Faustus take only what he thinks to be in his own favor, while he leaves out or rejects what upsets the follies of the Manichæans?  Moreover, in treating of the earthy and the heavenly man, and making the distinction between the mortal and the immortal, between that which we are in Adam and that which we shall be in Christ, the apostle quotes the declaration of the law regarding the earthy or natural body, referring to the very book and the very passage where it is written that God made the earthy man too.  Speaking of the manner in which the dead shall rise again, and of the body with which they shall come, after using the similitude of the seeds of corn, that they are sown bare grain, and that God gives them a body as it pleases Him, and to every seed his own body,—thus, by the way, overthrowing the error of the Manichæans, who say that grains and plants, and all roots and shoots, are created by the race of darkness, and not by God, who, according to them, instead of exerting power in the production of these objects, is Himself subject to confinement in them,—he goes on, after this refutation of Manichæan impieties, to describe the different kinds of flesh.  "All flesh," he says, "is not the same flesh."  Then he speaks of celestial and terrestrial bodies, and then of the change of our body by which it will become spiritual and heavenly.  "It is sown," he says, "in dishonor, it shall rise in glory; it is sown in weakness, it shall rise in power; it is sown a natural body, it shall rise a spiritual body."  Then, in order to show the origin of the animal body, he says, "There is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body; as it is written, The first man, Adam, was made a living soul." 992   Now this is written in Genesis, 993 where it is related how God made man, and animated the body which He had formed of the earth.  By the old man the apostle simply means the old life, which is a life in sin, and is after the manner of Adam, of whom it is said, "By one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed upon all men, in that all have sinned." 994   Thus the whole of this man, both the inner and the outer part, has become old because of sin, and liable to the punishment of mortality.  There is, however, a restoration of the inner man, when it is renewed after the image of its Creator, in the putting off of unrighteousness—that is, the old man, and putting on righteousness—that is, the new man.  But when that which is sown a natural body shall rise a spiritual body, the outer man too shall attain the dignity of a celestial character; so that all that has been created may be created anew, and all that has been made be remade by the Creator and Maker Himself.  This is briefly explained in the words:  "The body is dead because of sin; but the spirit is life because of righteousness.  But if the Spirit of Him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ from the dead will also quicken your mortal bodies by His Spirit dwelling in you."  995   No one instructed in the Catholic doctrine but knows that it is in the body that some are male and some female, not in the spirit of the mind, in which we are renewed after the image of God.  But elsewhere the apostle teaches that God is the Maker of both; for he says, "Neither is the woman without the man, nor the man without the woman, in the Lord; for as the woman is of the man, so is the man by the woman; but all things are of God." 996   The only reply given to this, by the perverse stupidity of those who are alienated from the life of God by the ignorance which is in them, on account of the blindness of their heart, is, that whatever pleases them in the apostolic writings is true, and whatever displeases them is false.  This is the insanity of the Manichæans, who will be wise if they cease to be Manichæans.  As it is, if they are asked whether it is He that remakes and renews the inner man (which they acknowledge to be renewed after the image of God, and they themselves quote the passage in support of this; and, according to Faustus, God makes man when the inner man is renewed in the image of God), they will answer, yes.  And if we then go on to ask when God made what He now renews, they must devise some subterfuge to prevent the exposure of their absurdities.  For, according to them, the inner man is not formed or created or originated by God, but is part of His own substance sent against His enemies; and instead of becoming old by sin, it is through necessity captured and damaged by the enemy.  Not to repeat all the nonsense they talk, the first man they speak of is not the man of the earth earthy that the apostle speaks of, 997 but an invention proceeding from their own magazine of untruths.  Faustus, though he chooses man as a subject for discussion, says not a word of this first man; for he is afraid that his opponents in the discussion might come to know something about him.

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Footnotes

317:983

Rom. 6:0, Rom. 7:0, 1 Cor. 15:0, 2 Cor. 4:0, Eph. 3:0, Eph. 4:0, Col. 3:0.

317:984

John iii. 3.

317:985

Gal. iv. 19.

317:986

Eph. iv. 22-24.

317:987

Col. iii. 9-11.

317:988

Gal. 3:27, 28.

318:989

1 Cor. iv. 15.

318:990

Gal. 1:15, 16.

318:991

1 Cor. xii. 18.

318:992

1 Cor. xv. 33-45.

318:993

Gen. ii. 7.

318:994

Rom. v. 12.

319:995

Rom. 8:10, 11.

319:996

1 Cor. 11:11, 12.

319:997

1 Cor. xv. 47.



Book XXV.

Faustus seeks to bring into ridicule the orthodox claim to believe in the infinity of God by caricaturing the anthropomorphic representations of the Old Testament.  Augustin expresses his despair of being able to induce the Manichæans to adopt right views of the infinitude of God so long as they continue to regard the soul and God as extended in space.

1.  Faustus said:  Is God finite or infinite?  He must be finite unless you are mistaken in addressing Him as the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob; unless, indeed, the being thus addressed is different from the God you call infinite.  In the case of the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, the mark of circumcision, which separated these men from fellowship with other people, marked also the limit of God’s power as extending only to them.  And a being whose power is finite cannot himself be infinite.  Moreover, in this address, you do not mention even the ancients before Abraham, such as Enoch, Noah, and Shem, and others like them, whom you allow to have been righteous though in uncircumcision; but because they lacked this distinguishing mark, you will not call God their God, but only of Abraham and his seed.  Now, if God is one and infinite, what need of such careful particularity in addressing Him, as if it was not enough to name God, without adding whose God He is—Abraham’s, namely, and Isaac’s and Jacob’s; as if Abraham were a landmark to steer by in your invocation, to escape shipwreck among a shoal of deities?  The Jews, who are circumcised, may very properly address this deity, as having a reason for it, because they call God the God of circumcision, in contrast to the gods of uncircumcision.  But why you should do the same, it is difficult to understand; for you do not pretend to have Abraham’s sign, though you invoke his God.  If we understand the matter rightly, the Jews and their God seem to have set marks upon one another for the purpose of recognition, that they might not lose each other.  So God gave them the disgusting mark of circumcision, that, in whatever land or among whatever people they might be, they might by being circumcised be known to be His.  They again marked God by calling Him the God of their fathers, that, wherever He might be, though among a crowd of gods, He might, on hearing the name God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob, know at once that He was addressed.  So we often see, in a number of people of the same name, that no one answers till called by his surname.  In the same way the shepherd or herdsman makes use of a brand to prevent his property being taken by others.  In thus marking God by calling Him the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, you show not only that He is finite, but also that you have no connection with Him, because you have not the mark of circumcision by which He recognizes His own.  Therefore, if this is the God you worship, there can be no doubt of His being finite.  But if you say that God is infinite, you must first of all give up this finite deity, and by altering your invocation, show your penitence for your past errors.  We have thus proved God to be finite, taking you on your own ground.  But to determine whether the supreme and true God is infinite or not, we need only refer to the opposition between good and evil.  If evil does not exist, then certainly God is infinite; otherwise He must be finite.  Evil, however, undoubtedly exists; therefore God is not infinite.  It is where good stops that evil begins.

2.  Augustin replied:  No one that knows you would dream of asking you about the infinitude of God, or of discussing the matter with you.  For, before there can be any degree of spirituality in any of your conceptions, you must first have your minds cleared by simple faith, and by some elementary knowledge, from the illusions of carnal and material ideas.  This your heresy prevents you from doing, for it invariably represents the body and the soul and God as extended in space, either finite or infinite, while the idea of space is applicable only to the body.  As long as this is the case, it will be better for you to leave this matter alone; for you can teach no truth regarding it, any more than in other matters; and in this you are unfit for learning, as you might do in other things, if you were not proud and quarrelsome.  For in such questions as how God can be finite, when no space can contain Him; how He can be infinite, when the Son knows Him perfectly; how He can be finite, and yet unbounded; how He can be infinite, and yet perfect; how He can be finite, who is without measure; how He can be infinite, who is the measure of all things—all carnal ideas go for nothing; and if the carnality is to be removed, it must first become ashamed of itself.  Accordingly, your best way of ending the matter you have brought forward of God as finite or infinite, is to say no more about it till you cease going so far astray from Christ, who is the end of the law.  Of the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob we have already said enough to show why He who is the true God of all creatures wished to be familiarly known by His people under this name.  On circumcision, too, we have already spoken in several places in answer to ignorant reproaches.  The Manichæans would find nothing to ridicule in this sign if they would view it as appointed by God, to be an appropriate symbol of the putting off of the flesh.  They ought thus to consider the rite with a Christian instead of a heretical mind; as it is written, "To the pure all things are pure."  But, considering the truth of the following words, "To the unclean and unbelieving nothing is pure, but even their mind and conscience are defiled," 998 we must remind our witty opponents, that if circumcision is indecent, as they say it is, they should rather weep than laugh at it; for their god is exposed to restraint and contamination in conjunction both with the skin which is cut and with the blood which is shed.

————————————


Footnotes

320:998

Tit. i. 15.



Book XXVI.

Faustus insists that Jesus might have died though not born, by the exercise of divine power, yet he rejects birth and death alike.  Augustin maintains that there are some things that even God cannot do, one of which is to die.  He refutes the docetism of the Manichæans.

1.  Faustus said:  You ask, If Jesus was not born, how did He die?  Well this is a probability, such as one makes use of in want of proofs.  We will, however, answer the question by examples taken from what you generally believe.  If they are true, they will prove our case; if they are false, they will help you no more than they will us.  You say then, How could Jesus die, if He were not man?  In return, I ask you, How did Elias not die, though he was a man?  Could a mortal encroach upon the limits of immortality, and could not Christ add to His immortality whatever experience of death was required?  If Elias, contrary to nature, lives for ever, why not allow that Jesus, with no greater contrariety to nature, could remain in death for three days?  Besides that, it is not only Elias, but Moses and Enoch you believe to be immortal, and to have been taken up with their bodies to heaven.  Accordingly, if it is a good argument that Jesus was a man because He died, it is an equally good argument that Elias was not a man because he did not die.  But as it is false that Elias was not a man, notwithstanding his supposed immortality, so it is false that Jesus was a man, though He is considered to have died.  The truth is, if you will believe it, that the Hebrews were in a mistake regarding both the death of Jesus and the immortality of Elias.  For it is equally untrue that Jesus died and that Elias did not die.  But you believe whatever you please; and for the rest, you appeal to nature.  And, allowing this appeal, nature is against both the death of the immortal and the immortality of the mortal.  And if we refer to the power of effecting their purpose as possessed by God and by man, it seems more possible for Jesus to die than for Elias not to die; for the power of Jesus is greater than that of Elias.  But if you exalt the weaker to heaven, though nature is against it, and, forgetting his condition as a mortal, endow him with eternal felicity, why should I not admit that Jesus could die if He pleased, even though I were to grant His death to have been real, and not a mere semblance?  For, as from the outset of His taking the likeness of man He underwent in appearance all the experiences of humanity, it was quite consistent that He should complete the system by appearing to die.

2.  Moreover, it is to be remembered that this reference to what nature grants as possible, should be made in connection with all the history of Jesus, and not only with His death.  According to nature, it is impossible that a man blind from his birth should see the light; and yet Jesus appears to have performed a miracle of this kind, so that the Jews themselves exclaimed that from the beginning of the world it was not seen that one opened the eyes of a man born blind. 999   So also healing a withered hand, giving the power of utterance and expression to those born dumb, restoring animation to the dead, with the recovery of their bodily frame after dissolution had begun, produce a feeling of amazement, and must seem utterly incredible in view of what is naturally possible and impossible.  And yet, as Christians, we believe all the things to have been done by the same person; for we regard not the law of nature, but the powerful operation of God.  There is a story, too, of Jesus having been cast from the brow of a hill, and having escaped unhurt.  If, then, when thrown down from a height He did not die, simply because He chose not to die, why should He not have had the power to die when He pleased?  We take this way of answering you because you have a fancy for discussion, and affect to use logical weapons not properly belonging to you.  As regards our own belief, it is no more true that Jesus died than that Elias is immortal.

3.  Augustin replied:  As to Enoch and Elias and Moses, our belief is determined not by Faustus’ suppositions, but by the declarations of Scripture, resting as they do on foundations of the strongest and surest evidence.  People in error, as you are, are unfit to decide what is natural, and what contrary to nature.  We admit that what is contrary to the ordinary course of human experience is commonly spoken of as contrary to nature.  Thus the apostle uses the words, "If thou art cut out of the wild olive, and engrafted contrary to nature in the good olive." 1000   Contrary to nature is here used in the sense of contrary to human experience of the course of nature; as that a wild olive engrafted in a good olive should bring forth the fatness of the olive instead of wild berries.  But God, the Author and Creator of all natures, does nothing contrary to nature; for whatever is done by Him who appoints all natural order and measure and proportion must be natural in every case.  And man himself acts contrary to nature only when he sins; and then by punishment he is brought back to nature again.  The natural order of justice requires either that sin should not be committed or that it should not go unpunished.  In either case, the natural order is preserved, if not by the soul, at least by God.  For sin pains the conscience, and brings grief on the mind of the sinner, by the loss of the light of justice, even should no physical sufferings follow, which are inflicted for correction, or are reserved for the incorrigible.  There is, however, no impropriety in saying that God does a thing contrary to nature, when it is contrary to what we know of nature.  For we give the name nature to the usual common course of nature; and whatever God does contrary to this, we call a prodigy, or a miracle.  But against the supreme law of nature, which is beyond the knowledge both of the ungodly and of weak believers, God never acts, any more than He acts against Himself.  As regards spiritual and rational beings, to which class the human soul belongs, the more they partake of this unchangeable law and light, the more clearly they see what is possible, and what impossible; and again, the greater their distance from it, the less their perception of the future, and the more frequent their surprise at strange occurrences.

4.  Thus of what happened to Elias we are ignorant; but still we believe the truthful declarations of Scripture regarding him.  Of one thing we are certain, that what God willed happened, and that except by God’s will nothing can happen to any one.  So, if I am told that it is possible that the flesh of a certain man shall be changed into a celestial body, I allow the possibility, but I cannot tell whether it will be done; and the reason of my ignorance is, that I am not acquainted with the will of God in the matter.  That it will be done if it is God’s will, is perfectly clear and indubitable.  Again, if I am told that something would happen if God did not prevent it from happening, I reply confidently that what is to happen is the action of God, not the event which might otherwise have happened.  For God knows His own future action, and therefore He knows also the effect of that action in preventing the happening of what would otherwise have happened; and, beyond all question, what God knows is more certain than what man thinks.  Hence it is as impossible for what is future not to happen, as for what is past not to have happened; for it can never be God’s will that anything should, in the same sense, be both true and false.  Therefore all that is properly future cannot but happen; what does not happen never was future; even as all things which are properly in the past did indubitably take place.

5.  Accordingly, to say, if God is almighty, let Him make what has been done to be undone, is in fact to say, if God is almighty, let Him make a thing to be in the same sense both true and false.  God can put an end to the existence of anything, when the thing to be put an end to has a present existence; as when He puts an end by death to the existence of any one who has been brought into existence in birth; for in this case there is an actual existence which may be put a stop to.  But when a thing does not exist, the existence cannot be put a stop to.  Now, what is past no longer exists and whatever has an existence which can be put an end to cannot be past.  What is truly past is no longer present; and the truth of its past existence is in our judgment, not in the thing itself which no longer exists.  The proposition asserting anything to be past is true when the thing no longer exists.  God cannot make such a proposition false, because He cannot contradict the truth.  The truth in this case, or the true judgment, is first of all in our own mind, when we know and give expression to it.  But should it disappear from our minds by our forgetting it, it would still remain as truth.  It will always be true that the past thing which is no longer present had an existence; and the truth of its past existence after it has stopped is the same as the truth of its future existence before it began to be.  This truth cannot be contradicted by God, in whom abides the supreme and unchangeable truth, and whose illumination is the source of all the truth to be found in any mind or understanding.  Now God is not omnipotent in the sense of being able to die; nor does this inability prevent His being omnipotent.  True omnipotence belongs to Him who truly exists, and who alone is the source of all existence, both spiritual and corporeal.  The Creator makes what use He pleases of all His creatures; and His pleasure is in harmony with true and unchangeable justice, by which, as by His own nature, He, Himself unchangeable, brings to pass the changes of all changeable things according to the desert of their natures or of their actions.  No one, therefore, would be so foolish as to deny that Elias being a creature of God could be changed either for the worse or for the better; or that by the will of the omnipotent God he could be changed in a manner unusual among men.  So we can have no reason for doubting what on the high authority of Scripture is related of him, unless we limit the power of God to things which we are familiar with.

6.  Faustus’ argument is, If Elias who was a man could escape death, why might not Christ have the power of dying, since He was more than man?  This is the same as to say, If human nature can be changed for the better, why should not the divine nature be changed for the worse?—a weak argument, seeing that human nature is changeable, while the divine nature is not.  Such a method of inference would lead to the glaring absurdity, that if God can bestow eternal glory on man, He must also have the power of consigning Himself to eternal misery.  Faustus will reply that his argument refers only to three days of death for God, as compared with eternal life for man.  Well, if you understood the three days of death in the sense of the death of the flesh which God took as a part of our mortal nature, you would be quite correct; for the truth of the gospel makes known that the death of Christ for three days was for the eternal life of men.  But in arguing that there is no impropriety in asserting a death of three days of the divine nature itself, without any assumption of mortality, because human nature can be endowed with immortality, you display the folly of one who knows neither God nor the gifts of God.  And indeed, since you make part of your god to be fastened to the mass of darkness for ever, how can you escape the absurd conclusion already mentioned, that God consigns Himself to eternal misery?  You will then require to prove that part of light is light, while part of God is not God.  To give you in a word, without argument, the true reason of our faith, as regards Elias having been caught up to heaven from the earth, though only a man, and as regards Christ being truly born of a virgin, and truly dying on the cross, our belief in both cases is grounded on the declaration of Holy Scripture, 1001 which it is piety to believe, and impiety to disbelieve.  What is said of Elias you pretend to deny, for you will pretend anything.  Regarding Christ, although even you do not go the length of saying that He could not die, though He could be born, still you deny His birth from a virgin, and assert His death on the cross to have been feigned, which is equivalent to denying it too, except as a mockery for the delusion of men; and you allow so much merely to obtain indulgence for your own falsehoods from the believers in these fictions.

7.  The question which Faustus makes it appear that he is asked by a Catholic, If Jesus was not born, how could He die? could be asked only by one who overlooked the fact that Adam died, though he was not born.  Who will venture to say that the Son of God could not, if He had pleased, have made for Himself a true human body in the same way as He did for Adam; for all things were made by Him? 1002 or who will deny that He who is the Almighty Son of the Almighty could, if He had chosen, have taken a body from a heavenly substance, or from air or vapor, and have so changed it into the precise character of a human body, as that He might have lived as a man, and have died in it?  Or, once more, if He had chosen to take a body of none of the material substances which He had made, but to create for Himself from nothing real flesh, as all things were created by Him from nothing, none of us will oppose this by saying that He could not have done it.  The reason of our believing Him to have been born of the Virgin Mary, is not that He could not otherwise have appeared among men in a true body, but because it is so written in the Scripture, which we must believe in order to be Christians, or to be saved.  We believe, then, that Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, because it is so written in the Gospel; we believe that He died on the cross, because it is so written in the Gospel; we believe that both His birth and death were real, because the Gospel is no fiction.  Why He chose to suffer all these things in a body taken from a woman is a matter known only to Himself.  Perhaps He took this way of giving importance and honor to both the sexes which He had created, taking the form of a man, and being born of a woman; or there may have been some other reason, we cannot tell.  But this may be confidently affirmed, that what took place was exactly as we are told in the Gospel narrative, and that what the wisdom of God determined upon was exactly what ought to have happened.  We place the authority of the Gospel above all heretical discussions; and we admire the counsel of divine wisdom more than any counsel of any creature.

8.  Faustus calls upon us to believe him, and says, The truth is, if you will believe it, that the Hebrews were in a mistake regarding both the death of Jesus and the immortality of Elias.  And a little after he adds, As from the outset of His taking the likeness of man He underwent in appearance all the experiences of humanity, it was quite consistent that He should seal the dispensation by appearing to die.  How can this infamous liar, who declares that Christ feigned death, expect to be believed?  Did Christ utter falsehood when He said, "It behoves the Son of man to be killed, and to rise the third day?" 1003   And do you tell us to believe what you say, as if you utter no falsehoods?  In that case, Peter was more truthful than Christ when he said to Him, "Be it far from Thee, Lord; this shall not be unto Thee;" for which it was said to him, "Get thee behind me, Satan." 1004   This rebuke was not lost upon Peter, for, after his correction and full preparation, he preached even to his own death the truth of the death of Christ.  But if Peter deserved to be called Satan for thinking that Christ would not die, what should you be called, when you not only deny that Christ died, but assert that He feigned death?  You give, as a reason for Christ’s appearing to die, that He underwent in appearance all the experiences of humanity.  But that He feigned all the experiences of humanity is only your opinion in opposition to the Gospel.  In reality, when the evangelist says that Jesus slept, 1005 that He was hungry, 1006 that He was thirsty, 1007 that He was sorrowful, 1008 or glad, and so on,—these things are all true in the senseof not being feigned, but actual experiences; only that they were undergone, not from a mere natural necessity, but in the exercise of a controlling will, and of divine power.  In the case of a man, anger, sorrow, sleeping, being hungry and thirsty, are often involuntary; in Christ they were acts of His own will.  So also men are born without any act of their own will, and suffer against their will; while Christ was born and suffered by His own will.  Still, the things are true; and the accurate narrative of them is intended to instruct whoever believes in Christ’s gospel in the truth, not to delude him with falsehoods.

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Footnotes

321:999

John ix.

321:1000

Rom. xi. 24.

323:1001

2 Kings 2:11, Matt. 1:25, Matt. 17:50.

323:1002

John i. 3.

323:1003

Luke xxiv. 7.

323:1004

Matt. 16:22, 23.

324:1005

Matt. viii. 24.

324:1006

Matt. iv. 2.

324:1007

John xix. 28.

324:1008

Matt. xxvi. 37.



Book XXVII.

Faustus warns against pressing too far the argument, that if Jesus was not born He cannot have suffered.  Augustin accepts the birth and death alike on the testimony of the Gospel narrative, which is higher authority than the falsehood of Manichæus.

1.  Faustus said:  If Jesus was not born, He cannot have suffered; but since He did suffer, He must have been born.  I advise you not to have recourse to logical inference in these matters, or else your whole faith will be shaken.  For, even according to you, Jesus was born miraculously of a virgin; which the argument from consequents to antecedents shows to be false.  For your argument might thus be turned against you:  If Jesus was born of a woman, He must have been begotten by a man; but He was not begotten by a man, therefore He was not born of a woman.  If, as you believe, He could be born without being begotten, why could He not also suffer without being brought forth?

2.  Augustin replied:  The argument which you here reply to is one which could be used only by such ignorant people as you succeed in misleading, not by those who know enough to refute you.  Jesus could both be born without being begotten and suffer without being brought forth.  His being one and not the other was the effect of His own will.  He chose to be born without being begotten, and not to suffer without being brought forth.  And if you ask how I know that He was brought forth, and that He suffered, I read this in the faithful Gospel narrative.  If I ask how you know what you state, you bring forward the authority of Manichæus, and charge the Gospel with falsehood.  Even if Manichæus did not set forth falsehood as an excellence in Christ, I should not believe his statements.  His praise of falsehood comes from nothing that he found in Christ, but from his own moral character.

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Book XXVIII.

Faustus recurs to the genealogy and insists upon examining it as regards its consistency with itself.  Augustin takes his stand on Scripture authority and maintains that Matthew’s statements as to the birth of Christ must be accepted as final.

1.  Faustus said:  Christ, you say, could not have died, had He not been born.  I reply, If He was born, He cannot have been God; or if He could both be God and be born, why could He not both be born and die?  Plainly, arguments and necessary consequences are not applicable to those matters, where the question is of the account to be given of Jesus.  The answer must be obtained from His own statements, or from the statements of His apostles regarding Him.  The genealogy must be examined as regards its consistency with itself, instead of arguing from the supposition of Christ’s death to the fact of His birth; for He might have suffered without having been born, or He might have been born, and yet never have suffered; for you yourselves acknowledge that with God nothing is impossible, which is inconsistent with the denial that Christ could have suffered without having been born.

2.  Augustin replied:  You are always answering arguments which no one uses, instead of our real arguments, which you cannot answer.  No one says that Christ could not die if He had not been born; for Adam died though he had not been born.  What we say is, Christ was born, because this is said not by this or that heretic, but in the holy Gospel; and He died, for this too is written, not in some heretical production, but in the holy Gospel.  You set aside argument on the question of the true account to be given of Jesus, and refer to what He says of Himself, and what His apostles say of Him; and yet, when I begin to quote the Gospel of His apostle Matthew, where we have the whole narrative of Christ’s birth, you forthwith deny that Matthew wrote the narrative, though this is affirmed by the continuous testimony of the whole Church, from the days of apostolic presidency to the bishops of our own time.  What authority will you quote against this?  Perhaps some book of Manichæus, where it is denied that Jesus was born of a virgin.  As, then, I believe your book to be the production of Manichæus, since it has been kept and handed down among the disciples of Manichæus, from the time when he lived to the present time, by a regular succession of your presidents, so I ask you to believe the book which I quote to have been written by Matthew, since it has been handed down from the days of Matthew in the Church, without any break in the connection between that time and the present.  The question then is, whether we are to believe the statements of an apostle who was in the company of Christ while He was on earth, or of a man away in Persia, born long after Christ.  But perhaps you will quote some other book bearing the name of an apostle known to have been chosen by Christ; and you will find there that Christ was not born of Mary.  Since, then, one of the books must be false, the question in this case is, whether we are to yield our belief to a book acknowledged and approved as handed down from the beginning in the Church founded by Christ Himself, and maintained through the apostles and their successors in an unbroken connection all over the world to the present day; or to a book which this Church condemns as unknown, and which, moreover, is brought forward by men who prove their veracity by praising Christ for falsehood.

3.  Here you will say, Examine the genealogy as given in the two Gospels, and see if it is consistent with itself.  The answer to this has been given already. 1009   Your difficulty is how Joseph could have two fathers.  But even if you could not have thought of the explanation, that one was his own father, and the other adopted, you should not have been so ready to put yourself in opposition to such high authority.  Now that this explanation has been given you, I call upon you to acknowledge the truth of the Gospel, and above all to cease your mischievous and unreasonable attacks upon the truth.

4.  Faustus most plausibly refers to what Jesus said of Himself.  But how is this to be known except from the narratives of His disciples?  And if we do not believe them when they tell us that Christ was born of a virgin, how shall we believe what they record as said by Christ of Himself?  For, as regards any writing professing to come immediately from Christ Himself, if it were really His, how is it not read and acknowledged and regarded as of supreme authority in the Church, which, beginning with Christ Himself, and continued by His apostles, who were succeeded by the bishops, has been maintained and extended to our own day, and in which is found the fulfillment of many former predictions, while those concerning the last days are sure to be accomplished in the future?  In regard to the appearance of such a writing, it would require to be considered from what quarter it issued.  Supposing it to have issued from Christ Himself, those in immediate connection with Him might very well have received it, and have transmitted it to others.  In this case, the authority of the writing would be fully established by the traditions of various communities, and of their presidents, as I have already said.  Who, then, is so infatuated as in our day to believe that the Epistle of Christ issued by Manichæus is genuine, or to disbelieve Matthew’s narrative of Christ’s words and actions?  Or, if the question is of Matthew being the real author, who would not, in this also, believe what he finds in the Church, which has a distinct history in unbroken connection from the days of Matthew to the present time, rather than a Persian interloper, who comes more than two hundred years after, and wishes us to believe his account of Christ’s words and actions rather than that of Matthew; whereas, even in the case of the Apostle Paul, who was called from heaven after the Lord’s ascension, the Church would not have believed him, had there not been apostles in life with whom he might communicate, and compare his gospel with theirs, so as to be recognized as belonging to the same society?  When it was ascertained that Paul preached what the apostles preached, and that he lived in fellowship and harmony with them, and when God’s testimony was added by Paul’s working miracles like those done by the apostles, his authority became so great, that his words are now received in the Church, as if, to use his own appropriate words, Christ were speaking in him. 1010   Manichæus, on the other hand, thinks that the Church of Christ should believe what he says in opposition to the Scriptures, which are supported by such strong and continuous evidence, and in which the Church finds an emphatic injunction, that whoever preaches to her differently from what she has received must be anathema. 1011

5.  Faustus tells us that he has good grounds for concluding that these Scriptures are unworthy of credit.  And yet he speaks of not using arguments.  But the argument too shall be refuted.  The end of the whole argument is to bring the soul to believe that the reason of its misery in this world is, that it is the means of preventing God from being deprived of His kingdom, and that God’s substance and nature is so exposed to change, corruption, injury, and contamination, that part of it is incurably defiled, and is consigned by Himself to eternal punishment in the mass of darkness, though, when it was in harmless union with Himself, and guilty of no crime, He knowingly sent it where it was to suffer defilement.  This is the end of all your arguments and fictions; and would that there were an end of them as regards your heart and your lips, that you might sometime desist from believing and uttering those execrable blasphemies!  But, says Faustus, I prove from the writings themselves that they cannot be in all points trustworthy, for they contradict one another.  Why not say, then, that they are wholly untrustworthy, if their testimony is inconsistent and self-contradictory?  But, says Faustus, I say what I think to be in accordance with truth.  With what truth?  The truth is only your own fiction, which begins with God’s battle, goes on to His contamination, and ends with His damnation.  No one, says Faustus, believes writings which contradict themselves.  But if you think they do this, it is because you do not understand them; for your ignorance has been manifested in regard to the passages you have quoted in support of your opinion, and the same will appear in regard to any quotations you may still make.  So there is no reason for our not believing these writings, supported as they are by such weighty testimony; and this is itself the best reason for pronouncing accursed those whose preaching differs from what is there written.

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Footnotes

325:1009

III. 3.

326:1010

2 Cor. xiii. 3.

326:1011

Gal. 1:8, 9.



Book XXIX.

Faustus seeks to justify the docetism of the Manichæans.  Augustin insists that there is nothing disgraceful in being born.

1.  Faustus said:  If Christ was visible, and suffered without having been born, this was sorcery.  This argument of yours may be turned against you, by replying that it was sorcery if He was conceived or brought forth without being begotten.  It is not in accordance with the law of nature that a virgin should bring forth, and still less that she should still be a virgin after bringing forth.  Why, then, do you refuse to admit that Christ, in a preternatural manner, suffered without submitting to the condition of birth?  Believe me:  in substance, both our beliefs are contrary to nature; but our belief is decent, and yours is not.  We give an explanation of Christ’s passion which is at least probable, while the only explanation you give of His birth is false.  In fine, we hold that He suffered in appearance, and did not really die; you believe in an actual birth, and conception in the womb.  If it is not so, you have only to acknowledge that the birth too was a delusion, and our whole dispute will be at an end.  As to what you frequently allege, that Christ could not have appeared or spoken to men without having been born, it is absurd; for, as our teachers have shown, angels have often appeared and spoken to men.

2.  Augustin replied:  We do not say that to die without having been born is sorcery; for, as we have said already, this happened in the case of Adam.  But, though it had never happened, who will venture to say that Christ could not, if He had so pleased, have come without taking His body from a virgin, and yet appearing in a true body to redeem us by a true death?  However, it was better that He should be, as He actually was, born of a virgin, and, by His condescension, do honor to both sexes, for whose deliverance He was to die, by taking a man’s body born of a woman.  In this He testifies emphatically against you, and refutes your doctrine, which makes the sexes the work of the devil.  What we call sorcery in your doctrine is your making Christ’s passion and death to have been only in appearance, so that, by a spectral illusion, He seemed to die when He did not.  Hence you must also make His resurrection spectral and illusory and false; for if there was no true death, there could not be a real resurrection.  Hence also the marks which He showed to His doubting disciples must have been false; and Thomas was not assured by truth, but cheated by a lie, when he exclaimed, "My Lord, and my God." 1012   And yet you would have us believe that your tongue utters truth, though Christ’s whole body was a falsehood.  Our argument against you is, that the Christ you make is such that you cannot be His true disciples unless you too practise deceit.  The fact that Christ’s body was the only one born of a virgin does not prove that there was sorcery in His birth, any more than there is sorcery in its being the only body to rise again on the third day, never to die any more.  Will you say that there was sorcery in all the Lord’s miracles because they were unusual?  They really happened, and their appearance, as seen by men, was true, and not an illusion; and when they are said to be contrary to nature, it is not that they oppose nature, but that they transcend the method of nature to which we are accustomed.  May God keep the minds of His people who are still babes in Christ from being influenced by Faustus, when he recommends as a duty that we should acknowledge Christ’s birth to have been illusory and not real, that so we may end our dispute!  Nay, verily, rather let us continue to contend for the truth against them, than agree with them in falsehood.

3.  But if we are to end the controversy by saying this, why do not our opponents themselves say it?  While they assert the death of Christ to have been not real but feigned, why do they make out that He had no birth at all, not even of the same kind as His death?  If they had so much regard for the authority of the evangelist as to oblige them to admit that Christ suffered, at least in appearance, it is the same authority which testifies to His birth.  Two evangelists, indeed, give the story of the birth; 1013 but in all we read of Jesus having a mother. 1014   Perhaps Faustus was unwilling to make the birth an illusion, because the difference of the genealogies given in Matthew and Luke causes an apparent discrepancy.  But, supposing a man ignorant, there are many things also relating to the passion of Christ in which he will think the evangelists disagree; suppose him instructed, he finds entire agreement.  Can it be right to feign death, and wrong to feign birth?  And yet Faustus will have us acknowledge the birth to be feigned, in order to put an end to the dispute.  It will appear presently in our reply to another objection what we think to be the reason why Faustus will not admit of any birth, even a feigned one.

4.  We deny that there is anything disgraceful in the bodies of saints.  Some members, indeed, are called uncomely, because they have not so pleasing an appearance as those constantly in view. 1015   But attend to what the apostle says, when from the unity and harmony of the body he enjoins charity on the Church:  "Much more those members of the body, which seem to be feeble, are necessary:  and those members of the body, which we think to be less honorable, upon these we bestow more abundant honor; and our uncomely parts have more abundant comeliness.  For our comely parts have no need:  but God hath tempered the body together, having given more abundant honor to that part which lacked:  that there should be no schism in the body." 1016   The licentious and intemperate use of those members is disgraceful, but not the members themselves; for they are preserved in purity not only by the unmarried, but also by wedded fathers and mothers of holy life, in whose case the natural appetite, as serving not lust, but an intelligent purpose in the production of children, is in no way disgraceful.  Still more, in the holy Virgin Mary, who by faith conceived the body of Christ, there was nothing disgraceful in the members which served not for a common natural conception, but for a miraculous birth.  In order that we might conceive Christ in sincere hearts, and, as it were, produce Him in confession, it was meet that His body should come from the substance of His mother without injury to her bodily purity.  We cannot suppose that the mother of Christ suffered loss by His birth, or that the gift of productiveness displaced the grace of virginity.  If these occurrences, which were real and no illusion, are new and strange, and contrary to the common course of nature, the reason is, that they are great, and amazing, and divine; and all the more on this account are they true, and firm, and sure.  Angels, says Faustus, appeared and spoke without having been born.  As if we held that Christ could not have appeared or spoken without having been born of a woman!  He could, but He chose not; and what He chose was best.  And that He chose to do what He did is plain, because He acted, not like your god, from necessity, but voluntarily.  That He was born we know, because we put faith not in a heretic, but in Christ’s gospel.

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Footnotes

327:1012

John xx. 28.

327:1013

Matt. 1:25, Luke 2:7.

327:1014

Matt. 2:11, Mark 3:32, Luke 2:33, John 2:1.

327:1015

In the Retractations, ii. sec 7, Augustin refers in correction of this remark to his Reply to the Second Answer of Julian, iv. sec. 36, where he makes uncomeliness the effect of sin.

327:1016

1 Cor. xii. 22-25.



Book XXX.

Faustus repels the insinuation that the prophecy of Paul with reference to those that should forbid to marry, abstain from meats, etc., applies to the Manichæans more than to the Catholic ascetics, who are held in the highest esteem in the Church.  Augustin justifies this application of the prophecy, and shows the difference between Manichæan and Christian asceticism.

1.  Faustus said:  You apply to us the words of Paul:  "Some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to lying spirits, and doctrines of devils; speaking lies in hypocrisy; having their consciences seared as with a hot iron; forbidding to marry, abstaining from meats, which God has created to be received with thanksgiving by believers." 1017   I refuse to admit that the apostle said this, unless you first acknowledge that Moses and the prophets taught doctrines of devils, and were the interpreters of a lying and malignant spirit; since they enjoin with great emphasis abstinence from swine’s flesh and other meats, which they call unclean.  This case must first be settled; and you must consider long and carefully how their teaching is to be viewed:  whether they said these things from God, or from the devil.  As regards these matters, either Moses and the prophets must be condemned along with us; or we must be acquitted along with them.  You are unjust in condemning us, as you do now, as followers of the doctrine of devils, because we require the priestly class to abstain from animal food; for we limit the prohibition to the priesthood, while you hold that your prophets, and Moses himself, who forbade all classes of men to eat the flesh of swine, and hares, and conies, besides all varieties of cuttle-fish, and all fish wanting scales, said this not in a lying spirit, nor in the doctrine of devils, but from God, and in the Holy Spirit.  Even supposing, then, that Paul said these words, you can convince me only by condemning Moses and the prophets; and so, though you will not do it for reason or truth, you will contradict Moses for the sake of your belly.

2.  Besides, you have in your Book of Daniel the account of the three youths, which you will find it difficult to reconcile with the opinion that to abstain from meats is the doctrine of devils.  For we are told that they abstained not only from what the law forbade, but even from what it allowed; 1018 and you are wont to praise them, and count them as martyrs; though they too followed the doctrine of devils, if this is to be taken as the apostle’s opinion.  And Daniel himself declares that he fasted for three weeks, not eating flesh or drinking wine, while he prayed for his people. 1019   How is it that he boasts of this doctrine of devils, and glories in the falsehood of a lying spirit?

3.  Again, what are we to think of you, or of the better class of Christians among you, some of whom abstain from swine’s flesh, some from the flesh of quadrupeds, and some from all animal food, while all the Church admires them for it, and regards them with profound veneration, as only not gods?  You obstinately refuse to consider that if the words quoted from the apostle are true and genuine, these people too are misled by doctrines of devils.  And there is another observance which no one will venture to explain away or to deny, for it is known to all, and is practised yearly with particular attention in the congregation of Catholics all over the world—I mean the fast of forty days, in the due observance of which a man must abstain from all the things which, according to this verse, were created by God that we might receive them, while at the same time he calls this abstinence a doctrine of devils.  So, my dear friends, shall we say that you too, during this fast, while celebrating the mysteries of Christ’s passion, live after the manner of devils, and are deluded by a seducing spirit, and speak lies in hypocrisy, and have your conscience seared with a hot iron?  If this does not apply to you, neither does it apply to us.  What is to be thought of this verse, or its author; or to whom does it apply, since it agrees neither with the traditions of the Old Testament, nor with the institutions of the New?  As regards the New Testament, the proof is from your own practice; and though the Old requires abstinence only from certain things, still it requires abstinence.  On the other hand, this opinion of yours makes all abstinence from animal food a doctrine of devils.  If this is your belief, once more I say it, you must condemn Moses, and reject the prophets, and pass the same sentence on yourselves; for, as they always abstained from certain kinds of food, so you sometimes abstain from all food.

4.  But if you think that in making a distinction in food, Moses and the prophets established a divine ordinance, and not a doctrine of devils; if Daniel in the Holy Spirit observed a fast of three weeks; if the youths Ananias, Azarias, and Mishael, under divine guidance, chose to live on cabbage or pulse; if, again, those among you who abstain, do it not at the instigation of devils; if your abstinence from wine and flesh for forty days is not superstitious, but by divine command,—consider, I beseech you, if it is not perfect madness to suppose these words to be Paul’s that abstinence from food and forbidding to marry are doctrines of devils.  Paul cannot have said that to dedicate virgins to Christ is a doctrine of devils.  But you read the words, and inconsiderately, as usual, apply them to us, without seeing that this stamps your virgins too as led away by the doctrine of devils, and that you are the functionaries of the devils in your constant endeavors to induce virgins to make this profession, so that in all your churches the virgins nearly outnumber the married women.  Why do you still adhere to such practises?  Why do you ensnare wretched young women, if it is the will of devils, and not of Christ, that they fulfill?  But, first of all, I wish to know if making virgins is, in all cases, the doctrine of devils, or only the prohibition of marriage.  If it is the prohibition, it does not apply to us, for we too hold it equally foolish to prevent one who wishes, as it is criminal and impious to force one who has some reluctance.  But if you say that to encourage the proposal, and not to resist such a desire, is all the doctrine of devils, to say nothing of the consequence as regards you, the apostle himself will be thus brought into danger, if he must be considered as having introduced the doctrines of devils into Iconium, when Thecla, after having been betrothed, was by his discourse inflamed with the desire of perpetual virginity. 1020   And what shall we say of Jesus, the Master Himself, and the source of all sanctity, who is the unwedded spouse of the virgins who make this profession, and who, when specifying in the Gospel three kinds of eunuchs, natural, artificial, and voluntary, gives the palm to those who have "made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven," 1021 meaning the youths of both sexes who have extirpated from their hearts the desire of marriage, and who in the Church act as eunuchs of the King’s palace?  Is this also the doctrine of devils?  Are those words, too, spoken in a seducing spirit?  And if Paul and Christ are proved to be priests of devils, is not their spirit the same that speaks in God?  I do not mention the other apostles of our Lord, Peter, Andrew, Thomas, and the example of celibacy, the blessed John, who in various ways commended to young men and maidens the excellence of this profession, leaving to us, and to you too, the form for making virgins.  I do not mention them, because you do not admit them into the canon, and so you will not scruple impiously to impute to them doctrines of devils.  But will you say the same of Christ, or of the Apostle Paul, who, we know, everywhere expressed the same preference for unmarried women to the married, and gave an example of it in the case of the saintly Thecla?  But if the doctrine preached by Paul to Thecla, and which the other apostles also preached, was not the doctrine of devils, how can we believe that Paul left on record his opinion, that the very exhortation to sanctity is the injunction and the doctrine of devils?  To make virgins simply by exhortation, without forbidding to marry, is not peculiar to you.  That is our principle too; and he must be not only a fool, but a madman, who thinks that a private law can forbid what the public law allows.  As regards marriage, therefore, we too encourage virgins to remain as they are when they are willing to do so; we do not make them virgins against their will.  For we know the force of will and of natural appetite when opposed by public law; much more when the law is only private, and every one is at liberty to disobey it.  If, then, it is no crime to make virgins in this manner, we are guiltless as well as you.  If it is wrong to make virgins in any way, you are guilty as well as we.  So that what you mean, or intend, by quoting this verse against us, it is impossible to say.

5.  Augustin replied:  Listen, and you shall hear what we mean and intend by quoting this verse against you, since you say that you do not know.  It is not that you abstain from animal food; for, as you observe, our ancient fathers abstained from some kinds of food, not, however, as condemning them, but with a typical meaning, which you do not understand, and of which I have said already in this work all that appeared necessary.  Besides, Christians, not heretics, but Catholics, in order to subdue the body, that the soul may be more humbled in prayer, abstain not only from animal food, but also from some vegetable productions, without, however, believing them to be unclean.  A few do this always; and at certain seasons or days, as in Lent, almost all, more or less, according to the choice or ability of individuals.  You, on the other hand, deny that the creature is good, and call it unclean, saying that animals are made by the devil of the worst impurities in the substance of evil and so you reject them with horror, as being the most cruel and loathsome places of confinement of your god.  You, as a concession, allow your followers, as distinct from the priests, to eat animal food; as the apostle allows, in certain cases, not marriage in the general sense, but the indulgence of passion in marriage. 1022   It is only sin which is thus made allowance for.  This is the feeling you have toward all animal food; you have learned it from your heresy, and you teach it to your followers.  You make allowance for your followers, because, as I said before, they supply you with necessaries; but you grant them indulgence without saying that it is not sinful.  For yourselves, you shun contact with this evil and impurity; and hence our reason for quoting this verse against you is found in the words of the apostle which follow those with which you end the quotation.  Perhaps it was for this reason that you left out the words, and then say that you do not know what we mean or intend by the quotation; for it suited you better to omit the account of our intention than to express it.  For, after speaking of abstaining from meats, which God has created to be received with thanksgiving by believers, the apostle goes on, "And by them who know the truth; for every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving:  for it is sanctified by the word of God and prayer." 1023   This you deny; for your idea, and motive, and belief in abstaining from such food is, that they are not typically, but naturally, evil and impure.  In this assuredly you blaspheme the Creator; and in this is the doctrine of devils.  You need not be surprised that, so long before the event, this prediction regarding you was made by the Holy Spirit.

6.  So, again, if your exhortations to virginity resembled the teaching of the apostle, "He who giveth in marriage doeth well, and he who giveth not in marriage doeth better;" 1024 if you taught that marriage is good, and virginity better, as the Church teaches which is truly Christ’s Church, you would not have been described in the Spirit’s prediction as forbidding to marry.  What a man forbids he makes evil; but a good thing may be placed second to a better thing without being forbidden.  Moreover, the only honorable kind of marriage, or marriage entered into for its proper and legitimate purpose, is precisely that you hate most.  So, though you may not forbid sexual intercourse, you forbid marriage; for the peculiarity of marriage is, that it is not merely for the gratification of passion, but, as is written in the contract, for the procreation of children.  And, though you allow many of your followers to retain their connection with you in spite of their refusal, or their inability, to obey you, you cannot deny that you make the prohibition.  The prohibition is part of your false doctrine, while the toleration is only for the interests of the society.  And here we see the reason, which I have delayed till now to mention, for your making not the birth but only the death of Christ feigned and illusory.  Death being the separation of the soul, that is, of the nature of your god, from the body which belongs to his enemies, for it is the work of the devil, you uphold and approve of it; and thus, according to your creed, it was meet that Christ, though He did not die, should commend death by appearing to die.  In birth, again, you believe your god to be bound instead of released; and so you will not allow that Christ was born even in this illusory fashion.  You would have thought better of Mary had she ceased to be a virgin without being a mother, than as being a mother without ceasing to be a virgin.  You see, then, that there is a great difference between exhorting to virginity as the better of two good things, and forbidding to marry by denouncing the true purpose of marriage; between abstaining from food as a symbolic observance, or for the mortification of the body, and abstaining from food which God has created for the reason that God did not create it.  In one case, we have the doctrine of the prophets and apostles; in the other, the doctrine of lying devils.

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Footnotes

328:1017

1 Tim. iv. 1-3.

328:1018

Dan. i. 12.

328:1019

Dan. 10:2, 3.

329:1020

See the apocryphal book, Paul and Thecla.

329:1021

Matt. xix. 12.

330:1022

1 Cor. 7:5, 6.

330:1023

1 Tim. iv. 3-5.

330:1024

1 Cor. vii. 38.



Book XXXI.

The scripture passage:  "To the pure all things are pure, but to the impure and defiled is nothing pure; but even their mind and conscience are defiled," is discussed from both the Manichæan and the Catholic points of view, Faustus objecting to its application to his party and Augustin insisting on its application.

1.  Faustus said:  "To the pure all things are pure.  But to the impure and defiled is nothing pure; but even their mind and conscience are defiled."  As regards this verse, too, it is very doubtful whether, for your own sake, you should believe it to have been written by Paul.  For it would follow that Moses and the prophets were not only influenced by devils in making so much in their laws of the distinctions in food, but also that they themselves were impure and defiled in their mind and conscience, so that the following words also might properly be applied to them:  "They profess to know God, but in works deny Him." 1025   This is applicable to no one more than to Moses and the prophets, who are known to have lived very differently from what was becoming in men knowing God.  Up to this time I have thought only of adulteries and frauds and murders as defiling the conscience of Moses and the prophets; but now, from what this verse says, it is plain that they were also defiled, because they looked upon something as defiled.  How, then, can you persist in thinking that the vision of the divine majesty can have been bestowed on such men, when it is written that only the pure in heart can see God?  Even supposing that they had been pure from unlawful crimes, this superstitious abstinence from certain kinds of food, if it defiles the mind, is enough to debar them from the sight of deity.  Gone for ever, too, is the boast of Daniel, and of the three youths, who, till now that we are told that nothing is unclean, have been regarded among the Jews as persons of great purity and excellence of character, because, in observance of hereditary customs, they carefully avoided defiling themselves with Gentile food, especially that of sacrifices. 1026   Now it appears that they were defiled in mind and conscience most of all when they were closing their mouth against blood and idol-feasts.

2.  But perhaps their ignorance may excuse them; for, as this Christian doctrine of all things being pure to the pure had not then appeared, they may have thought some things impure.  But there can be no excuse for you in the face of Paul’s announcement, that there is nothing which is not pure, and that abstinence from certain food is the doctrine of devils, and that those who think anything defiled are polluted in their mind, if you not only abstain, as we have said, but make a merit of it, and believe that you become more acceptable to Christ in proportion as you are more abstemious, or, according to this new doctrine, as your minds are defiled and your conscience polluted.  It should also be observed that, while there are three religions in the world which, though in a very different manner, appoint chastity and abstinence as the means of purification of the mind, the religions, namely, of the Jews, the Gentiles, and the Christians, the opinion that everything is pure cannot have come from any one of the three.  It is certainly not from Judaism, nor from Paganism, which also makes a distinction of food; the only difference being, that the Hebrew classification of animals does not harmonize with the Pagan.  Then as to the Christian faith, if you think it peculiar to Christianity to consider nothing defiled, you must first of all confess that there are no Christians among you.  For things offered to idols, and what dies of itself, to mention nothing else, are regarded by you all as great defilement.  If, again, this is a Christian practice, on your part, the doctrine which is opposed to all abstinence from impurities cannot be traced to Christianity either.  How, then, could Paul have said what is not in keeping with any religion?  In fact, when the apostle from a Jew became a Christian, it was a change of customs more than of religion.  As for the writer of this verse, there seems to be no religion which favors his opinion.

3.  Be sure, then, whenever you discover anything else in Scripture to assail our faith with, to see, in the first place, that it is not against you, before you commence your attack on us.  For instance, there is the passage you continually quote about Peter, that he once saw a vessel let down from heaven in which were all kinds of animals and serpents, and that, when he was surprised and astonished, a voice was heard, saying to him, Peter, kill and eat whatsoever thou seest in the vessel, and that he replied, Lord I will not touch what is common or unclean.  On this the voice spoke again, What I have cleansed, call not unclean. 1027   This, indeed, seems to have an allegorical meaning, and not to refer to the absence of distinction in food.  But as you choose to give it this meaning, you are bound to feed upon all wild animals, and scorpions, and snakes, and reptiles in general, in compliance with this vision of Peter’s.  In this way, you will show that you are really obedient to the voice which Peter is said to have heard.  But you must never forget that you at the same time condemn Moses and the prophets, who considered many things polluted which, according to this utterance, God has sanctified.

4.  Augustin replied:  When the apostle says, "To the pure all things are pure," he refers to the natures which God had created,—as it is written by Moses in Genesis, "And God made all things; and behold they were very good," 1028 —not to the typical meanings, according to which God, by the same Moses, distinguished the clean from the unclean.  Of this we have already spoken at length more than once, and need not dwell on it here.  It is clear that the apostle called those impure who, after the revelation of the New Testament, still advocated the observance of the shadows of things to come, as if without them the Gentiles could not obtain the salvation which is in Christ, because in this they were carnally minded; and he called them unbelieving, because they did not distinguish between the time of the law and the time of grace.  To them, he says, nothing is pure, because they made an erroneous and sinful use both of what they received and of what they rejected; which is true of all unbelievers, but especially of you Manichæans, for to you nothing whatever is pure.  For, although you take great care to keep the food which you use separate from the contamination of flesh, still it is not pure to you, for the only creator of it you allow is the devil.  And you hold, that, by eating it, you release your god, who suffers confinement and pollution in it.  One would think you might consider yourselves pure, since your stomach is the proper place for purifying your god.  But even your own bodies, in your opinion, are of the nature and handiwork of the race of darkness; while your souls are still affected by the pollution of your bodies.  What, then, is pure to you?  Not the things you eat; not the receptacle of your food; not yourselves, by whom it is purified.  Thus you see against whom the words of the apostle are directed; he expresses himself so as to include all who are impure and unbelieving, but first and chiefly to condemn you.  To the pure, therefore, all things are pure, in the nature in which they were created; but to the ancient Jewish people all things were not pure in their typical significance; and, as regards bodily health, or the customs of society, all things are not suitable to us.  But when things are in their proper places, and the order of nature is preserved, to the pure all things are pure; but to the impure and unbelieving, among whom you stand first, nothing is pure.  You might make a wholesome application to yourselves of the following words of the apostle, if you desired a cure for your seared consciences.  The words are:  "Their very mind and conscience are defiled."

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Footnotes

331:1025

Tit. i. 16.

331:1026

Dan. i. 12.

332:1027

Acts x. 11-15.

332:1028

Gen. i. 31.



Book XXXII.

Faustus fails to understand why he should be required either to accept or reject the New Testament as a whole, while the Catholics accept or reject the various parts of the Old Testament at pleasure.  Augustin denies that the Catholics treat the Old Testament arbitrarily, and explains their attitude towards it.

1.  Faustus said:  You say, that if we believe the Gospel, we must believe everything that is written in it.  Why, then, since you believe the Old Testament, do you not believe all that is found in any part of it?  Instead of that, you cull out only the prophecies telling of a future King of the Jews, for you suppose this to be Jesus, along with a few precepts of common morality, such as, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not commit adultery; and all the rest you pass over, thinking of the other things as Paul thought of the things which he held to be dung. 1029   Why, then, should it seem strange or singular in me that I select from the New Testament whatever is purest, and helpful for my salvation, while I set aside the interpolations of your predecessors, which impair its dignity and grace?

 2.  If there are parts of the Testament of the Father which we are not bound to observe (for you attribute the Jewish law to the Father, and it is well known that many things in it shock you, and make you ashamed, so that in heart you no longer regard it as free from corruption, though, as you believe, the Father Himself partly wrote it for you with His own finger while part was written by Moses, who was faithful and trustworthy), the Testament of the Son must be equally liable to corruption, and may equally well contain objectionable things; especially as it is allowed not to have been written by the Son Himself, nor by His apostles, but long after, by some unknown men, who, lest they should be suspected of writing of things they knew nothing of, gave to their books the names of the apostles, or of those who were thought to have followed the apostles, declaring the contents to be according to these originals.  In this, I think, they do grievous wrong to the disciples of Christ, by quoting their authority for the discordant and contradictory statements in these writings, saying that it was according to them that they wrote the Gospels, which are so full of errors and discrepancies, both in facts and in opinions, that they can be harmonized neither with themselves nor with one another.  This is nothing else than to slander good men, and to bring the charge of dissension on the brotherhood of the disciples.  In reading the Gospels, the clear intention of our heart perceives the errors, and, to avoid all injustice, we accept whatever is useful, in the way of building up our faith, and promoting the glory of the Lord Christ, and of the Almighty God, His Father, while we reject the rest as unbecoming the majesty of God and Christ, and inconsistent with our belief.

3.  To return to what I said of your not accepting everything in the Old Testament.  You do not admit carnal circumcision, though that is what is written; 1030 nor resting from all occupation on the Sabbath, though that is enjoined; 1031 and instead of propitiating God, as Moses recommends, by offerings and sacrifices, you cast these things aside as utterly out of keeping with Christian worship, and as having nothing at all to recommend them.  In some cases, however, you make a division, and while you accept one part, you reject the other.  Thus, in the Passover, which is also the annual feast of the Old Testament, while it is written that in this observance you must slay a lamb to be eaten in the evening, and that you must abstain from leaven for seven days, and be content with unleavened bread and bitter herbs, 1032 you accept the feast, but pay no attention to the rules for its observance.  It is the same with the feast of Pentecost, or seven weeks, and the accompaniment of a certain kind and number of sacrifices which Moses enjoins: 1033   you observe the feast, but you condemn the propitiatory rites, which are part of it, because they are not in harmony with Christianity.  As regards the command to abstain from Gentile food, you are zealous believers in the uncleanness of things offered to idols, and of what has died of itself; but you are not so ready to believe the prohibition of swine’s flesh, and hares, and conies, and mullets, and cuttle-fish, and all the fish that you have a relish for, although Moses pronounces them all unclean.

4.  I do not suppose that you will consent, or even listen, to such things as that a father-in-law should lie with his daughter-in-law, as Judah did; or a father with his daughters, like Lot; or prophets with harlots, like Hosea; or that a husband should sell his wife for a night to her lover, like Abraham; or that a man should marry two sisters, like Jacob; or that the rulers of the people and the men you consider as most inspired should keep their mistresses by hundreds and thousands; or, according to the provision made in Deuteronomy about wives, that the wife of one brother, if he dies without children, should marry the surviving brother, and that he should raise up seed from her instead of his brother; and that if the man refuses to do this, the fair plaintiff should bring her case before the elders, that the brother may be called and admonished to perform this religious duty; and that, if he persists in his refusal, he must not go unpunished, but the woman must loose his shoe from his right foot, and strike him in the face, and send him away, spat upon and accursed, to perpetuate the reproach in his family. 1034   These, and such as these, are the examples and precepts of the Old Testament.  If they are good, why do you not practise them?  If they are bad, why do you not condemn the Old Testament, in which they are found?  But if you think that these are spurious interpolations, that is precisely what we think of the New Testament.  You have no right to claim from us an acknowledgment for the New Testament which you yourselves do not make for the Old.

5.  Since you hold to the divine authorship of the Old as well as of the New Testament, it would surely be more consistent and more becoming, as you do not obey its precepts, to confess that it has been corrupted by improper additions, than to treat it so contemptuously, if it is genuine and uncorrupted.  Accordingly, my explanation of your neglect of the requirements of the Old Testament has always been, and still is, that you are either wise enough to reject them as spurious, or that you have the boldness and irreverence to disregard them if they are true.  At any rate, when you would oblige me to believe everything contained in the documents of the New Testament because I receive the Testament itself, you should consider that, though you profess to receive the Old Testament, you in your heart disbelieve many things in it.  Thus, you do not admit as true or authoritative the declaration of the Old Testament, that every one that hangeth on a tree is accursed, 1035 for this would apply to Jesus; or that every man is accursed who does not raise up seed in Israel, 1036 for that would include all of both sexes devoted to God; or that whoever is not circumcised in the flesh of his foreskin will be cut off from among his people, 1037 for that would apply to all Christians; or that whoever breaks the Sabbath must be stoned to death; 1038 or that no mercy should be shown to the man who breaks a single precept of the Old Testament.  If you really believe these things as certainly enjoined by God, you would, in the time of Christ, have been the first to assail Him, and you would now have no quarrel with the Jews, who, in persecuting Christ with heart and soul, acted in obedience to their own God.

6.  I am aware that instead of boldly pronouncing these passages spurious, you make out that these things were required of the Jews till the coming of Jesus; and that now that He is come, according, as you say, to the predictions of this Old Testament, He Himself teaches what we should receive, and what we should set aside as obsolete.  Whether the prophets predicted the coming of Jesus we shall see presently.  Meanwhile, I need say no more than that if Jesus, after being predicted in the Old Testament, now subjects it to this sweeping criticism, and teaches us to receive a few things and to throw over many things, in the same way the Paraclete who is promised in the New Testament teaches us what part of it to receive, and what to reject; as Jesus Himself says in the Gospel, when promising the Paraclete, "He shall guide you into all truth, and shall teach you all things, and bring all things to your remembrance." 1039   So then, with the help of the Paraclete, we may take the same liberties with the New Testament as Jesus enables you to take with the Old, unless you suppose that the Testament of the Son is of greater value than that of the Father, if it is really the Father’s; so that while many parts of the one are to be condemned, the other must be exempted from all disapproval; and that, too, when we know, as I said before, that it was not written by Christ or by His apostles.

7.  Hence, as you receive nothing in the Old Testament except the prophecies and the common precepts of practical morality, which we quoted above, while you set aside circumcision, and sacrifices, and the Sabbath and its observance, and the feast of unleavened bread, why should not we receive nothing in the New Testament but what we find said in honor and praise of the majesty of the Son, either by Himself or by His apostles, with the proviso, in the case of the apostles, that it was said by them after reaching perfection, and when no longer in unbelief; while we take no notice of the rest, which, if said at the time, was the utterance of ignorance or inexperience, or, if not, was added by crafty opponents with a malicious intention, or was stated by the writers without due consideration, and so handed down as authentic?  Take as examples, the shameful birth of Jesus from a woman, His being circumcised like the Jews, His offering sacrifice like the Gentiles, His being baptized in a humiliating manner, His being led about by the devil in the wilderness, and His being tempted by him in the most distressing way.  With these exceptions, besides whatever has been inserted under the pretence of being a quotation from the Old Testament, we believe the whole, especially the mystic nailing to the cross, emblematic of the wounds of the soul in its passion; as also the sound moral precepts of Jesus, and His parables, and the whole of His immortal discourse, which sets forth especially the distinction of the two natures, and therefore must undoubtedly be His.  There is, then, no reason for your thinking it obligatory in me to believe all the contents of the Gospels; for you, as has been proved, take so dainty a sip from the Old Testament, that you hardly, so to speak, wet your lips with it.

8.  Augustin replied:  We give to the whole Old Testament Scriptures their due praise as true and divine; you impugn the Scriptures of the New Testament as having been tampered with and corrupted.  Those things in the Old Testament which we do not observe we hold to have been suitable appointments for the time and the people of that dispensation, besides being symbolical to us of truths in which they have still a spiritual use, though the outward observance is abolished; and this opinion is proved to be the doctrine of the apostolic writings.  You, on the other hand, find fault with everything in the New Testament which you do not receive, and assert that these passages were not spoken or written by Christ or His apostles.  In these respects there is a manifest difference between us.  When, therefore, you are asked why you do not receive all the contents of the New Testament, but, while you approve of some things, reject a great many in the very same books as false and spurious interpolations, you must not pretend to imitate us in the distinction which we make, reverently and in faith, but must give account of your own presumption.

9.  If we are asked why we do not worship God as the Hebrew fathers of the Old Testament worshipped Him, we reply that God has taught us differently by the New Testament fathers, and yet in no opposition to the Old Testament, but as that Testament itself predicted.  For it is thus foretold by the prophet:  "Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, when I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the house of Judah; not according to the covenant which I made with their fathers when I took them by the hand to bring them out of the land of Egypt." 1040   Thus it was foretold that that covenant would not continue, but that there would be a new one.  And to the objection that we do not belong to the house of Israel or to the house of Judah, we answer according to the teaching of the apostle, who calls Christ the seed of Abraham, and says to us, as belonging to Christ’s body, "Therefore ye are Abraham’s seed." 1041   Again, if we are asked why we regard that Testament as authoritative when we do not observe its ordinances, we find the answer to this also in the apostolic writings; for the apostle says, "Let no man judge you in meat or drink, or in respect of a holiday, or a new moon, or of Sabbaths, which are a shadow of things to come." 1042   Here we learn both that we ought to read of these observances, and acknowledge them to be of divine institution, in order to preserve the memory of the prophecy, for they were shadows of things to come; and also that we need pay no regard to those who would judge us for not continuing the outward observance; as the apostle says elsewhere to the same purpose, "These things happened to them for an example; and they are written for our admonition, on whom the end of the ages are come." 1043   So, when we read anything in the books of the Old Testament which we are not required to observe in the New Testament, or which is even forbidden, instead of finding fault with it, we should ask what it means; for the very discontinuance of the observance proves it to be, not condemned, but fulfilled.  On this head we have already spoken repeatedly.

10.  To take, for example, this requirement on which Faustus ignorantly grounds his charge against the Old Testament, that a man should take his brother’s wife to raise up seed for his brother, to be called by his name; what does this prefigure, but that every preacher of the gospel should so labor in the Church as to raise up seed to his deceased brother, that is, Christ, who died for us, and that this seed should bear His name?  Moreover, the apostle fulfills this requirement not now in the typical observance, but in the spiritual reality, when he reproves those of whom he says that he had begotten them in Christ Jesus by the gospel, 1044 and points out to them their error in wishing to be of Paul.  "Was Paul," he says, "crucified for you?  Or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?" 1045   As if he should say, I have begotten you for my deceased brother; your name is Christian, not Paulian.  Then, too, whoever refuses the ministry of the gospel when chosen by the Church, justly deserves the contempt of the Church.  So we see that the spitting in the face is accompanied with a sign of reproach in loosing a shoe from one foot, to exclude the man from the company of those to whom the apostle says, "Let your feet be shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace;" 1046 and of whom the prophet thus speaks, "How beautiful are the feet of them who publish peace, who bring good tidings of good!" 1047   The man who holds the faith of the gospel so as both to profit himself and to be ready when called to serve the Church, is properly represented as shod on both feet.  But the man who thinks it enough to secure his own safety by believing, and shirks the duty of benefiting others, has the reproach of being unshod, not in type, but in reality.

11.  Faustus needlessly objects to our observance of the passover, taunting us with differing from the Jewish observance:  for in the gospel we have the true Lamb, not in shadow, but in substance; and instead of prefiguring the death, we commemorate it daily, and especially in the yearly festival.  Thus also the day of our paschal feast does not correspond with the Jewish observance, for we take in the Lord’s day, on which Christ rose.  And as to the feast of unleavened bread, all Christians sound in the faith keep it, not in the leaven of the old life, that is, of wickedness, but in the truth and sincerity of the faith; 1048 not for seven days, but always, as was typified by the number seven, for days are always counted by sevens.  And if this observance is somewhat difficult in this world since the way which leads to life is strait and narrow, 1049 the future reward is sure; and this difficulty is typified in the bitter herbs, which are a little distasteful.

12.  The Pentecost, too, we observe, that is, the fiftieth day from the passion and resurrection of the Lord, for on that day He sent to us the Holy Paraclete whom He had promised; as was prefigured in the Jewish passover, for on the fiftieth day after the slaying of the lamb, Moses on the mount received the law written with the finger of God. 1050   If you read the Gospel, you will see that the Spirit is there called the finger of God. 1051   Remarkable events which happened on certain days are annually commemorated in the Church, that the recurrence of this festival may preserve the recollection of things so important and salutary.  If you ask, then, why we keep the passover, it is because Christ was then sacrificed for us.  If you ask why we do not retain the Jewish ceremonies, it is because they prefigured future realities which we commemorate as past; and the difference between the future and the past is seen in the different words we use for them.  Of this we have already said enough.

13.  Again, if you ask why, of all the kinds of food prohibited in the former typical dispensation, we abstain only from food offered to idols and from what dies of itself, you shall hear, if for once you will prefer the truth to idle calumnies.  The reason why it is not expedient for a Christian to eat food offered to idols is given by the apostle:  "I would not," he says, "that ye should have fellowship with demons."  Not that he finds fault with sacrifice itself, as offered by the fathers to typify the blood of the sacrifice with which Christ has redeemed us.  For he first says, "The things which the Gentiles offer, they offer to demons, and not to God;" and then adds these words:  "I would not that ye should have fellowship with demons." 1052   If the uncleanness were in the nature of sacrificial flesh, it would necessarily pollute even when eaten in ignorance.  But the reason for not partaking knowingly is not in the nature of the food, but, for conscience sake, not to seem to have fellowship with demons.  As regards what dies of itself, I suppose the reason why such food was prohibited was that the flesh of animals which have died of themselves is diseased, and is not likely to be wholesome, which is the chief thing in food.  The observance of pouring out the blood which was enjoined in ancient times upon Noah himself after the deluge, 1053 the meaning of which we have already explained, is thought by many to be what is meant in the Acts of the Apostles, where we read that the Gentiles were required to abstain from fornication, and from things sacrificed, and from blood, 1054 that is, from flesh of which the blood has not been poured out.  Others give a different meaning to the words, and think that to abstain from blood means not to be polluted with the crime of murder.  It would take too long to settle this question, and it is not necessary.  For, allowing that the apostles did on that occasion require Christians to abstain from the blood of animals, and not to eat of things strangled, they seem to me to have consulted the time in choosing an easy observance that could not be burdensome to any one, and which the Gentiles might have in common with the Israelities, for the sake of the Corner-stone, who makes both one in Himself; 1055 while at the same time they would be reminded how the Church of all nations was prefigured by the ark of Noah, when God gave this command,—a type which began to be fulfilled in the time of the apostles by the accession of the Gentiles to the faith.  But since the close of that period during which the two walls of the circumcision and the uncircumcision, although united in the Corner-stone, still retained some distinctive peculiarities, and now that the Church has become so entirely Gentile that none who are outwardly Israelites are to be found in it, no Christian feels bound to abstain from thrushes or small birds because their blood has not been poured out, or from hares because they are killed by a stroke on the neck without shedding their blood.  Any who still are afraid to touch these things are laughed at by the rest:  so general is the conviction of the truth, that "not what entereth into the mouth defileth you, but what cometh out of it;"  1056 that evil lies in the commission of sin, and not in the nature of any food in ordinary use.

14.  As regards the deeds of the ancients, both those which seem sinful to foolish and ignorant people, when they are not so, and those which really are sinful, we have already explained why they have been written, and how this rather adds to than impairs the dignity of Scripture.  So, too, about the curse on him who hangeth on a tree, and on him who raises not up seed in Israel, our reply has already been given in the proper place, when meeting Faustus’ objections. 1057   And in reply to all objections whatsoever, whether we have already answered them separately, or whether they are contained in the remarks of Faustus which we are now considering, we appeal to our established principles, on which we maintain the authority of sacred Scripture.  The principle is this, that all things written in the books of the Old Testament are to be received with approval and admiration, as most true and most profitable to eternal life; and that those precepts which are no longer observed outwardly are to be understood as having been most suitable in those times, and are to be viewed as having been shadows of things to come, of which we may now perceive the fulfillments.  Accordingly, whoever in those times neglected the observance of these symbolical precepts was righteously condemned to suffer the punishment required by the divine statute, as any one would be now if he were impiously to profane the sacraments of the New Testament, which differ from the old observances only as this time differs from that.  For as praise is due to the righteous men of old who refused not to die for the Old Testament sacraments, so it is due to the martyrs of the New Testament.  And as a sick man should not find fault with the medical treatment, because one thing is prescribed to-day and another to-morrow, and what was at first required is afterwards forbidden, since the method of cure depends on this; so the human race, sick and sore as it is from Adam to the end of the world, as long as the corrupted body weighs down the mind, 1058 should not find fault with the divine prescriptions, if sometimes the same observances are enjoined, and sometimes an old observance is exchanged for one of a different kind; especially as there was a promise of a change in the appointments.

15.  Hence there is no force in the analogy which Faustus institutes between Christ’s pointing out to us what to believe and what to reject in the Old Testament, in which He Himself is predicted, and the Paraclete’s doing the same to you as regards the New Testament, where there is a similar prediction of Him.  There might have been some plausibility in this, had there been anything in the Old Testament which we denounced as a mistake, or as not of divine authority, or as untrue.  We do nothing of the kind; we receive everything, both what we observe as rules of conduct, and what we no longer observe, but still recognize as having been prophetical observances, once enjoined and now fulfilled.  And besides, the promise of the Paraclete is found in those books, all the contents of which you do not accept; and His mission is recorded in the book which you shrink from even naming.  For, as is stated above, and has been said repeatedly, there is a distinct narrative in the Acts of the Apostles of the mission of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost, and the effect produced showed who it was.  For all who first received Him spoke with tongues; 1059 and in this sign there was a promise that in all tongues, or in all nations, the Church of after times would faithfully proclaim the doctrine of the Spirit as well as of the Father and of the Son.

16.  Why, then, do you not accept everything in the New Testament?  Is it because the books have not the authority of Christ’s apostles, or because the apostles taught what was wrong?  You reply that the books have not the authority of the apostles.  That the apostles were wrong in their teaching is what Pagans say.  But what can you say to prove that the publication of these books cannot be traced to the apostles?  You reply that in many things they contradict themselves and one another.  Nothing could be more untrue; the fact is, you do not understand.  In every case where Faustus has brought forward what you think a discrepancy, we have shown that there was none; and we will do the same in every other case.  It is intolerable that the reader or learner should dare to lay the blame on Scriptures of such high authority, instead of confessing his own stupidity.  Did the Paraclete teach you that these writings are not of the apostles’ authorship, but written by others under their names?  But where is the proof that it was the Paraclete from whom you learned this?  If you say that the Paraclete was promised and sent by Christ, we reply that your Paraclete was neither promised nor sent by Christ; and we also show you when He sent the Paraclete whom He promised.  What proof have you that Christ sent your Paraclete?  Where do you get the evidence in support of your informant, or rather misinformant?  You reply that you find the proof in the Gospel.  In what Gospel?  You do not accept all the Gospel, and you say that it has been tampered with.  Will you first accuse your witness of corruption, and then call for his evidence?  To believe him when you wish it, and then disbelieve him when you wish it, is to believe nobody but yourself.  If we were prepared to believe you, there would be no need of a witness at all.  Moreover, in the promise of the Holy Spirit as the Paraclete, it is said, "He shall lead you into all truth;" 1060 but how can you be led into all truth by one who teaches you that Christ was a deceiver?  And again, if you were to prove that all that is said in the Gospel of the promise of the Paraclete could apply to no one but Manichæus, as the predictions of the prophets are applicable to Christ; and if you quoted passages from those manuscripts which you say are genuine, we might say that on this very point, as proving Manichæus to be the only person intended, the passages have been altered in the interest of your sect.  Your only answer to this would be, that you could not possibly alter documents already in the possession of all Christians; for at the very outset of such an attempt, it would be met by an appeal to older copies.  But if this proves that the books could not be corrupted by you, it also proves that they could not be corrupted by any one.  The first person who ventured to do such a thing would be convicted by a comparison of older manuscripts; especially as the Scripture is to be found not in one language only, but in many.  As it is, false readings are sometimes corrected by comparing older copies or the original language.  Hence you must either acknowledge these documents as genuine, and then your heresy cannot stand a moment; or if they are spurious, you cannot use their authority in support of your doctrine of the Paraclete, and so you refute yourselves.

17.  Further, what is said in the promise of the Paraclete shows that it cannot possibly refer to Manichæus, who came so many years after.  For it is distinctly said by John, that the Holy Spirit was to come immediately after the resurrection and ascension of the Lord:  "For the Spirit was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet glorified." 1061   Now, if the reason why the Spirit was not given was, that Jesus was not glorified, He would necessarily be given immediately on the glorification of Jesus.  In the same way, the Cataphrygians 1062 said that they had received the promised Paraclete; and so they fell away from the Catholic faith, forbidding what Paul allowed, and condemning second marriages, which he made lawful.  They turned to their own use the words spoken of the Spirit, "He shall lead you into all truth," as if, forsooth, Paul and the other apostles had not taught all the truth, but had left room for the Paraclete of the Cataphrygians.  The same meaning they forced from the words of Paul:  "We know in part, and we prophesy in part; but when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away;" 1063 making out that the apostle knew and prophesied in part, when he said, "Let him do what he will; if he marries, he sinneth not," 1064 and that this is done away by the perfection of the Phrygian Paraclete. 1065   And if they are told that they are condemned by the authority of the Church, which is the subject of such ancient promises, and is spread all over the world, they reply that this is in exact fulfillment of what is said of the Paraclete, that the world cannot receive Him. 1066   And are not those passages, "He shall lead you into all truth," and, "When that which is perfect is come, that which is in part shall be done away," and, "The world cannot receive Him," precisely those in which you find a prediction of Manichæus?  And so every heresy arising under the name of the Paraclete will have the boldness to make an equally plausible application to itself of such texts.  For there is no heresy but will call itself the truth; and the prouder it is, the more likely it will be to call itself perfect truth:  and so it will profess to lead into all truth; and since that which is perfect has come by it, it will try to do away with the doctrine of the apostles, to which its own errors are opposed.  And as the Church holds by the earnest admonition of the apostle, that "whoever preaches another gospel to you than that which ye have received, let him be accursed;" 1067 when the heretical preacher begins to be pronounced accursed by all the world, will he not forthwith exclaim, This is what is written, "The world cannot receive Him"?

18.  Where, then, will you find the proof required to show that it is from the Paraclete that you have learned that the Gospels were not written by the apostles?  On the other hand, we have proof that the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, came immediately after the glorification of Jesus.  For "He was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet glorified."  We have proof also that He leads into all truth, for the only way to truth is by love, and "the love of God," says the apostle, "is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost who is given unto us." 1068   We show, too, that in the words, "when that which is perfect is come," Paul spoke of the perfection in the enjoyment of eternal life.  For in the same place he says:  "Now we see through a glass darkly, but then face to face." 1069   You cannot reasonably maintain that we see God face to face here.  Therefore that which is perfect has not come to you.  It is thus clear what the apostle thought on this subject.  This perfection will not come to the saints till the accomplishment of what John speaks of:  "Now we are the sons of God, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be; but we know that when it shall appear we shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is."  1070   Then we shall be led into all truth by the Holy Spirit, of which we have now received the pledge.  Again, the words, "The world cannot receive Him," plainly point to those who are usually called the world in Scripture—the lovers of the world, the wicked, or carnal; of whom the apostle says:  "The natural man perceiveth not the things which are of the Spirit of God." 1071   Those are said to be of this world who can understand nothing beyond material things, which are the objects of sense in this world; as is the case with you, when, in your admiration of the sun and moon, you suppose all divine things to resemble them.  Deceivers, and being deceived, you call the author of this silly theory the Paraclete.  But as you have no proof of his being the Paraclete, you have no reliable ground for the statement that the Gospel writings, which you receive only in part, are not of apostolic authorship.  Thus your only remaining argument is, that these writings contain things disparaging to the glory of Christ; such as, that He was born of a virgin, that He was circumcised, that the customary sacrifice was offered for Him, that He was baptized, that He was tempted of the devil.

19.  With those exceptions, including also the testimonies quoted from the Old Testament, you profess, to use the words of Faustus, to receive all the rest, especially the mystic nailing to the cross, emblematic of the wounds of the soul in its passion; as also the sound moral precepts of Jesus, and the whole of His immortal discourse, which sets forth especially the distinction of the two natures, and therefore must undoubtedly be His.  Your design clearly is to deprive Scripture of all authority, and to make every man’s mind the judge what passage of Scripture he is to approve of, and what to disapprove of.  This is not to be subject to Scripture in matters of faith, but to make Scripture subject to you.  Instead of making the high authority of Scripture the reason of approval, every man makes his approval the reason for thinking a passage correct.  If, then, you discard authority, to what, poor feeble soul, darkened by the mists of carnality, to what, I beseech you, will you betake yourself?  Set aside authority, and let us hear the reason of your beliefs.  Is it by a logical process that your long story about the nature of God concludes necessarily with this startling announcement, that this nature is subject to injury and corruption?  And how do you know that there are eight continents and ten heavens, and that Atlas bears up the world, and that it hangs from the great world-holder, and innumerable things of the same kind?  Who is your authority?  Manichæus, of course, you will say.  But, unhappy being, this is not sight, but faith.  If, then, you submit to receive a load of endless fictions at the bidding of an obscure and irrational authority, so that you believe all those things because they are written in the books which your misguided judgment pronounces trustworthy, though there is no evidence of their truth, why not rather submit to the authority of the Gospel, which is so well founded, so confirmed, so generally acknowledged and admired, and which has an unbroken series of testimonies from the apostles down to our own day, that so you may have an intelligent belief, and may come to know that all your objections are the fruit of folly and perversity; and that there is more truth in the opinion that the unchangeable nature of God should take part of mortality, so as, without injury to itself from this union, to do and to suffer not feignedly, but really, whatever it behoved the mortal nature to do and to suffer for the salvation of the human race from which it was taken, than in the belief that the nature of God is subject to injury and corruption, and that, after suffering pollution and captivity, it cannot be wholly freed and purified, but is condemned by a supreme divine necessity to eternal punishment in the mass of darkness?

20.  You say, in reply, that you believe in what Manichæus has not proved, because he has so clearly proved the existence of two natures, good and evil, in this world.  But here is the very source of your unhappy delusion; for as in the Gospels, so in the world, your idea of what is evil is derived entirely from the effect on your senses of such disagreeable things as serpents, fire, poison, and so on; and the only good you know of is what has an agreeable effect on your senses, as pleasant flavors, and sweet smells, and sunlight, and whatever else recommends itself strongly to your eyes, or your nostrils, or your palate, or any other organ of sensation.  But had you begun with looking on the book of nature as the production of the Creator of all, and had you believed that your own finite understanding might be at fault wherever anything seemed to be amiss, instead of venturing to find fault with the works of God, you would not have been led into these impious follies and blasphemous fancies with which, in your ignorance of what evil really is, you heap all evils upon God.

21.  We can now answer the question, how we know that these books were written by the apostles.  In a word, we know this in the same way that you know that the books whose authority you are so deluded as to prefer were written by Manichæus.  For, suppose some one should raise a question on this point, and should contend, in arguing with you, that the books which you attribute to Manichæus are not of his authorship; your only reply would be, to ridicule the absurdity of thus gratuitously calling in question a matter confirmed by successive testimonies of such wide extent.  As, then, it is certain that these books are the production of Manichæus, and as it is ridiculous in one born so many years after to start objections of his own, and so raise a discussion on the point; with equal certainty may we pronounce it absurd, or rather pitiable, in Manichæus or his followers to bring such objections against writings originally well authenticated, and carefully handed down from the times of the apostles to our own day through a constant succession of custodians.

22.  We have now only to compare the authority of Manichæus with that of the apostles.  The genuineness of the writings is equally certain in both cases.  But no one will compare Manichæus to the apostles, unless he ceases to be a follower of Christ, who sent the apostles.  Who that did not misunderstand Christ’s words ever found in them the doctrine of two natures opposed to one another, and having each its own principle?  Again, the apostles, as becomes the disciples of truth, declare the birth and passion of Christ to have been real events; while Manichæus, who boasts that he leads into all truth, would lead us to a Christ whose very passion he declares to have been an illusion.  The apostles say that Christ was circumcised in the flesh which He took of the seed of Abraham; Manichæus says that God, in his own nature, was cut in pieces by the race of darkness.  The apostles say that a sacrifice was offered for Christ as an infant in our nature, according to the institutions of the time; Manichæus, that a member, not of humanity, but of the divine substance itself, must be sacrificed to the whole host of demons by being introduced into the nature of the hostile race.  The apostles say that Christ, to set us an example, was baptized in the Jordan; Manichæus, that God immersed himself in the pollution of darkness, and that he will never wholly emerge, but that the part which cannot be purified will be condemned to eternal punishment.  The apostles say that Christ, in our nature, was tempted by the chief of the demons; Manichæus, that part of God was taken captive by the race of demons.  And in the temptation of Christ He resists the tempter; while in the captivity of God, the part taken captive cannot be restored to its origin even after victory.  To conclude, Manichæus, under the guise of an improvement, preaches another gospel, which is the doctrine of devils; and the apostles, after the doctrine of Christ, enjoin that whoever preaches another gospel shall be accursed. 1072

————————————


Footnotes

332:1029

Phil. iii. 8.

333:1030

Gen. xvii. 9-14.

333:1031

Ex. xxxi. 13.

333:1032

Ex. xii.

333:1033

Lev. xxiii.

333:1034

Deut. xxv. 5-10.

334:1035

Deut. xxi. 23.

334:1036

Deut. xxv. 5-10.

334:1037

Gen. xvii. 14.

334:1038

Num. xv. 35.

334:1039

John 16:13, John 14:26.

335:1040

Jer. 31:31, 32.

335:1041

Gal. iii. 29.

335:1042

Col. 2:16, 17.

335:1043

1 Cor. x. 11.

335:1044

1 Cor. iv. 15.

335:1045

1 Cor. ii. 13.

335:1046

Eph. vi. 15.

335:1047

Isa. lii. 7.

336:1048

1 Cor. v. 8.

336:1049

Matt. vii. 13.

336:1050

Ex. 19-31.

336:1051

Luke xi. 8.

336:1052

1 Cor. x. 20.

336:1053

Gen. ix. 6.

336:1054

Acts xv. 29.

336:1055

Eph. ii. 11-22.

336:1056

Matt. xv. 11.

337:1057

Book XXII.

337:1058

Wisd. ix. 15.

337:1059

Acts ii.

338:1060

John xvi. 13.

338:1061

John vii. 39.

338:1062

[Another name for the Montanists, who arose in Phrygia shortly after the middle of the second century.—A.H.N.]

338:1063

1 Cor. 13:9, 10.

338:1064

1 Cor. vii. 36.

338:1065

Montanus.

338:1066

John xiv. 17.

338:1067

Gal. i. 9.

338:1068

Rom. v. 5.

338:1069

1 Cor. xiii. 12.

339:1070

1 John iii. 2.

339:1071

1 Cor. ii. 14.

340:1072

Gal. i. 8.



Book XXXIII.

Faustus does not think it would be a great honor to sit down with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, whose moral characters as set forth in the Old Testament he detests.  He justifies his subjective criticism of Scripture.  Augustin sums up the argument, claims the victory, and exhorts the Manichæans to abandon their opposition to the Old Testament notwithstanding the difficulties that it presents, and to recognize the authority of the Catholic Church.

1.  Faustus said:  You quote from the Gospel the words, "Many shall come from the east and the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven," 1073 and ask why we do not acknowledge the patriarchs.  Now, we should be the last to grudge to any human being that God should have compassion on him, and bring him out of perdition to salvation.  At the same time, we should acknowledge in such a case the clemency shown in this act of compassion, and not the merit of the person whose life is undeniably blameworthy.  Thus, in the case of the Jewish fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, who are mentioned by Christ in this verse, supposing it to be genuine, although they led wicked lives, as we may learn from their descendant Moses, or whoever was the author of the history called Genesis, which describes their conduct as having been most shocking and detestable; we are ready to allow that they may, after all, be in the kingdom of heaven, in the place which they neither believed in, nor hoped for, as is plain enough from their books.  But then it must be kept in mind that, as you yourselves confess, if they did attain to what is spoken of in this verse, it was something very different from the nether dungeons of woe to which their own deserts consigned them, and that their deliverance was the work of our Lord Christ, and the result of His mystic passion.  Who would grudge to the thief on the cross that deliverance was granted to him by the same Lord, and that Christ said that on that very day he should be with Him in the paradise of His Father?  1074   Who is so hard-hearted as to disapprove of this act of benevolence?  Still, it does not follow that, because Jesus pardoned a thief, we must approve of the habits and practices of thieves; any more than of the publicans and harlots, whose faults Jesus pardoned, declaring that they would go into the kingdom of heaven before those who behaved proudly. 1075   For, when He acquitted the woman accused by the Jews as sinful, and as having been caught in adultery, He told her to sin no more. 1076   If, then, He has done something of the same kind in the case of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, all the praise is His; for such actions towards souls are becoming in Him who maketh His sun to rise upon the evil and upon the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust. 1077   One thing perplexes me in your doctrine:  why you limit your statements to the fathers of the Jews, and are not of opinion that the Gentile patriarchs had also a share in this grace of our Redeemer; especially as the Christian Church consists of their children more than of the seed of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.  You will say that the Gentiles worshipped idols, and the Jews the Almighty God, and that therefore Jesus had regard only to the Jews.  It would seem from this that the worship of the Almighty God is the sure way to hell, and that the Son must come to the aid of the worshipper of the Father.  That is as you please.  For my part, I am ready to join you in the belief that the fathers reached heaven, not by any merit of their own, but by that divine mercy which is stronger than sin.

2.  However, there is a difficulty in deciding as regards this verse too, whether the words were really spoken to Christ, for there is a discrepancy in the narratives.  For while two evangelists, Matthew and Luke, both alike tell of the centurion whose servant was sick, and to whom these words of Jesus are supposed to have applied, that He had not seen so great faith, no, not in Israel, as in this man, though a Gentile and a Pagan, because he said that he was not worthy that Jesus should come under his roof, but wished Him only to speak the word, and his servant should be healed; Matthew alone adds that Jesus went on to say, "Verily I say unto you, that many shall come from the east and from the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven; but the children of the kingdom shall be cast into outer darkness."  By the many who should come are meant the Pagans, on account of the centurion, in whom, although he was a Gentile, so great faith was found; and the children of the kingdom are the Jews, in whom there was no faith found.  Luke, again, though he too mentions the occurrence in his Gospel as part of the narrative of the miracles of Christ, says nothing of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.  If it is said that he omitted it because it had been already said by Matthew, why does he tell the story at all of the centurion and his servant, since that, too, has the advantage of being recorded at length in Matthew’s ingenious narrative?  But the passage is corrupt.  For, in describing the centurion’s application to Jesus, Matthew says that he came himself to ask for a cure; while Luke says he did not, but sent elders of the Jews, and that they, in case Jesus should despise the centurion as a Gentile (for they will have Jesus to be a thorough Jew), set about persuading Him, by saying that he was worthy for whom He should do this, because he loved their nation, and had built them a synagogue;  1078 here again taking for granted that the Son of God was concerned in a pagan centurion having thought it proper to build a synagogue for the Jews.  The words in question are, indeed, found in Luke also, perhaps because on reflection he thought they might be genuine; but they are found in another place, and in a connection altogether different.  The passage is where Jesus says to His disciples, "Strive to enter in at the strait gate; for many shall come seeking to enter in, and shall not be able.  When once the Master of the house has entered in, and has shut to the door, ye shall begin to stand without, and to knock, saying Lord, open to us.  And He shall answer and say, I know you not.  Then ye shall begin to say, We have eaten and drunk in Thy presence, and Thou hast taught in our streets and synagogues; but He shall say unto you, I know not whence ye are; depart from me, all ye workers of iniquity.  There shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth, when ye shall see Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and all the prophets, entering into the kingdom of God, and you yourselves cast out.  And they shall come from the east, and from the west, and from the north, and from the south, and shall sit down in the kingdom of God." 1079   The part where it is said that many shall be shut out of the kingdom of God, who have only borne the name of Christ, without doing His works, is not left out by Matthew; but he makes no mention here of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob.  In the same way, Luke mentions the centurion and his servant, without alluding in that connection to Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob.  Since it is uncertain when the words were spoken, we are at liberty to doubt whether they were spoken at all.

3.  It is not without reason that we bring a critical judgment to the study of Scriptures where there are such discrepancies and contradictions.  By thus examining everything, and comparing one passage with another, we determine which contains Christ’s actual words, and what may or may not be genuine.  For your predecessors have made many interpolations in the words of our Lord, which thus appear under His name, while they disagree with His doctrine.  Besides, as we have proved again and again, the writings are not the production of Christ or of His apostles, but a compilation of rumors and beliefs, made, long after their departure, by some obscure semi-Jews, not in harmony even with one another, and published by them under the name of the apostles, or of those considered the followers of the apostles, so as to give the appearance of apostolic authority to all these blunders and falsehoods.  But whatever you make of that, as regards this verse, I repeat that I do not insist on rejecting it.  It is enough for my position, that, as I said before, and as you are obliged to confess, before the coming of our Lord all the patriarchs and prophets of Israel lay in infernal darkness for their sins.  Even though they may have been restored to light and liberty by Christ, that has nothing to do with the hateful character of their lives.  We hate and eschew not their persons, but their characters; not as they are now, when they are purified, but as they were, when impure.  So, whatever you think of this verse, it does not affect us:  for if it is genuine, it only illustrates Christ’s goodness and compassion; and if it is spurious, those who wrote it are to blame.  Our cause is as safe as it always is.

4.  Augustin replied:  Poor safety, indeed! when you contradict yourself by hating the patriarchs as impure, at the same time that you grieve for your impure god.  You allow that, since the advent of the Saviour, the patriarchs have had purity restored, and have enjoyed the rest of the blessed; while your god, even after the Saviour’s advent, still lies in darkness, is still sunk in the ocean of iniquity, still wallows in the mire of all uncleanness.  These men, therefore, were not only better than your god in their lives, but also happier in their death.  Where was the abode of the just who departed from this life before Christ’s coming in the flesh, and whether their condition also was improved by the passion of Christ, in whom they had believed as to come, and to suffer, and to rise again, and had, moreover, foretold this in suitable language under the guidance of the Spirit of prophecy, is to be discovered from the Holy Scriptures, if any clear discovery in this matter is possible; we are not called on to adopt the crude notions of all and sundry, still less the heretical opinions of men who have gone astray into such egregious error.  There is a vain attempt here on the part of Faustus to introduce by a side-door the idea that we may obtain something after this life besides the due reward of our conduct in this life.  It will be better for you to abandon your error while you are still alive, and to embrace and hold the truths of the Catholic faith.  Otherwise the expectations of the unrighteous will be sadly disappointed when God begins to fulfill His threatenings to the unrighteous.

5.  I have already given what I considered a sufficient answer to Faustus’ calumnies of the lives of the patriarchs.  That they were punished at their death, or that they were justified after the Lord’s passion, is not what we learn from His commendation of them, when He admonished the Jews that, if they were Abraham’s children, they should do the works of Abraham, and said that Abraham desired to see His day, and was glad when he saw it;  1080 and that it was into his bosom, that is, some deep recess of blissful repose, that the angels carried the poor sufferer who was despised by the proud rich man. 1081   And what are we to make of the Apostle Paul?  Is there any idea of justification after death in his praise of Abraham, when he says that before he was circumcised he believed God, and that it was counted to him for righteousness? 1082   And so much importance does he attach to this, that the single ground which he specifies for our becoming Abraham’s children, though not descended from him in the flesh, is, that we follow the footsteps of his faith.

6.  You are so hardened in your errors against the testimonies of Scripture, that nothing can be made of you; for whenever anything is quoted against you, you have the boldness to say that it is written not by the apostle, but by some pretender under his name.  The doctrine of demons which you preach is so opposed to Christian doctrine, that you could not continue, as professing Christians, to maintain it, unless you denied the truth of the apostolic writings.  How can you thus do injury to your own souls?  Where will you find any authority, if not in the Gospel and apostolic writings?  How can we be sure of the authorship of any book, if we doubt the apostolic origin of those books which are attributed to the apostles by the Church which the apostles themselves founded, and which occupies so conspicuous a place in all lands, and if at the same time we acknowledge as the undoubted production of the apostles what is brought forward by heretics in opposition to the Church, whose authors, from whom they derive their name, lived long after the apostles?  And do we not see in profane literature that there are well-known authors under whose names many things have been published after their time which have been rejected, either from inconsistency with their ascertained writings, or from their not having been known in the lifetime of the authors, so as to be banded down with the confirmatory statement of the authors themselves, or of their friends?  To give a single example, were not some books published lately under the name of the distinguished physician Hippocrates, which were not received as authoritative by physicians?  And this decision remained unaltered in spite of some similarity in style and matter:  for, when compared to the genuine writings of Hippocrates, these books were found to be inferior; besides that they were not recognized as his at the time when his authorship of his genuine productions was ascertained.  Those books, again, from a comparison with which the productions of questionable origin were rejected, are with certainty attributed to Hippocrates; and any one who denies their authorship is answered only by ridicule, simply because there is a succession of testimonies to the books from the time of Hippocrates to the present day, which makes it unreasonable either now or hereafter to have any doubt on the subject.  How do we know the authorship of the works of Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Varro, and other similar writers, but by the unbroken chain of evidence?  So also with the numerous commentaries on the ecclesiastical books, which have no canonical authority, and yet show a desire of usefulness and a spirit of inquiry.  How is the authorship ascertained in each case, except by the author’s having brought his work into public notice as much as possible in his own lifetime, and, by the transmission of the information from one to another in continuous order, the belief becoming more certain as it becomes more general, up to our own day; so that, when we are questioned as to the authorship of any book, we have no difficulty in answering?  But why speak of old books?  Take the books now before us:  should any one, after some years, deny that this book was written by me, or that Faustus’ was written by him, where is evidence for the fact to be found but in the information possessed by some at the present time, and transmitted by them through successive generations even to distant times?  From all this it follows, that no one who has not yielded to the malicious and deceitful suggestions of lying devils, can be so blinded by passion as to deny the ability of the Church of the apostles—a community of brethren as numerous as they were faithful—to transmit their writings unaltered to posterity, as the original seats of the apostles have been occupied by a continuous succession of bishops to the present day, especially when we are accustomed to see this happen in the case of ordinary writings both in the Church and out of it.

7.  But Faustus finds contradictions in the Gospels.  Say, rather, that Faustus reads the Gospels in a wrong spirit, that he is too foolish to understand, and too blind to see.  If you were animated with piety instead of being misled by party spirit, you might easily, by examining these passages, discover a wonderful and most instructive harmony among the writers.  Who, in reading two narratives of the same event, would think of charging one or both of the authors with error or falsehood, because one omits what the other mentions, or one tells concisely, but with substantial agreement, what the other relates in detail, so as to indicate not only what was done, but also how it was done?  This is what Faustus does in his attempt to impeach the truth of the Gospels; as if Luke’s omitting some saying of Christ recorded in Matthew implied a denial on the part of Luke of Matthew’s statement.  There is no real difficulty in the case; and to make a difficulty shows want of thought, or of the ability to think.  There is, indeed, a point in the narrative of the centurion which is discussed among believers, and on which objections are raised by unbelievers of no great learning, who prove their quarrelsomeness, when, after being instructed, they do not give up their errors.  The point is, that Matthew says that the centurion came to Jesus "beseeching Him, and saying;" while Luke says that he sent to Jesus the elders of the Jews with this same request, that He would heal his servant who was sick; and that when He came near the house he sent others, through whom he said that he was not worthy that Jesus should come into his house, and that he was not worthy to come himself to Jesus.  How, then, do we read in Matthew, "He came to Him, beseeching Him, and saying, My servant lieth at home sick of the palsy, and grievously tormented?" 1083   The explanation is, that Matthew’s narrative is correct, but brief, mentioning the centurion’s coming to Jesus, without saying whether he came himself or by others, or whether the words about his servant were spoken by himself or through others.  But is it not common to speak of a person as coming near to a thing, although he may not reach it?  And even the word reach, which is the strongest form of expression, is frequently used in cases where the person spoken of acts through others, as when we say he took his case to court, he reached the presence of the judge; or, again, he reached the presence of some man in power, although it may probably have been through his friends, and the person may not have seen him whose presence he is said to have reached.  And from the word for to reach we give the name of Perventors to those who by ambitious arts gain access, either personally or through friends, to the, so to speak, inaccessible minds of the great.  Are we, then, in reading to forget the common usage of speech?  Or must the sacred Scripture have a language of its own?  The cavils of forward critics are thus met by a reference to the usual forms of speech.

8.  Those who examine this matter not in a disputatious but in a calm believing spirit are invited to come to Jesus, not outwardly but in heart, not in bodily presence but in the power of faith, as the centurion did, and then they will better understand Matthew’s narrative.  To such it is said in the Psalm "Come unto Him, and be enlightened; and your faces shall not be ashamed." 1084   Hence we learn that the centurion, whose faith was so highly spoken of, came to Christ more truly than the people who carried his message.  We find an analogous case in the woman with the issue of blood, who was healed by touching the hem of Christ’s garment, when Christ said, "Some one hath touched me."  The disciples wondered what Christ meant by saying, "Who hath touched me?" "Some one hath touched me," when the crowd was thronging Him.  In fact, they made this reply:  "The crowd throngeth Thee, and sayest Thou, Who hath touched me?" 1085   Now, as the people thronged Christ while the woman touched Him, so the messengers were sent to Christ, but the centurion really came to Him.  In Matthew we have a not infrequent form of expression, and at the same time a symbolical import; while in Luke there is a simple narrative of the whole event, such as to draw our attention to the manner in which Matthew has recorded it.  I wish one of those people who found their silly objections to the Gospels on such trifling difficulties would himself tell a story twice over, honestly giving a true account of what happened, and that his words were written down and read over to him.  We should then see whether he would not say more or less at one time than at another; and whether the order would not be changed, not only of words, but of things; and whether he would not put some opinion of his own into the mouth of another, because, though he never heard him say it, he knew it perfectly well to be in his mind; and whether he would not sometimes put in a few words what he had before related at length.  In these and other ways, which might perhaps be reduced to rule, the narratives of the same thing by two persons, or two narratives by the same person, might differ in many things without being opposed, might be unlike without being contradictory.  Thus are undone all the bandages with which poor Manichæans stifle themselves to keep in the spirit of error, and to keep out all that might lead to their salvation.

9.  Now that all Faustus’ calumnies have been refuted, those at least on the subjects here treated of at large and explained fully as the Lord has enabled me, I close with a word of counsel to you who are implicated in those shocking and damnable errors, that, if you acknowledge the supreme authority of Scripture, you should recognise that authority which from the time of Christ Himself, through the ministry of His apostles, and through a regular succession of bishops in the seats of the apostles, has been preserved to our own day throughout the whole world, with a reputation known to all.  There the Old Testament too has its difficulties solved, and its predictions fulfilled.  If you ask for demonstration, consider first what you are, how unfit for comprehending the nature of your own soul, not to speak of God; I mean an intelligent comprehension, such as you profess to desire, or to have once desired, and not the notions of a credulous fancy.  Admitting this incompetency, which must continue while you remain as you are, you may at least be referred to the natural conviction of every human mind, unless it is corrupted by error, of the perfect unchangeableness and incorruptibility of the nature and substance of God.  Admit this, or believe it, and you will no longer be Manichæans, so that in course of time you may become Catholics.


Footnotes

340:1073

Matt. viii. 11.

341:1074

Luke xxiii. 43.

341:1075

Matt. xxi. 31.

341:1076

John viii. 3-11.

341:1077

Matt. v. 45.

341:1078

Matt. 8:5, Luke 7:2.

342:1079

Luke xiii. 24-29.

342:1080

John 8:39, 56.

343:1081

Luke xvi. 23.

343:1082

Rom. iv. 3.

344:1083

Matt. 8:5, Luke 7:2.

344:1084

Ps. xxxiv. 5.

344:1085

Luke 8:43, 46.





St. AUGUSTIN:

concerning the nature of good,

against the manichæans.

 [de natura boni contra manichæos].

circa A.D. 495.

translated by

albert h. newman, d.d., ll.d.,

professor of church history and comparative religion, in toronto baptist (theological) college, toronto, canada.



Concerning the Nature of Good,

Against the Manichæans.

[De Natura Boni Contra Manichæos.]  c. a.d. 405.

In One Book.

Written after the year 404.  It is put in the Retractations immediately after the De Actis cum Felice Manichæo, which was written about the end of the year 404.  It is one of the most argumentative of the Anti-Manichæan treatises, and so one of the most abstruse and difficult.  The lines of argument here pursued have already been employed in part in the earlier treatises.  The most interesting portions of the contents of the treatise, and the most damaging to the Manichæans, are the long extracts from Mani’s Thesaurus, and his Fundamental Epistle.—A.H.N.



Chapter 1.—God the Highest and Unchangeable Good, from Whom are All Other Good Things, Spiritual and Corporeal.

The highest good, than which there is no higher, is God, and consequently He is unchangeable good, hence truly eternal and truly immortal.  All other good things are only from Him, not of Him.  For what is of Him, is Himself.  And consequently if He alone is unchangeable, all things that He has made, because He has made them out of nothing, are changeable.  For He is so omnipotent, that even out of nothing, that is out of what is absolutely non-existent, He is able to make good things both great and small, both celestial and terrestrial, both spiritual and corporeal.  But because He is also just, He has not put those things that He has made out of nothing on an equality with that which He begat out of Himself.  Because, therefore, no good things whether great or small, through whatever gradations of things, can exist except from God; but since every nature, so far as it is nature, is good, it follows that no nature can exist save from the most high and true God:  because all things even not in the highest degree good, but related to the highest good, and again, because all good things, even those of most recent origin, which are far from the highest good, can have their existence only from the highest good.  Therefore every spirit, though subject to change, and every corporeal entity, is from God, and all this, having been made, is nature.  For every nature is either spirit or body.  Unchangeable spirit is God, changeable spirit, having been made, is nature, but is better than body; but body is not spirit, unless when the wind, because it is invisible to us and yet its power is felt as something not inconsiderable, is in a certain sense called spirit.



Chapter 2.—How This May Suffice for Correcting the Manichæans.

But for the sake of those who, not being able to understand that all nature, that is, every spirit and every body, is naturally good, are moved by the iniquity of spirit and the mortality of body, and on this account endeavor to bring in another nature of wicked spirit and mortal body, which God did not make, we determine thus to bring to their understanding what we say can be brought.  For they acknowledge that no good thing can exist save from the highest and true God, which also is true and suffices for correcting them, if they are willing to give heed.



Chapter 3.—Measure, Form, and Order, Generic Goods in Things Made by God.

For we Catholic Christians worship God, from whom are all good things whether great or small; from whom is all measure great or small; from whom is all form great or small; from whom is all order great or small.  For all things in proportion as they are better measured, formed, and ordered, are assuredly good in a higher degree; but in proportion as they are measured, formed, and ordered in an inferior degree, are they the less good.  These three things, therefore, measure, form, and order,—not to speak of innumerable other things that are shown to pertain to these three,—these three things, therefore, measure, form, order, are as it were generic goods in things made by God, whether in spirit or in body.  God is, therefore, above every measure of the creature, above every form, above every order, nor is He above by local spaces, but by ineffable and singular potency, from whom is every measure, every form, every order.  These three things, where they are great, are great goods, where they are small, are small goods; where they are absent, there is no good.  And again where these things are great, there are great natures, where they are small, there are small natures, where they are absent, there is no nature.  Therefore all nature is good.



Chapter 4.—Evil is Corruption of Measure, Form, or Order.

When accordingly it is inquired, whence is evil, it must first be inquired, what is evil, which is nothing else than corruption, either of the measure, or the form, or the order, that belong to nature.  Nature therefore which has been corrupted, is called evil, for assuredly when incorrupt it is good; but even when corrupt, so far as it is nature it is good, so far as it is corrupted it is evil.



Chapter 5.—The Corrupted Nature of a More Excellent Order Sometimes Better Than an Inferior Nature Even Uncorrupted.

But it may happen, that a certain nature which has been ranked as more excellent by reason of natural measure and form, though corrupt, is even yet better than another incorrupt which has been ranked lower by reason of an inferior natural measure and form:  as in the estimation of men, according to the quality which presents itself to view, corrupt gold is assuredly better than incorrupt silver, and corrupt silver than incorrupt lead; so also in more powerful spiritual natures a rational spirit even corrupted through an evil will is better than an irrational though incorrupt, and better is any spirit whatever even corrupt than any body whatever though incorrupt.  For better is a nature which, when it is present in a body, furnishes it with life, than that to which life is furnished.  But however corrupt may be the spirit of life that has been made, it can furnish life to a body, and hence, though corrupt, it is better than the body though incorrupt.



Chapter 6.—Nature Which Cannot Be Corrupted is the Highest Good; That Which Can, is Some Good.

But if corruption take away all measure, all form, all order from corruptible things, no nature will remain.  And consequently every nature which cannot be corrupted is the highest good, as is God.  But every nature that can be corrupted is also itself some good; for corruption cannot injure it, except by taking away from or diminishing that which is good.



Chapter 7.—The Corruption of Rational Spirits is on the One Hand Voluntary, on the Other Penal.

But to the most excellent creatures, that is, to rational spirits, God has offered this, that if they will not they cannot be corrupted; that is, if they should maintain obedience under the Lord their God, so should they adhere to his incorruptible beauty; but if they do not will to maintain obedience, since willingly they are corrupted in sins, unwillingly they shall be corrupted in punishment, since God is such a good that it is well for no one who deserts Him, and among the things made by God the rational nature is so great a good, that there is no good by which it may be blessed except God.  Sinners, therefore, are ordained to punishment; which ordination is punishment for the reason that it is not conformable to their nature, but it is justice because it is conformable to their fault.



Chapter 8.—From the Corruption and Destruction of Inferior Things is the Beauty of the Universe.

But the rest of things that are made of nothing, which are assuredly inferior to the rational soul, can be neither blessed nor miserable.  But because in proportion to their fashion and appearance are things themselves good, nor could there be good things in a less or the least degree except from God, they are so ordered that the more infirm yield to the firmer, the weaker to the stronger, the more impotent to the more powerful; and so earthly things harmonize with celestial, as being subject to the things that are pre-eminent.  But to things falling away, and succeeding, a certain temporal beauty in its kind belongs, so that neither those things that die, or cease to be what they were, degrade or disturb the fashion and appearance and order of the universal creation; as a speech well composed is assuredly beautiful, although in it syllables and all sounds rush past as it were in being born and in dying.



Chapter 9.—Punishment is Constituted for the Sinning Nature that It May Be Rightly Ordered.

What sort of punishment, and how great, is due to each fault, belongs to Divine judgment, not to human; which punishment assuredly when it is remitted in the case of the converted, there is great goodness on the part of God, and when it is deservedly inflicted, there is no injustice on the part of God; because nature is better ordered by justly smarting under punishment than by rejoicing with impunity in sin; which nature nevertheless, even thus having some measure, form, and order, in whatever extremity there is as yet some good, which things, if they were absolutely taken away, and utterly consumed, there will be accordingly no good, because no nature will remain.



Chapter 10.—Natures Corruptible, Because Made of Nothing.

All corruptible natures therefore are natures at all only so far as they are from God, nor would they be corruptible if they were of Him; because they would be what He himself is.  Therefore of whatever measure, of whatever form, of whatever order, they are, they are so because it is God by whom they were made; but they are not immutable, because it is nothing of which they were made.  For it is sacrilegious audacity to make nothing and God equal, as when we wish to make what has been born of God such as what has been made by Him out of nothing.



Chapter 11.—God Cannot Suffer Harm, Nor Can Any Other Nature Except by His Permission.

Wherefore neither can God’s nature suffer harm, nor can any nature under God suffer harm unjustly:  for when by sinning unjustly some do harm, an unjust will is imputed to them; but the power by which they are permitted to do harm is from God alone, who knows, while they themselves are ignorant, what they ought to suffer, whom He permits them to harm.



Chapter 12.—All Good Things are from God Alone.

All these things are so perspicuous, so assured, that if they who introduce another nature which God did not make, were willing to give attention, they would not be filled with so great blasphemies, as that they should place so great good things in supreme evil, and so great evil things in God.  For what the truth compels them to acknowledge, namely, that all good things are from God alone, suffices for their correction, if they were willing to give heed, as I said above.  Not, therefore, are great good things from one, and small good things from another; but good things great and small are from the supremely good alone, which is God.



Chapter 13.—Individual Good Things, Whether Small or Great, are from God.

Let us, therefore, bring before our minds good things however great, which it is fitting that we attribute to God as their author, and these having been eliminated let us see whether any nature will remain.  All life both great and small, all power great and small, all safety great and small, all memory great and small, all virtue great and small, all intellect great and small, all tranquillity great and small, all plenty great and small, all sensation great and small, all light great and small, all suavity 1086 great and small, all measure great and small, all beauty great and small, all peace great and small, and whatever other like things may occur, especially such as are found throughout all things, whether spiritual or corporeal, every measure, every form, every order both great and small, are from the Lord God.  All which good things whoever should wish to abuse, pays the penalty by divine judgment; but where none of these things shall have been present at all, no nature will remain.


Footnotes

353:1086

Or sanity, according to another reading.—A.H.N.



Chapter 14.—Small Good Things in Comparison with Greater are Called by Contrary Names.

But in all these things, whatever are small are called by contrary names in comparison with greater things; as in the form of a man because the beauty is greater, the beauty of the ape in comparison with it is called deformity.  And the imprudent are deceived, as if the former is good, and the latter evil, nor do they regard in the body of the ape its own fashion, the equality of members on both sides, the agreement of parts, the protection of safety, and other things which it would be tedious to enumerate.



Chapter 15.—In the Body of the Ape the Good of Beauty is Present, Though in a Less Degree.

But that what we have said may be understood, and may satisfy those too slow of comprehension, or that even the pertinacious and those repugnant to the most manifest truth may be compelled to confess what is true, let them be asked, whether corruption can harm the body of an ape?  But if it can, so that it may become more hideous, what diminishes but the good of beauty?  Whence as long as the nature of the body subsists, so long something will remain.  If, accordingly, good having been consumed, nature is consumed, the nature is therefore good.  So also we say that slow is contrary to swift, but yet he who does not move at all cannot even be called slow.  So we say that a heavy voice is contrary to a sharp voice, or a harsh to a musical; but if you completely remove any kind of voice, there is silence where there is no voice, which silence, nevertheless, for the simple reason that there is no voice, is usually opposed to voice as something contrary thereto.  So also lucid and obscure are called as it were two contrary things, yet even obscure things have something of light, which being absolutely wanting, darkness is the absence of light in the same way in which silence is the absence of voice.



Chapter 16.—Privations in Things are Fittingly Ordered by God.

Yet even these privations of things are so ordered in the universe of nature, that to those wisely considering they not unfittingly have their vicissitudes.  For by not illuminating certain places and times, God has also made the darkness as fittingly as the day.  For if we by restraining the voice fittingly interpose silence in speaking, how much more does He, as the perfect framer of all things, fittingly make privations of things?  Whence also in the hymn of the three children, light and darkness alike praise God, 1087 that is, bring forth praise in the hearts of those who well consider.


Footnotes

354:1087

Dan. iii. 72.



Chapter 17.—Nature, in as Far as It is Nature, No Evil.

No nature, therefore, as far as it is nature, is evil; but to each nature there is no evil except to be diminished in respect of good.  But if by being diminished it should be consumed so that there is no good, no nature would be left; not only such as the Manichæans introduce, where so great good things are found that their exceeding blindness is wonderful, but such as any one can introduce.



Chapter 18.—Hyle, Which Was Called by the Ancients the Formless Material of Things, is Not an Evil.

For neither is that material, which the ancients called Hyle, to be called an evil.  I do not say that which Manichæus with most senseless vanity, not knowing what he says, denominates Hyle, namely, the former of corporeal beings; whence it is rightly said to him, that he introduces another god.  For nobody can form and create corporeal beings but God alone; for neither are they created unless there subsist with them measure, form, and order, which I think that now even they themselves confess to be good things, and things that cannot be except from God.  But by Hyle I mean a certain material absolutely formless and without quality, whence those qualities that we perceive are formed, as the ancients said.  For hence also wood is called in Greek ὕλη, because it is adapted to workmen, not that itself may make anything, but that it is the material of which something may be made.  Nor is that Hyle, therefore, to be called an evil which cannot be perceived through any appearance, but can scarcely be thought of through any sort of privation of appearance.  For this has also a capacity of forms; for if it cannot receive the form imposed by the workman, neither assuredly may it be called material.  Hence if form is some good, whence those who excel in it are called beautiful, 1088 as from appearance they are called handsome, 1089 even the capacity of form is undoubtedly something good.  As because wisdom is a good, no one doubts that to be capable of wisdom is a good.  And because every good is from God, no one ought to doubt that even matter, if there is any, has its existence from God alone.


Footnotes

354:1088

Forma—formosus.

354:1089

Species—speciosus.



Chapter 19.—To Have True Existence is an Exclusive Prerogative of God.

Magnificently and divinely, therefore, our God said to his servant:  "I am that I am," and "Thou shalt say to the children of Israel, He who is sent me to you." 1090   For He truly is because He is unchangeable.  For every change makes what was not, to be:  therefore He truly is, who is unchangeable; but all other things that were made by Him have received being from Him each in its own measure.  To Him who is highest, therefore nothing can be contrary, save what is not; and consequently as from Him everything that is good has its being, so from Him is everything that by nature exists; since everything that exists by nature is good.  Thus every nature is good, and everything good is from God; therefore every nature is from God.


Footnotes

355:1090

Ex. iii. 14.



Chapter 20.—Pain Only in Good Natures.

But pain which some suppose to be in an especial manner an evil, whether it be in mind or in body, cannot exist except in good natures.  For the very fact of resistance in any being leading to pain, involves a refusal not to be what it was, because it was something good; but when a being is compelled to something better, the pain is useful, when to something worse, it is useless.  Therefore in the case of the mind, the will resisting a greater power causes pain; in the case of the body, sensation resisting a more powerful body causes pain.  But evils without pain are worse:  for it is worse to rejoice iniquity than to bewail corruption; yet even such rejoicing cannot exist save from the attainment of inferior good things.  But iniquity is the desertion of better things.  Likewise in a body, a wound with pain is better than painless putrescence, which is especially called the corruption which the dead flesh of the Lord did not see, that is, did not suffer, as was predicted in prophecy:  "Thou shall not suffer Thy Holy one to see corruption." 1091   For who denies that He was wounded by the piercing of the nails, and that He was stabbed with the lance? 1092   But even what is properly called by men corporeal corruption, that is, putrescence itself, if as yet there is anything left to consume, increases by the diminution of the good.  But if corruption shall have absolutely consumed it, so that there is no good, no nature will remain, for there will be nothing that corruption may corrupt; and so there will not even be putrescence, for there will be nowhere at all for it to be.


Footnotes

355:1091

Ps. xvi. 10.

355:1092

John 19:18, 34.



Chapter 21.—From Measure Things are Said to Be Moderate-Sized. 1093

Therefore now by common usage things small and mean are said to have measure, because some measure remains in them, without which they would no longer be moderate-sized, but would not exist at all.  But those things that by reason of too much progress are called immoderate, are blamed for very excessiveness; but yet it is necessary that those things themselves be restrained in some manner under God who has disposed all things in extension, number, and weight.  1094


Footnotes

355:1093

Modus, modica.

355:1094

Wisd. xi. 21.



Chapter 22.—Measure in Some Sense is Suitable to God Himself.

But God cannot be said to have measure, lest He should seem to be spoken of as limited.  Yet He is not immoderate by whom measure is bestowed upon all things, so that they may in any measure exist.  Nor again ought God to be called measured, as if He received measure from any one.  But if we say that He is the highest measure, by chance we say something; if indeed in speaking of the highest measure we mean the highest good.  For every measure in so far as it is a measure is good; whence nothing can be called measured, modest, modified, without praise, although in another sense we use measure for limit, and speak of no measure where there is no limit, which is sometimes said with praise as when it is said:  "And of His kingdom there shall be no limit." 1095   For it might also be said, "There shall be no measure," so that measure might be used in the sense of limit; for He who reigns in no measure, assuredly does not reign at all.


Footnotes

355:1095

Luke i. 33.



Chapter 23.—Whence a Bad Measure, a Bad Form, a Bad Order May Sometimes Be Spoken of.

Therefore a bad measure, a bad form, a bad order, are either so called because they are less than they should be, or because they are not adapted to those things to which they should be adapted; so that they may be called bad as being alien and incongruous; as if any one should be said not to have done in a good measure because he has done less than he ought, or because he has done in such a thing as he ought not to have done, or more than was fitting, or not conveniently; so that the very fact of that being reprehended which is done in a bad measure, is justly reprehended for no other cause than that the measure is not there maintained.  Likewise a form is called bad either in comparison with something more handsome or more beautiful, this form being less, that greater, not in size but in comeliness; or because it is out of harmony with the thing to which it is applied, so that it seems alien and unsuitable.  As if a man should walk forth into a public place naked, which nakedness does not offend if seen in a bath.  Likewise also order is called bad when order itself is maintained in an inferior degree.  Hence not order, but rather disorder, is bad; since either the ordering is less than it should be, or not as it should be.  Yet where there is any measure, any form, any order, there is some good and some nature; but where there is no measure, no form, no order, there is no good, no nature.



Chapter 24.—It is Proved by the Testimonies of Scripture that God is Unchangeable.  The Son of God Begotten, Not Made.

Those things which our faith holds and which reason in whatever way has traced out, are fortified by the testimonies of the divine Scriptures, so that those who by reason of feebler intellect are not able to comprehend these things, may believe the divine authority, and so may deserve to know.  But let not those who understand, but are less instructed in ecclesiastical literature, suppose that we set forth these things from our own intellect rather than what are in those Books.  Accordingly, that God is unchangeable is written in the Psalms:  "Thou shalt change them and they shall be changed; but Thou thyself art the same." 1096   And in the book of Wisdom, concerning wisdom:  "Remaining in herself, she renews all things." 1097   Whence also the Apostle Paul:  "To the invisible, incorruptible, only God." 1098   And the Apostle James:  "Every best giving and every perfect gift is from above, descending from the Father of light, with whom there is no changeableness, neither obscuring of influence." 1099   Likewise because what He begat of Himself is what He Himself is, it is said in brief by the Son Himself:  "I and the Father are one." 1100   But because the Son was not made, since through Him were all things made, thus it is written:  "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was the Word; this was in the beginning with God.  All things were made through Him, and without Him was made nothing;" 1101 that is, without Him was not anything made.


Footnotes

356:1096

Ps. cii. 27.

356:1097

Wisd. vii. 27.

356:1098

1 Tim. i. 17.

356:1099

James i. 17.

356:1100

John x. 30.

356:1101

John i. 1-3.



Chapter 25.—This Last Expression Misunderstood by Some.

For no attention should be paid to the ravings of men who think that nothing should be understood to mean something, and moreover think to compel any one to vanity of this kind on the ground that nothing is placed at the end of the sentence.  Therefore, they say, it was made, and because it was made, nothing is itself something.  They have lost their senses by zeal in contradicting, and do not understand that it makes no difference whether it be said:  "Without Him was made nothing," or "without Him nothing was made."  For even if the order were the last mentioned, they could nevertheless say, that nothing is itself something because it was made.  For in the case of what is in truth something, what difference does it make if it be said "Without him a house was made," so long as it is understood that something was made without him, which something is a house?  So also because it is said:  "Without Him was made nothing," since nothing is assuredly not anything, when it is truly and properly spoken, it makes no difference whether it be said:  "Without Him was made nothing or Without Him nothing was made," or "nothing was made."  But who cares to speak with men who can say of this very expression of mine "It makes no difference," "Therefore it makes some difference, for nothing itself is something?"  But those whose brains are not addled, see it as a thing most manifest that this something is to be understood when it says "It makes no difference," as when I say "It matters in no respect."  But these, if they should say to any one, "What hast thou done?" and he should reply that he has done nothing, would, according to this mode of disputation, falsely accuse him saying, "Thou hast done something, therefore, because thou hast done nothing; for nothing is itself something."  But they have also the Lord Himself placing this word at the end of a sentence, when He says:  "And in secret have I spoken nothing."  1102   Let them read, therefore, and be silent. 1103


Footnotes

356:1102

John xviii. 20.

356:1103

It is difficult for us to understand why Augustin should have thought it worth while to refute so elaborately an argument so puerile.  But it is his way to be prolix in such matters.—A.H.N.



Chapter 26.—That Creatures are Made of Nothing.

Because therefore God made all things which He did not beget of Himself, not of those things that already existed, but of those things that did not exist at all, that is, of nothing," the Apostle Paul says:  "Who calls the things that are not as if they are." 1104   But still more plainly it is written in the book of Maccabees:  "I pray thee, son, look at the heaven and the earth and all the things that are in them; see and know that it was not these of which the Lord God made us." 1105   And from this that is written in the Psalm:  "He spake, and they were made." 1106   It is manifest, that not of Himself He begat these things, but that He made them by word and command.  But what is not of Himself is assuredly of nothing.  For there was not anything of which he should make them, concerning which the apostle says most openly:  "For from Him, and through Him, and in Him are all things." 1107


Footnotes

356:1104

Rom. iv. 17.

357:1105

2 Mac. vii. 28.

357:1106

Ps. cxlviii. 5.

357:1107

Rom. xi. 36.



Chapter 27.—"From Him" And "Of Him" Do Not Mean The Same Thing.

But "from Him" does not mean the same as "of Him." 1108   For what is of Him may be said to be from Him; but not everything that is from Him is rightly said to be of Him.  For from Him are heaven and earth, because He made them; but not of Him because they are not of His substance.  As in the case of a man who begets a son and makes a house, from himself is the son, from himself is the house, but the son is of him, the house is of earth and wood.  But this is so, because as a man he cannot make something even of nothing; but God of whom are all things, through whom are all things, in whom are all things, had no need of any material which He had not made to assist His omnipotence.


Footnotes

357:1108

Ex ipso and de ipso.



Chapter 28.—Sin Not From God, But From The Will of Those Sinning.

But when we hear:  "All things are from Him, and through Him, and in Him," we ought assuredly to understand all natures which naturally exist.  For sins, which do not preserve but vitiate nature, are not from Him; which sins, Holy Scripture in many ways testifies, are from the will of those sinning, especially in the passage where the apostle says:  "But dost thou suppose this, O man, that judgest those who do such things, and doest them, that thou shall escape the judgment of God?  Or dost thou despise the riches of His goodness, and patience, and long-suffering, not knowing that the patience of God leadeth thee to repentance?  But according to the hardness of thy heart and thy impenitent heart, thou treasurest up for thyself wrath against the day of wrath and of the revelation of the just judgment of God, who will render unto every one according to his works." 1109


Footnotes

357:1109

Rom. ii. 3-6.



Chapter 29.—That God is Not Defiled by Our Sins.

And yet, though all things that He established are in Him, those who sin do not defile Him, of whose wisdom it is said:  "She touches all things by reason of her purity, and nothing defiled assails her." 1110   For it behooves us to believe that as God is incorruptible and unchangeable, so also is He consequently undefilable.


Footnotes

357:1110

Wis. 7:24, 25.



Chapter 30.—That Good Things, Even the Least, and Those that are Earthly, are by God.

But that God made even the least things, that is, earthly and mortal things, must undoubtedly be understood from that passage of the apostle, where, speaking of the members of our flesh:  "For if one member is glorified, all the members rejoice with it, and if one member suffers, all the members suffer with it;" also this he then says:  "God has placed the members each one of them in the body as he willed;" and "God has tempered the body, giving to that to which it was wanting greater honor, that there should be no schism in the body, but that the members should have the same care one for another." 1111   But what the apostle thus praises in the measure and form and order of the members of the flesh, you find in the flesh of all animals, alike the greatest and the least; for all flesh is among earthly goods, and consequently is esteemed among the least.


Footnotes

357:1111

1 Cor. 12:26, 18, 24, 25.



Chapter 31.—To Punish and to Forgive Sins Belong Equally to God.

Likewise because it belongs to divine judgment, not human, what sort of punishment and how great is due to every fault, it is thus written:  "O the height of the riches of the wisdom and the knowledge of God! how inscrutable are His judgments and his ways past finding out!" 1112   Likewise because by the goodness of God sins are forgiven to the converted, the very fact that Christ was sent sufficiently shows, who not in His own nature as God, but in our nature, which He assumed from a woman, died for us; which goodness of God with reference to us, and which love of God, the apostle thus sets forth:  "But God commendeth His love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners Christ died for us; much more now being justified in His blood we shall be saved from wrath through Him.  For if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God through the death of His Son, much more being reconciled we shall be saved in His life." 1113   But because even when due punishment is rendered to sinners, there is no unrighteousness on God’s part, he thus says:  "What shall we say?  Is God unrighteous who visiteth with wrath?" 1114   But in one place he has briefly admonished that goodness and severity are alike from Him, saying:  "Thou seest then the goodness and severity of God; toward them that have fallen, severity, but towards thee goodness, if thou shouldst continue in goodness." 1115


Footnotes

357:1112

Rom. xi. 33.

358:1113

Rom. v. 8-10.

358:1114

Rom. 3.5.

358:1115

Rom. 11.22.



Chapter 32.—From God Also is the Very Power to Be Hurtful.

Likewise because the power even of those that are hurtful is from God alone, thus it stands written, Wisdom speaking:  "Through me kings reign and tyrants hold the land through me." 1116   The apostle also says:  "For there is no power but of God." 1117   But that it is worthily done is written in the book of Job:  "Who maketh to reign a man that is a hypocrite, on account of the perversity of the people." 1118   And concerning the people of Israel God says:  "I gave them a king in my wrath." 1119   For it is not unrighteous, that the wicked receiving the power of being hurtful, both the patience of the good should be proved and the iniquity of the evil punished.  For through power given to the Devil both Job was proved so that he might appear righteous, 1120 and Peter was tempted lest he should be presumptuous, 1121 and Paul was buffeted lest he should be exalted, 1122 and Judas was damned so that he should hang himself. 1123   When, therefore, through the power which He has given the Devil, God Himself shall have done all things righteously, nevertheless punishment shall at last be rendered to the Devil not for these things justly done, but for the unrighteous willing to be hurtful, which belonged to himself, when it shall be said to the impious who persevered in consenting to his wickedness, "Go ye into everlasting fire which my God has prepared for the Devil and his angels."  1124


Footnotes

358:1116

Prov. viii. 15.

358:1117

Rom. xiii. 1.

358:1118

Job xxxiv. 30.  Compare the Revised English Version.  The sense seems to be completely missed in Augustin’s text.—A.H.N.

358:1119

Hos. xiii. 11.

358:1120

Job 1:0, Job 2:0.

358:1121

Matt. 26:31, 69.

358:1122

2 Cor. xii. 7.

358:1123

Matt. xxvii. 5.

358:1124

Matt. xxv. 41.



Chapter 33.—That Evil Angels Have Been Made Evil, Not by God, But by Sinning.

But because evil angels also were not constituted evil by God, but were made evil by sinning, Peter in his epistle says:  "For if God spared not angels when they sinned, but casting them down into the dungeons of smoky hell, He delivered them to be reserved for punishment in judgment." 1125   Hence Peter shows that there is still due to them the penalty of the last judgment, concerning which the Lord says:  "Go ye into everlasting fire, which has been prepared for the Devil and his angels."  Although they have already penally received this hell, that is, an inferior smoky air as a prison, which nevertheless since it is also called heaven, is not that heaven in which there are stars, but this lower heaven by the smoke of which the clouds are conglobulated, and where the birds fly; for both a cloudy heaven is spoken of, and flying things are called heavenly.  As when the Apostle Paul calls those evil angels, against whom as enemies by living piously we contend, "spiritual things of wickedness in heavenly places." 1126   That this may not be understood of the upper heavens, he plainly says elsewhere:  "According to the presence of the prince of this air, who now worketh in the sons of disobedience." 1127


Footnotes

358:1125

2 Pet. ii. 4.

358:1126

Eph. vi. 12.

358:1127

Eph. 2.2.



Chapter 34.—That Sin is Not the Striving for an Evil Nature, But the Desertion of a Better.

Likewise because sin, or unrighteousness, is not the striving after evil nature but the desertion of better, it is thus found written in the Scriptures:  "Every creature of God is good." 1128   And accordingly every tree also which God planted in Paradise is assuredly good.  Man did not therefore strive after an evil nature when he touched the forbidden tree; but by deserting what was better, he committed an evil deed.  Since the Creator is better than any creature which He has made, His command should not have been deserted, that the thing forbidden, however good, might be touched; since the better having been deserted, the good of the creature was striven for, which was touched contrary to the command of the Creator.  God did not plant an evil tree in Paradise; but He Himself was better who prohibited its being touched.


Footnotes

358:1128

1 Tim. iv. 4.



Chapter 35.—The Tree Was Forbidden to Adam Not Because It Was Evil, But Because It Was Good for Man to Be Subject to God.

For besides, He had made the prohibition, in order to show that the nature of the rational soul ought not to be in its own power, but in subjection to God, and that it guards the order of its salvation through obedience, corrupting it through disobedience.  Hence also He called the tree, the touching of which He forbade, the tree "of the knowledge of good and evil;" 1129 because when man should have touched it in the face of the prohibition, he would experience the penalty of sin, and so would know the difference between the good of obedience, and the evil of disobedience.


Footnotes

359:1129

Gen. ii. 9.



Chapter 36.—No Creature of God is Evil, But to Abuse a Creature of God is Evil.

For who is so foolish as to think a creature of God, especially one planted in Paradise, blameworthy; when indeed not even thorns and thistles, which the earth brought forth, according to the judiciary judgment of God, for wearing out the sinner in labor, should be blamed?  For even such herbs have their measure and form and order, which whoever considers soberly will find praiseworthy; but they are evil to that nature which ought thus to be restrained as a recompense for sin.  Therefore, as I have said, sin is not the striving after an evil nature, but the desertion of a better, and so the deed itself is evil, not the nature which the sinner uses amiss.  For it is evil to use amiss that which is good.  Whence the apostle reproves certain ones as condemned by divine judgment, "Who have worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator." 1130   He does not reprove the creature, which he who should do would act injuriously towards the Creator, but those who, deserting the better, have used amiss the good.


Footnotes

359:1130

Rom. i. 25.



Chapter 37.—God Makes Good Use of the Evil Deeds of Sinners.

Accordingly, if all natures should guard their own proper measure and form and order, there would be no evil:  but if any one should wish to misuse these good things, not even thus does he vanquish the will of God, who knows how to order righteously even the unrighteous; so that if they themselves through the iniquity of their will should misuse His good things, He through the righteousness of His power may use their evil deeds, rightly ordaining to punishment those who have perversely ordained themselves to sins.



Chapter 38.—Eternal Fire Torturing the Wicked, Not Evil.

For neither is eternal fire itself, which is to torture the impious, an evil nature, since it has its measure, its form and its order depraved by no iniquity; but it is an evil torture for the damned, to whose sins it is due.  For neither is yonder light, because it tortures the blear-eyed, an evil nature.



Chapter 39.—Fire is Called Eternal, Not as God Is, But Because Without End.

But fire is eternal, not as God is eternal, because, though without end, yet is not without beginning; but God is also without beginning.  Then, although it may be employed perpetually for the punishment of sinners, yet it is mutable nature.  But that is true eternity which is true immortality, that is that highest immutability, which cannot be changed at all.  For it is one thing not to suffer change, when change is possible, and another thing to be absolutely incapable of change.  Therefore, just as man is called good, yet not as God, of whom it was said, "There is none good save God alone;" 1131 and just as the soul is called immortal, yet not as God, of whom it was said, "Who alone hath immortality;" 1132 and just as a man is called wise, yet not as God, of whom it was said, "To God the only wise;" 1133 so fire is called eternal, yet not as God, whose alone is immortality itself and true eternity.


Footnotes

359:1131

Mark. x. 18.

359:1132

1 Tim. vi. 16.

359:1133

Rom. xvi. 27.



Chapter 40.—Neither Can God Suffer Hurt, Nor Any Other, Save by the Just Ordination of God.

Since these things are so, according to the Catholic faith, and wholesome doctrine, and truth perspicuous to those of good understanding, neither can any one hurt the nature of God, nor can the nature of God unrighteously hurt any one, or suffer any one to do hurt with impunity.  "For he that doeth hurt shall receive," says the apostle, "according to the hurt that he has done; and there is no accepting of persons with God." 1134


Footnotes

359:1134

Col. iii. 25.



Chapter 41.—How Great Good Things the Manichæans Put in the Nature of Evil, and How Great Evil Things in the Nature of Good.

But if the Manichæans were willing, without pernicious zeal for defending their error, and with the fear of God, to think, they would not most criminally blaspheme by supposing two natures, the one good, which they call God, the other evil, which God did not make:  so erring, so delirious, nay so insane, are they that they do not see, that even in what they call the nature of supreme evil they place so great good things:  life, power, safety, memory, intellect, temperance, virtue, plenty, sense, light, suavity, extensions, numbers, peace, measure, form, order; but in what they call supreme good, so many evil things:  death, sickness, forgetfulness, foolishness, confusion, impotence, need, stolidity, blindness, pain, unrighteousness, disgrace, war, intemperance, deformity, perversity.  For they say that the princes of darkness also have been alive in their own nature, and in their own kingdom were safe, and remembered and understood.  For they say that the Prince of Darkness harangued in such a manner, that neither could he have said such things, nor could he have been heard by those by whom he was said to have been heard, without memory and understanding; and to have had a temper suitable to his mind and body, and to have ruled by virtue of power, and to have had abundance and fruitfulness with respect to his elements, and they are said to have perceived themselves mutually and the light as near at hand, and to have had eyes by which they could see the light afar off; which eyes assuredly could not have seen the light without some light (whence also they are rightly called light); and they are said to have enjoyed exceedingly the sweetness of their pleasures, and to have been determined by measured members and dwelling-places.  But unless there had been some sort of beauty there, they would not have loved their wives, nor would their bodies have been steady by adaptation of parts; without which, those things could not have been done there which the Manichæans insanely say were done.  And unless some peace had been there, they would not have obeyed their Prince.  Unless measure had been there, they would have done nothing else than eat or drink, or rage, or whatever they might have done, without any society:  although not even those that did these things would have had determinate forms, unless measure had been there.  But now the Manichæans say that they did such things that they cannot be denied to have had in all their actions measures suitable to themselves.  But if form had not been there, no natural quality would have there subsisted.  But if there had been no order there, some would not have ruled, others been ruled; they would not have lived harmoniously in their element; in fine, they would not have had their members adapted to their places, so that they could not do all those things that the Manichæans vainly fable.  But if they say that God’s nature does not die, what according to their vanity does Christ raise from the dead?  If they say that it does not grow sick, what does He cure?  If they say that it is not subject to forgetfulness, what does He remind?  If they say that it is not deficient in wisdom, what does He teach?  If they say that it is not confused, what does He restore?  If they say that it was not vanquished and taken captive, what does He liberate?  If they say that it was not in need, to what does He minister aid?  If they say that it did not lose feeling, what does He animate?  If they say that it has not been blinded, what does He illuminate?  If it is not in pain, to what does He give relief?  If it is not unrighteous, what does He correct through precepts?  If it is not in disgrace, what does He cleanse?  If it is not in war, to what does He promise peace?  If it is not deficient in moderation, upon what does He impose the measure of law?  If it is not deformed, what does He reform?  If it is not perverse, what does He emend?  For all these things done by Christ, they say, are to be attributed not to that thing which was made by God, and which has become depraved by its own free choice in sinning, but to the very nature, yea to the very substance of God, which is what God Himself is.



Chapter 42.—Manichæan Blasphemies Concerning the Nature of God.

What can be compared to those blasphemies?  Absolutely nothing, unless the errors of other sectaries be considered; but if that error be compared with itself in another aspect, of which we have not yet spoken, it will be convicted of far worse and more execrable blasphemy.  For they say that some souls, which they will have to be of the substance of God and of absolutely the same nature, which have not sinned of their own accord, but have been overcome and oppressed by the race of darkness, which they call evil, for combating which they descended not of their own accord, but at the command of the Father, are fettered forever in the horrible sphere of darkness.  So according to their sacrilegious vaporings, God liberated Himself in a certain part from a great evil, but again condemned Himself in another part, which He could not liberate, and triumphed over the enemy itself as if it had been vanquished from above.  O criminal, incredible audacity, to believe, to speak, to proclaim such things about God!  Which when they endeavor to defend, that with their eyes shut they may rush headlong into yet worse things, they say that the commingling of the evil nature does these things, in order that the good nature of God may suffer so great evils:  for that this good nature in its own sphere could or can suffer no one of these things.  As if a nature were lauded as incorruptible, because it does not hurt itself, and not because it cannot suffer hurt from another.  Then if the nature of God hurt the nature of darkness, and the nature of darkness hurt the nature of God, there are therefore two evil things which hurt each other in turn, and the race of darkness was the better disposed, because if it committed hurt it did it unwillingly; for it did not wish to commit hurt, but to enjoy the good which belonged to God.  But God wished to extinguish it, as Manichæus most openly raves forth in his epistle of the ruinous Foundation.  For forgetting that he had shortly before said:  "But His most resplendent realms were so founded upon the shining and happy land, that they could never be either moved or shaken by any one;" he afterwards said:  "But the Father of the most blessed light, knowing that great ruin and desolation which would arise from the darkness, threaten his holy worlds, unless he should send in opposition a deity excellent and renowned, mighty in strength, by whom he might at the same time overcome and destroy the race of darkness, which having been extinguished, the inhabitants of light would enjoy perpetual rest."  Behold, he feared ruin and desolation that threatened his worlds!  Assuredly they were so founded upon the shining and happy land that they never could be either moved or shaken by any one?  Behold, from fear he wished to hurt the neighboring race, which he endeavored to destroy and extinguish, in order that the inhabitants of light might enjoy perpetual rest.  Why did he not add, and perpetual bondage?  Were not these souls that he fettered forever in the sphere of darkness, the inhabitants of light, of whom he says plainly, that "they have suffered themselves to err from their former bright nature?" when against his will he is compelled to say, that they sinned by free will, while he wishes to ascribe sin only to the necessity of the contrary nature:  everywhere ignorant what to say, and as if he were himself already in the sphere of darkness which he invented, seeking, and not finding, how he may escape.  But let him say what he will to the seduced and miserable men by whom he is honored far more highly than Christ, that at this price he may sell to them such long and sacrilegious fables.  Let him say what he will, let him shut up, as it were, in a sphere, as in a prison, the race of darkness, and let him fasten outside the nature of light, to which he promised perpetual rest on the extinction of the enemy:  behold, the penalty of light is worse than that of darkness; the penalty of the divine nature is worse than that of the adverse race.  But since although the latter is in the midst of darkness it pertains to its nature to dwell in darkness; but souls which are the very same thing that God is, cannot be received, he says, into those peaceful realms, and are alienated from the life and liberty of the holy light, and are fettered in the aforesaid horrible sphere:  whence he says, "Those souls shall adhere to the things that they have loved, having been left in the same sphere of darkness, bringing this upon themselves by their own deserts."  Is not this assuredly free voluntary choice?  See how insanely he ignores what he says, and by making self-contradictory statements wages a worse war against himself than against the God of the race of darkness itself.  Accordingly, if the souls of light are damned, because they loved darkness, the race of darkness, which loved light, is unjustly damned.  And the race of darkness indeed loved light from the beginning, violently, it may be, but yet so as to wish for its possession, not its extinction:  but the nature of light wished to extinguish in war the darkness; therefore when vanquished it loved darkness.  Choose which you will:  whether it was compelled by necessity to love darkness, or seduced by free will.  If by necessity, wherefore is it damned? if by free will, wherefore is the nature of God involved in so great iniquity?  If the nature of God was compelled by necessity to love darkness, it did not vanquish, but was vanquished:  if by free will, why do the wretches hesitate any longer to attribute the will to sin to the nature which God made out of nothing, lest they should thereby attribute it to the light which He begat?



Chapter 43.—Many Evils Before His Commingling with Evil are Attributed to the Nature of God by the Manichæans.

What if we should also show that before the commingling of evil, which stupid fable they have most madly believed, great evils were in what they call the nature of light? what will it seem possible to add to these blasphemies?  For before the conflict, there was the hard and inevitable necessity of fighting:  here is truly a great evil, before evil is commingled with good.  Let them say whence this is, when as yet no commingling had taken place?  But if there was no necessity, there was therefore free will:  whence also this so great evil, that God himself should wish to hurt his own nature, which could not be hurt by the enemy, by sending it to be cruelly commingled, to be basely purged, to be unjustly damned?  Behold, the great evil of a pernicious, noxious, and savage will, before any evil from the contrary nature was mingled with it!  Or perchance he did not know that this would happen to his members, that they should love darkness and become hostile to holy light, as Manichæus says, that is, not only to their own God, but also to the Father from whom they had their being?  Whence therefore this so great evil of ignorance, before any evil from the nature of darkness was mingled with it?  But if he knew that this would happen, either there was in him everlasting cruelty, if he did not grieve over the contamination and damnation of his own nature that was to take place, or everlasting misery, if he did so grieve:  whence also this so great evil of your supreme good before any commingling with your supreme evil?  Assuredly that part of the nature itself which was fettered in the eternal chain of that sphere, if it knew not that this fate awaited it, even so was there everlasting ignorance in the nature of God, but if it knew, then everlasting misery:  whence this so great evil before any evil from the contrary nature was commingled?  Or perchance did it, in the greatness of its love (charity), rejoice that through its punishment perpetual rest was prepared for the residue of the inhabitants of light?  Let him who sees how abominable it is to say this, pronounce an anathema.  But if this should be done so that at least the good nature itself should not become hostile to the light, it might be possible, perchance, not for the nature of God indeed, but for some man, as it were, to be regarded as praiseworthy, who for the sake of his country should be willing to suffer something of evil, which evil indeed could be only for a time, and not forever:  but now also they speak of that fettering in the sphere of darkness as eternal, and not indeed of a certain thing but of the nature of God; and assuredly it were a most unrighteous, and execrable, and ineffably sacrilegious joy, if the nature of God rejoiced that it should love darkness, and should become hostile to holy light.  Whence this so monstrous and abominable evil before any evil from the contrary nature was commingled?  Who can endure insanity so perverse and so impious, as to attribute so great good things to supreme evil, and so great evils to supreme good, which is God?



Chapter 44.—Incredible Turpitudes in God Imagined by Manichæus.

But now when they speak of that part of the nature of God as everywhere mixed up in heaven, in earth, in all bodies dry and moist, in all sorts of flesh, in all seeds of trees, herbs, men, and animals:  not as present by the power of divinity, for administering and ruling all things, undefilably, inviolably, incorruptibly, without any connection with them, which we say of God; but fettered, oppressed, polluted, to be loosed and liberated, as they say, not only through the running to and fro of the sun and the moon, and through the powers of light, but also through their Elect:  what sacrilegious and incredible turpitudes this kind of error recommends to them even if it does not induce them to accept, it is horrible to speak of.  For they say that the powers of light are transformed into beautiful males and are set over against the women of the race of darkness; and that the same powers again are transformed into beautiful females and are set over against the males of the race of darkness; that through their beauty they enkindle the foulest lust of the princes of darkness, and in this manner vital substance, that is, the nature of God, which they say is held fettered in their bodies, having been loosed from their members relaxed through lust, flies away, and when it has been taken up or cleansed, is liberated.  This the wretches read, this they say, this they hear, this they believe, this they put as follows, in the seventh book of their Thesaurus (for so they call a certain writing of Manichæus, in which these blasphemies stand written):  "Then the blessed Father, who has bright ships, little apartments, dwelling-places, or magnitudes, according to his indwelling clemency, brings the help by which he is drawn out and liberated from the impious bonds, straits, and torments of his vital substance.  And so by his own invisible nod he transforms those powers of his, which are held in this most brilliant ship, and makes them to bring forth adverse powers, which have been arranged in the various tracts of the heavens.  Since these consist of both sexes, male and female, he orders the aforesaid powers to bring forth partly in the form of beardless youths, for the adverse race of females, partly in the form of bright maidens, for the contrary race of males:  knowing that all these hostile powers on account of the deadly and most foul lust innate in them, are very easily taken captive, delivered up to these most beautiful forms which appear, and in this manner they are dissolved.  But you may know that this same blessed Father of ours is identical with his powers, which for a necessary reason he transforms into the undefiled likeness of youths and maidens.  But these he uses as his own arms, and through them he accomplishes his will.  But there are bright ships full of these divine powers, which are stationed after the likeness of marriage over against the infernal races, and who with alacrity and ease effect at the very moment what they have planned.  Therefore, when reason demands that these same holy powers should appear to males, straightway also they show by their dress the likeness of most beautiful maidens.  Again when females are to be dealt with, putting aside the forms of maidens, they show the forms of beardless youths.  But by this handsome appearance of theirs, ardor and lust increase, and in this way the chain of their worst thoughts is loosed, and the living soul which was held by their members, relaxed by this occasion escapes, and is mingled with its own most pure air; when the souls thoroughly cleansed ascend to the bright ships, which have been prepared for conveying them and for ferrying them over to their own country.  But that which still bears the stains of the adverse race, descends little by little through billows and fires, and is mingled with trees and other plants and with all seeds, and is plunged into divers fires.  And in what manner the figures of youths and maidens from that great and most glorious ship appear to the contrary powers which live in the heavens and have a fiery nature; and from that handsome appearance, part of the life which is held in their members having been released is conducted away through fires into the earth:  in the same manner also, that most high power, which dwells in the ship of vital waters appears in the likeness of youths and holy maidens to those powers whose nature is cold and moist, and which are arranged in the heavens.  And indeed to those that are females, among these the form of youths appears, but to the males, the form of maidens.  By his changing and diversity of divine and most beautiful persons, the princes male and female of the moist and cold race are loosed, and what is vital in them escapes; but whatever should remain, having been relaxed, is conducted into the earth through cold, and is mingled with all the races of darkness"  Who can endure this?  Who can believe, not indeed that it is true, but that it could even be said?  Behold those who fear to anathematize Manichæus teaching these things, and do not fear to believe in a God doing them and suffering them!



Chapter 45.—Certain Unspeakable Turpitudes Believed, Not Without Reason, Concerning the Manichæans Themselves.

But they say, that through their own Elect that same commingled part and nature of God is purged, by eating and drinking forsooth, (because they say that it is held fettered in all foods); that when they are taken up by the Elect for the nourishment of the body in eating and drinking, it is loosed, sealed, and liberated through their sanctity.  Nor do the wretches pay heed to the fact that this is believed about them not without good reason, and they deny it in vain, so long as they do not anathematize the books of Manichæus and cease to be Manichæans.  For if, as they say, a part of God is fettered in all seeds, and is purged by eating on the part of the Elect; who may not properly believe, that they do what they read in the Thesaurus was done among the powers of heaven and the princes of darkness; since indeed they say that their flesh is also from the race of darkness, and since they do not hesitate to believe and to affirm that the vital substance fettered in them is a part of God?  Which assuredly if it is to be loosed, and purged by eating, as their lamentable error compels them to acknowledge; who does not see, who does not shudder at the greatness and the unspeakableness of what follows?



Chapter 46.—The Unspeakable Doctrine of the Fundamental Epistle.

For they even say that Adam, the first man, was created by certain princes of darkness so that the light might be held by them lest it should escape.  For in the epistle which they call Fundamental, Manichæus wrote as follows respecting the way in which the Prince of Darkness, whom they represent as the father of the first man, spoke to the rest of his allied princes of darkness, and how he acted:  "Therefore with wicked inventions he said to those present:  What does this huge light that is rising seem to you to be?  See how the pole moves, how it shakes most of the powers.  Wherefore it is right for me rather to ask you beforehand for whatever light you have in your powers:  since thus I will form an image of that great one who has appeared in his glory, through which we may be able to rule, freed in some measure from the conversation of darkness.  Hearing these things, and deliberating for a long time among themselves, they thought it most just to furnish what was demanded of them.  For they did not have confidence in being able to retain the light that they had forever; hence they thought it better to offer it to their Prince, by no means without hope that in this way they would rule.  It must be considered therefore how they furnished the light that they had.  For this also is scattered throughout all the divine scriptures and the heavenly secrets; but to the wise it is easy enough to know how it was given:  for it is known immediately and openly by him who should truly and faithfully wish to consider.  Since there was a promiscuous throng of those who had come together, females and males of course, he impelled them to copulate among themselves:  in which copulation the males emitted seed, the females were made pregnant.  But the offspring were like those who had begotten them, the first obtaining as it were the largest portion of the parents’ strength.  Taking these as a special gift their Prince rejoiced.  And just as even now we see take place, that the nature of evil taking thence strength forms the fashioner of bodies, so also the aforesaid Prince, taking the offspring of his companions, which had the senses of their parents, sagacity, light, procreated at the same time with themselves in the process of generation, devoured them; and very many powers having been taken from food of this kind, in which there was present not only fortitude, but much more astuteness and depraved sensibilities from the ferocious race of the progenitors, he called his own spouse to himself, springing from the same stock as himself, emitted, like the rest the abundance of evils that he had devoured, himself also adding something from his own thought and power, so that his disposition became the former and arranger of all the things that he had poured forth; whose consort received these things as soil cultivated in the best way is accustomed to receive seed.  For in her were constructed and woven together the images of all heavenly and earthly powers, so that what was formed obtained the likeness, so to speak, of a full orb."



Chapter 47.—He Compels to the Perpetration of Horrible Turpitudes.

O abominable monster!  O execrable perdition and ruin of deluded souls!  I am not speaking of the blasphemy of saying these things about the nature of God which is thus fettered.  Let the wretches deluded and hunted by deadly error give heed to this at least, that if a part of their God is fettered by the copulation of males and females which they profess to loose and purge by eating it, the necessity of this unspeakable error compels them not only to loose and purge the part of God from bread and vegetables and fruits, which alone they are seen publicly to partake of, but also from that which might be fettered through copulation, if conception should take place.  That they do this some are said to have confessed before a public tribunal, not only in Paphlagonia, but also in Gaul, as I heard in Rome from a certain Catholic Christian; and when they were asked by the authority of what writing they did these things, they betrayed this fact concerning the Thesaurus that I have just mentioned.  But when this is cast in their teeth, they are in the habit of replying, that some enemy or other has withdrawn from their number, that is from the number of their Elect, and has made a schism, and has founded a most foul heresy of this kind.  Whence it is manifest that even if they do not themselves practise this thing, some who do practise it do it on the basis of their books.  Therefore let them reject the books, if they abhor the crime, which they are compelled to commit, if they hold to the books; or if they do not commit them, they endeavor in opposition to the books to live more purely.  But what do they do when it is said to them, either purge the light from whatever seeds you can, so that you cannot refuse to do that which you assert that you do not do; or else anathematize Manichæus, when he says that a part of God is in all seeds, and that it is fettered by copulation, but that whatever of light, that is, of the aforesaid part of God, should become the food of the Elect, is purged by being eaten.  Do you see what he compels you to believe, and do you still hesitate to anathematize him?  What do they do, I say, when this is said to them?  To what subterfuges do they betake themselves, when either so nefarious a doctrine is to be anathematized, or so nefarious a turpitude committed, in comparison with which all those intolerable evils to which I have already called attention, seem tolerable, namely, that they say of the nature of God that it was pressed by necessity to wage war, that it was either secure by everlasting ignorance, or was disturbed by everlasting grief and fear, when the corruption of commingling and the chain of everlasting damnation should come upon it, that finally as a result of the conflict it should be taken captive, oppressed, polluted, that after a false victory it should be fettered forever in a horrible sphere and separated from its original blessedness, while if considered in themselves they cannot be endured?



Chapter 48.—Augustin Prays that the Manichæans May Be Restored to Their Senses.

O great is Thy patience, Lord, full of compassion and gracious, slow to anger, and plenteous in mercy, and true; 1135 who makest Thy sun to rise upon the good and the evil, and who sendest rain upon the just and the unjust; 1136 who willest not the death of the sinner, so much as that he return and live; 1137 who reproving in parts, dost give place to repentance, that wickedness having been abandoned, they may believe on Thee, O Lord; 1138 who by Thy patience dost lead to repentance, although many according to the hardness of their heart and their impenitent heart treasure up for themselves wrath against the day of wrath and of the revelation of Thy righteous judgment, who wilt render to every man according to his works; 1139 who in the day when a man shall have turned from his iniquity to Thy mercy and truth, wilt forget all his iniquities: 1140   stand before us, grant unto us that through our ministry, by which Thou hast been pleased to refute this execrable and too horrible error, as many have already been liberated, many also may be liberated, and whether through the sacrament of Thy holy baptism, or through the sacrifice of a broken spirit and a contrite and humbled heart, 1141 in the sorrow of repentance, they may deserve to receive the remission of their sins and blasphemies, by which through ignorance they have offended Thee.  For nothing is of any avail, save Thy surpassing mercy and power, and the truth of Thy baptism, and the keys of the kingdom of heaven in Thy holy Church; so that we must not despair of men as long as by Thy patience they live on this earth, who even knowing how great an evil it is to think or to say such things about Thee, are detained in that malign profession on account of the use or the attainment of temporal or earthly convenience, if rebuked by Thy reproaches they in any way flee to Thy ineffable goodness, and prefer to all the enticements of the carnal life, the heavenly and eternal life.


Footnotes

364:1135

Ps. ciii. 8.

364:1136

Matt. v. 45.

364:1137

Ezek. xxxiii. 11.

365:1138

Wisd. xii. 2.

365:1139

Rom. ii. 4-6.

365:1140

Ezek. xviii. 21.

365:1141

Ps. li. 17.





w r I t I n g s

in connection with the

donatist controversy.

translated by the

rev. j. r. king, m.a.,

vicar of st. peter’s in the east, oxford; and late fellow and tutor of merton college, oxford.

revised, with additional notes,

by the

rev. chester d. hartranft, d.d.,

professor of biblical and ecclesiastical history, in the theological seminary at hartford, conn.





Introductory Essay.

By Rev. Chester D. Hartranft, D.D.

————————————

Chapter I.—Bibliography.

A.  Sources.

I.    Of course all the Anti-Donatist writings of Augustin are found in the general editions from Amerbach, 1506, to Migne, 1861.  A few are also collected in Du Pin’s edd. of Optatus Mil.  1. In the Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum Historiam pertinentia.  2. In the Gesta Collationis Carthagini habitae Honorii Caesaris iussu inter Catholicos et Donatistas.  See also the different Collections of Councils, Labbe, Baluze, Harduin, Mansi, etc.  Since these works are discussed in Chapter II. it is unnecessary to repeat the titles here.  Cp. titles in Retractationes:  and Indiculus librorum, tractatuum et epistolarum S. Augustini, ed. cura Possidii, cap. III.

II.            Separate editions of Augustin’s Anti-Donatist writings.  (From Schönemann’s Bibliotheca, and other bibliographies.)

1.   S. Augustini liber seu Epistola de unitate Ecclesiae contra Petiliani Donat.  Epistolam, Argumentis, Notis atque Analysi illustrata, studio Justi Caluini.  Moguntiae.  1602.

2.   SS. Cypriani et Augustini de unitate Ecclesiae tractatus.  Accedit Georgii Calixti, S. Theo. Doct. et in Acad. Julia Prof. primarii, in eorundem librorum lectionem Introductionis fragmentum edente Frid. Ulrico Calixto.  Georgii filio.  Helmæstadii ex typogr.  Calixt.  1657.  8.

3.      Aurelii Augustini, Episcopi Hipponensis, Liber de Unitate Ecclesiae contra Donatistas.  Ext. cum Commentariis uberrimis et utillisimis in Melchioris Lydeckeri Historia illustrata Ecclesiae Africanae, cujus totum pæne tomum secundum constituit inscriptum:

      Tomus secundus ad Librum Augustini de Unitate Ecclesiae contra Donatistas, de principiis Ecclesiae Africanae, illiusque fide in Articulis de Capite Christo et Ecclesia, de Unitate et Schismate, plurimisque Religionis Christianae capitibus agit.  Ultrajecti apud viduam Guil. Clerck, 1690.  4.

4.   D. Augustini liber de moderate coercendis haereticis ed Bonifacium Comitem. Nic. Bergius Revalensis Holmiae, 1696, in 8.

III.            Translations.

1.      Epistre ou le Livre de St. Augustin de l’Unité de l’Eglise, contre Petilien, Evesque Donatiste, avec certaines observations pour entendre les lieux plus difficiles par Jac.  Tigeou, imprimé à Reims par Jean de Foigny.  1567.  8.

2.      L’Epistre à Vincent, Evesque de l’heresie Rogatiane, traduict de latin par Clément Vaillant.  A Paris, Mathurin Prevost.  1573.  8.

3.      Traité du Baptême trad. par l’abbé Dujat, chapelain d’Étampes. Paris.  1778.  12.

4.      Writings in connection with the Donatist controversy, translated by the Rev. J. R. King, M.A.  In the Series of Translations of the Works of Augustin.  Edinburgh.  T. & T. Clark.  1872.

5.      Ausgewählte Schriften des heil.  Aurelius Augustinus, Kirchenlehrers, nach aem Urtexte ubersetzt.  Mit einer kurzen Lebensbeschreibung des Heiligen von J. Motzberger.  1871–1879.  In the Bibliothek der Kirchenväter, Kempten, 1869 sqq.

B.  Literature.

This is a selected literature of the Donatist controversy so far as Augustin was connected with it.

I.    In the Benedictine editions occur:

1.      Their Vita S. Aurelii Augustini.  Tom. XI.  Antw., pp. 1–344.  Tom. I.  Migne, pp. 65–578.

2.      Praefatio of Tom. IX.  Antw. s. p.  Migne, pp. 9–24.

3.      Index opusculorum S. Augustini contra Donatistas.  Tom. IX.  Antw., pp. 463, 4.  Migne, pp. 757–760.

4.      Excerpta et scripta vetera ad Donatistarum historiam pertinentia.  Tom. IX.  Antw., App. pp. 7–50.  Migne, pp. 773–842.

5.      Epistolarum ordo chronologicus.     Tom. II.  Antw., s. p.  Migne, pp. 13–48.

II.            Possidius:  Vita S. Aurelii Augustini.  Reprinted in Migne Aug. Op.  Tom. I., pp. 33–66.  Cp. Migne Pat. Lat. L. p. 407.

III.            Ecclesiastica Historia.  By the Magdeburg Centuriators.  1559–1574.  Tom. II. and III., Centuria, IV. and V., contain the Donatist history.

IV.            Balduinius, Franc.

1.      Delibatio Africanae historiae ecclesticae, s.  Optati libri VII. de Schismate Donatistarum, etc.  Paris, 1563.  A second edition with improved readings.  Ib., 1569.  In this the prefaces and annotations are of value.  Reprinted in Du Pin’s ed. of Optatus Mil.

2.      Historia Carthaginensis Collationis sive disputationis de ecclesia, olim habitae inter Catholicos et Donatistas.  Paris, 1566.  8.  Reprinted in Du Pin. ib.

V.            Baronius.  Annales Ecclesiatici.  1588–1607.  Tom. III.-V., contain the Donatist history.

VI.               Albaspinæus:  Optati Mel. opera cum notis et observationibus Gabrielis Albaspinæi.  Paris, 1631.  Valuable mainly for the observations; reprinted in Du Pin’s ed. of Optatus.

VII.               Casaubonus:  Optati Mel. de schismate Donatistarum libri VII.  In eosd. notae et emendationes Merici Casauboni.  Lond. 1631.  These notes are of value and are reproduced with those of other editions in the Annotationes Variorum of Du Pin’s ed.

VIII.               Valesius Henricus:  Eusebii Pamph. Historia ecc., libri de Vita Constantini, Panegyricus, Const. Oratio ad Sanctorum coetum, gr. et lat. cum annotatt.  Paris, 1659 and often.  In this is his dissertation:  De schismate Donatistarum.

IX. Long, Thomas, B.D.  History of the Donatists.  Lond. 1677.  8.

X.  Du Pin:  Nouvelle Bibliothéque des Auteurs Ecclésiastiques.

1.   St. Augustin.  Tom. III. première partie, pp. 522–839, 1690.  Particularly the review of vol. IX. of Augustin’s collected works, pp. 792–811.

2.   In Tom. II., Troisième partie, 1701, there are also many allusions to the history and literature.

3.   In his ed. of Optatus Mel., Historia Donatistarum.

XI.    Ittig, Thomas:  de Haeresiarchis œvi apostolici at apostol. prox.  Lips. 1690–1703.  4.

XII.               Leydecker Melchior; Historia Ecclesiastica Africana.  2 Tom. 4, See above.  Traj. 1690.  4.

XIII.               Witsius, Hermann:  Miscellaneorum Sacrorum libri.  2 vols. Amst. 1692.  4.  In vol. I. Dissertatio de schismate Donatistarum.

XIV.               Bernino:  Historia di tutte l’heresie descritta da Domenico Bernino.  Venezia 1711.  Tom. I., contains hist. of Donatism.

XV.               Storren, J. Ph.:  ansführlicher und gründlicher Bericht von den Namen, Ursprung, v.s.w. der Donatisten.  Frankf. 1723.  8.

XVI.               Norisius, Henricus:  Opera omnia nunc prim. collecta et ordinata.  Veronae, Tumermani, 1729–32, fol.  4vols.  The fourth volume contains his posthumous work on History of Donatism, as finished by Ballerini.

XVII.                  Tillemont:  in his Memoires pour servir a l’histoire Ecclésiastique:

1.      Tom. VI.  Histoire du schisme des Donatistes, où l’on marque aussi tout ce qui regardé l’Eglise d’Afrique depuis l’an 305, jusques en l’an 391que S. Augustin fut fait Prestre.  1732.

2.      Tom. XIII.  La Vie de Saint Augustin, dans laquelle on trouvera l’histoire des Donatistes de son temps, et celle des Pelagiens.  1732.

XVIII.                  Orsi:  Della Istoria Ecclesiastica descritta da F. Guiseppe Agostino Orsi.  Tom. IV. (1741) and V. (1749) contain the history ot the Donatists.

XIX.               Walch, Ch. Wilh. Fr.:   Entwurf einer vollständigen Historie der Ketzereien, Spaltungen und Religionsstreitigkeiten, bis auf die Zeiten der Reformation.  Leipzig, 1768.  Vierter Theil:  Von der Spaltung der Donatisten; with its three sections:

a.      Von der historie der Donatisten.

b.      Von den zwischen den Donatisten und ihren Gegnern geführten Religionsstreitigkeiten.

c.      Beurtheilung der Donatistichen Streitigkeiten.  This work was the beginning of a new critical estimate of the documents.

XX.               Schröckh, Johann Mattheus:  Christliche Kirchengeschichte.  Sechster Theil:  1784, but particularly Elfter Theil, 1786.  A juster estimate of Donatism.

XXI.               Morcellii, Steph. Ant.:  Africa christiana in tres partes distributa.  3 vols. 4Brixiae, 1816–17.  4. P. II. for Donatism.

XXII.                  Bindemann, C.:  Der heilige Augustinus, 1844–1869.  Bdd. II. & III. contain excellent analyses of the works on Donatism, as well as a history during Augustin’s life.

XXIII.                  Roux, Adrianus:  Dissertatio de Aurelio Augustino, adversario Donatistarum.  Lugduni Batavorum, 1838.  A brief summary of the works and doctrine.

XXIV.                  Ribbeck:  Donatus und Augustinus oder der erste entscheidende Kampf zwischen Separatismus und Kirche.  Ein Kirchenhistorischer Versuch von Ferdinand Ribbeck.  Elberfeld.  1857.  8.  An uncritical history; but a vigorous analysis, apologetic and polemic.

XXV.                  Deutsch:  Drei Actenstücke zur Geschichte Donatismus.  Neu herausgegeben und erklärt von Martin Deutsch.  Berlin, 1875.  The first work on the textual and historical criticism of the sources.

XXVI.                  Voelter:  Der Ursprung des Donatismus, nach den Quellen untersucht und dargestellt von Lic Dr. Daniel Voelter.  Freiburg i. B. und Tübingen, 1883.  This keen writer, at present Prof. Ord. in Univ. of Amsterdam, has gone still further into textual and historical criticism, and gives fair promise of a more impartial hearing for Donatism.  It is to be hoped that he will fulfill his qualified promise of further research.

Among the general church histories particular mention may be made of Gieseler, Neander, Lindner, Niedner, Robertson, Ritter, Hergenröther, Schaff.  The articles on Augustin, Donatism and related persons and topics in Ceillier, Ersch und Gruber, Herzog, Schaff-Herzog, Smith’s Dictionary of Christian Biography, Wetzer and Welte, Lichtenberger, are more or less noteworthy.  Mention must also be made of the Patrologies, the biographies, Hefele’s Conciliengeschichte, the Analyses Patrum, etc.



Chapter II.—An Analysis of Augustin’s Writings Against the Donatists.

The object of this chapter is to present a rudimentary outline and summary of all that Augustin penned or spoke against those traditional North African Christians whom he was pleased to regard as schismatics.  It will be arranged, so far as may be, in chronological order, following the dates suggested by the Benedictine edition.  The necessary brevity precludes anything but a very meagre treatment of so considerable a theme.  The writer takes no responsibility for the ecclesiological tenets of the great Father, nor will he enter here into any criticism of the text and truth of the documents, upon which the historical argument was so laboriously and peremptorily built, to the utter ignoring of the Donatist archives, and the protests of their scholars against the validity and integrity of their opponents’ records.  Both parties claimed to be the historic Catholic church; both were little apart in doctrine, worship, and polity; both tended toward externalism in piety; both accused one another of fraud in inventing records.  Later Romanism in its bright spirit of selection took much spoil from either camp.

The city of Augustin’s birth, its neighborhood, indeed the whole ecclesiastical province of Numidia, was a stronghold for this puristic school.  Is it not singular, then, that it seems to have made no impression upon his early years?  As a child he had witnessed its brief restoration under Julian, and then the severe or lax efforts at suppression under succeeding emperors; the Rogatian schism and the Tychonian reformation were quite familiar to him in his Manichæan period; but the Confessions are silent as to any such stamp or hold upon his mind. His activity begins with his ordination to the presbyterate, a time marked in Donatist annals by the Maximianist separation, and increases as he becomes bishop.  From about 392 to near the close of his life, pen and voice were seldom still.  In all those years the outlinear thoughts grew in breadth and depth; endless are the forms in which his few and radical conceptions manifest themselves; never does he lose sight of the popular effect, so that he knows when to relax his love of word-play and delight in mysterious inductions, in order to make the chief themes plain to the dullest mind.

How varied the channels through which he struggled for the mastery of his idea of the Church!  In the pulpit he made Donatism the occasion of many a polemic, many an appeal; in his correspondence it was an ever-recurrent topic; it was the staple of many a tract and book; verse was not shunned to destroy its fashionableness and popularity; commentaries and manuals for the meditative hour or for the training of the theological student, abounded in warnings against its aggressiveness; no opportunity for debate or conference or epistolary discussion was left unimproved.  And no wonder:  it was a living thing, of the street, of the market, of the social circle, of the home; it threatened at times to obliterate the transmarine view of the church from North Africa; its spirit of political independence and plea for religious liberty went to the hearts of a people, more and more restive under the decline of the Empire.

The literary creations of Donatism had been somewhat more fertile than that of Cæcilianism.  We must not belittle Donatus the Great, Parmenian, Petilian, Gaudentius, and certainly the eminence of Tychonius is confessed by Augustin himself.  Up to this time Optatus of Milevis had been the only forcible opponent.  But against the great Augustin whom could they bring into the field?  And against the great Augustin, backed by the energy of the State, there was little hope of fairness.  Augustin found a new and weighty school.  Donatism, with its impossible ideal, already began to despise the culture which seemed to help its defeat and withdrew into its sensitive shell after the manner of all puristic tendencies under persecution.

The two prevalent lines of attack are the historical on the origin of the schism, which involved the dissection of the documents, and the doctrinal, or the discussion of the true notes of the Church from the basis of the Scriptures.  This latter Augustin preferred, because final; he bowed to no patristic.  One or the other or both may be traced in all his works, great or small, against them.  Out of so protracted a controversy there grew up a symmetrical and comprehensive theory of the Church and the Sacraments on either side.

Of three fundamental points of Donatism, as perpetuated practices of North Africa, rebaptism and the encouragement of a martyr spirit with its attendant feasts, the continuance of the Seniores in the government of the Church, we find Augustin aiming mainly at the overthrow of the first two.  One of his earliest letters suggests to his bishop some means for checking the drunkenness and great excess connected with the Natalitia.  Passing to the specific subject in view:

In the early period of his presbyterate, (possibly about 392, others place it later), Augustin journeyed through Mutugenna, which apparently belonged to his bishop’s see.  He learned how pacifically disposed Maximin, Donatist bishop of Sinaita, was.  The friendly feeling thus kindled toward him was shaken by the rumor that he had rebaptized a defecting Catholic deacon of Mutugenna; not willing to credit the story, he visited the deacon’s home.  His parents testified to their son’s reception into the same office by the Donatists.  In the absence of Bishop Valerius, he writes to Maximin with entreaty, refusing to credit the repetition of the rite, and urging him to remain firm in the convictions which had been imputed to him.  He solicits a reply, that both letters may be read in the public service, after the dismission of the military.  The prominent points of the letter are:  while declining to recognize the validity of Maximin’s orders, he does not refuse to salute him as Dominus dulcissimus, and Pater venerabilis.  His solicitude as a shepherd to do his duty to all the sheep, constrains him to force himself upon their attention, and to be eager for correspondence or conference with a view to bringing them back to the fold.  He is perfectly assured of the absolute and final correctness of his idea of the Church, and of the hopeless error of Donatism, an error so great as to merit eternal destruction.  He discriminates, however, between heresy and schism at this time.  Rebaptism in any case is a sin, but as applied to apostatizing Catholics, is an immanissimum scelus.  There is only one baptism; that of Christ; as there was no double circumcision, so the sacrament of the New Testament should not be repeated.  The Church is the owner of the nations which are Christ’s inheritance, and of the ends of the earth, which are his possession; hence it is universal; the seamless robe should not be rent.  Moreover the Lord’s threshing-floor has chaff upon it along with the wheat, and therefore he urged the disuse of imputations through unworthy members on either side, whether Macarius or Circumcelliones.  The schism made itself disastrously felt in all domestic and social relations.  He engages to avoid anything that would look like using the power of the state for coercing conscience, and begs that on Maximin’s side the Circumcelliones may be restrained.  [Ep. xxiii.]

A Plenary council of all Africa was convened in Hippo-Regius in 393, before which Augustin preached the sermon.  His subject was Faith and the Creed:  his handling made such an impression that he was induced to expand it into the treatise:  De Fide et Symbolo.  In explaining the article credimus et sanctam ecclesiam, utique catholicam, he reflects on heretics and schismatics as claiming the title of churches for their congregations; and distinguishes between these two opponents of the Catholic body, heretics erring in doctrine, schismatics, while similar to the Catholic body in views of truth yet transgressing in the rupture of fraternal love.  Neither pertain to the true Church of God.  (Cp. Retractt. I. xvii).

 Determined if possible to win the ear of all classes, the presbyter next affected a poem, "Psalmus contra Partem Donati," in the art of an Abecedarium, running the letters to U.  The line with which it began was to be chanted as a refrain after each group of usually twelve lines connected with each letter, the whole closing with an extended epilogue.  A generally vulgar performance it is, and purposely disclaimed all metrical dignity; and yet it contains the germs of his logical and historical opinions on the controverted points.  The Church is a net in the sea of the world, enclosing the good and bad, which are not to be separated until the net is drawn to the shore.  Those who accuse the Catholics of tradition, were themselves traditors and broke the net.  The history is repeated, and all proof of the Donatist charges declared to be wanting.  Unity is a note of the Church, and toleration within the net essential to its preservation.  Over against Macarius he puts the violent Circumcelliones.  The wicked members of the Church do not contaminate the good by a communion which is only outward and not of the heart.  The threshing-floor has chaff upon it; wheat and tares must grow together.  The Catholics rear the Elijah altar, the Donatist the Baal altar over against it.  Christ endured Judas.  Why rebaptize us, he exclaims, when you do not repeat the rite upon your once expelled but now restored Maximianists?  Surely it is better to draw life from the real root.  The character of him who administers the sacrament has nothing to do with its efficiency; and so he returns to the necessity for toleration within the net, as Judas was forborne in the apostolic company.  The epilogue pictures the personified Church expostulating with the Donatists for quarreling with their Mother, and presents a loose summary of the previous arguments.

It is doubtful whether, even in the fashion of the times, so lengthy a poem could become a street theme, or find many repeaters in the markets and inns of Hippo or Carthage, although the refrain for peace and truthful judgment might catch the ear of the more zealous.  [Cp. Retractt. I. xx.].

The Bishop of Carthage, Donatus the Great, the sphinx of Donatism, had written a book to vindicate the claim of his church to the only Christian baptism.  The work obtained considerable currency, and maintained its authority, even in Augustin’s day, so he answered it during the year 393, most probably, in a treatise of one book now no longer extant, but which has been given the title:  "Contra Epistolam Donati hæretici,"  The Retractations (I. xxi.) correct some points which had been held in this work.  (1). According to the Ambrosian view, Augustin here identified Peter with the rock, on which the Church was to be built; but afterwards he regarded that rock as Christ, who was the subject of the Petrine confession; on Christ was the Church to be built, and to the Church as thus reared, were given the keys.  (2). The Donatus present at the Roman Synod, he had spoken of as the bishop of Carthage, the author of the book, which error is corrected in the Retractations.  (3). He had also charged the writer with falsifying a favorite passage of their side, Ecclus. xxxiv. 30, but afterwards found that some codices read according to the Donatist quotation, and apologizes for his assertions.

Doubtless many of the sermons preached during his presbyterate had reference to the schism, but the chronology of these is too uncertain to allow of any definite arrangement.

We pass to the period of his co-bishopric with the aged Valerius, which dates from 395 A.D.

Evodius, a brother connected with the Church at Hippo Regius, had a chance meeting with Proculeianus, bishop of the Donatist body in that diocese.  The two fell into a discussion of their mutual differences.  Evodius spoke in rather a lofty and censorious way, after the fashion of his side, and wounded the feelings of the older disputant, for the Donatists, like all kindred bodies, cultivated an undue sensitiveness and were altogether too ready to take offense.  Proculeianus, however, expressed a perfect readiness to have a friendly debate with Augustin in the presence of competent men.  In view of this suggestion, and in the absence of Valerius, Augustin, always anxious to improve such an opening, addressed a letter to Proculeianus (c. 396), with courteous recognition, and no such sharp denial of the episcopal function as in the case of Maximin.  He apologizes for the severe language of his friend, and in every way avoids any expression which might cause the tendrils again to be drawn in.  The methods suggested for discussion show the anxiety of Augustin to beat out the fire of Donatism; there is the debate before chosen hearers, all the statements to be written out for use; or there is the private discussion through mutual discourse, to be read to one another and corrected, and so given to the people; or the single correspondence with a view to public lections, or any possible way that the aged bishop himself might prefer.  He urges that the dead bury their dead, and the past history be left out of the debate; the present with its burning dissensions affords sufficient topics.  As the people seek the bishop to arbitrate in their private litigations, let these worthies cultivate peace in this broader field; to this end he invites to prayer and conference.  (Ep. xxxiii.).

Apparently the letter led to nothing practical.  A new turn was given to matters.  A son had beaten his mother, and threatened her life; to avoid Catholic discipline, he joined the Donatists and was rebaptized by them:  as Augustin says, he wounded also his spiritual mother by contemning her sacrament.  Public registration of the facts were made by Augustin, all the more because the reported instructions, given by bishop Proculeianus to his presbyter Victor concerning the affair, had already been denied.  The case presented an opportunity for getting at some rule for the recognition of one another’s discipline.  Accordingly Augustin addresses himself to Eusebius, a judicious Donatist of higher rank.  He professes that his aim is peace; he emphasizes with impatient vehemence his opposition to coercive measures in matters of conscience:  neque me id agere ut ad communionem catholicam quisquam cogatur invitus.  He asks Eusebius to find out whether Proculeianus had given the order to his presbyter as recorded; whether the bishop would consent to a collation between themselves and ten selected men on each side, agreeably to the original suggestion so that the whole question might be discussed from the Scriptural grounds, not the historical.  Some proposals for a meeting either at the Donatist region of Constantina, or at their projected council at Milevis, he could not accept, because both lay outside of his diocese.  If Proculeianus objected to the dialectic and rhetorical skill of his counter bishop, the latter would propose Samsucius, bishop of Turris, an earnest but uncultivated man, as a substitute to lead the Catholic side.  (Ep. xxxiv.).

Eusebius declined to interfere on the ground that he could not be a judge, so Augustin replies (Ep. xxxv.) that he had only asked him to make some inquiries, because the bishop refused to have any direct communication.  The need for some adjustment concerning discipline had become very pressing; a Catholic subdeacon and some nuns under rebuke had been received into full standing by the Donatists, yet their subsequent career had been even more scandalous.  Augustin claimed that the Catholics always respected the penal enactments of their opponents.  To show his own hostility to compulsory conversions, he cites the case of a daughter, who against the paternal will had joined the Donatists, and had professed among them; when the father was about to use violence for her recall, he was dissuaded by Augustin, and when a presbyter of Proculeianus had shouted abusive epithets at him, although upon the property of a Catholic woman, he neither replied nor allowed others to resent the insult.

A practical treatise is ascribed by some to this time, called de Agone Christiano.  In expounding the faith he warns against different groups of heretics and schismatics.  In Chap. xxix. 31, he cautions against listening to the Donatist party, who deny the one holy Catholic church to be diffused throughout the whole world, and claim it to be alone in Africa, and there among themselves, against the plain Scripture teaching of its universality; they affirm that the prophecies of its extension have already been fulfilled, after which the whole church perished outside of their remnant.  He alludes to the divisions which have befallen them as a retribution for their separation.  If the end shall come after the preaching of the gospel to all nations, how can all nations have lapsed from the faith, when there remain some who are yet to hear and believe?  This system robs Christ of His glory, and is to be avoided by all who love the Church.  (Cp. Retractt. II. iii.).

In 397 A.D., at the death of Valerius, he became sole bishop.  In this year, while on a visit to Tibursi, he had met with Glorius and other Donatists, with whom he held a friendly disputation on the origin and history of the schism, during which some Donatist documents were produced which he declared to be false, and from memory recapitulated the archives current on his side.  Augustin pursued his journey to Gelizi, where he attended to some episcopal duties, and brought back with him a copy of the Catholic Gesta, and spent a day with these friends in reading them, but could not quite finish.  He subsequently reproduces this story with the arguments in a letter.  (Ep. xliii.).  The chief burden is a criticism of the Acts, highly important in its place, but it must be passed by here save to remark that in speaking of Bishop Secundus, he suggests that it would have been better to appeal to the principalities of Rome or of some other apostolic church, than to have proceeded as he did; he should have preserved the unity at all hazards; had the case been inexplicable, he should have left it to God; if definable, he should have addressed the transmarine bishops, after finding that his peers at home could not adjust the difficulty; disobedience on the part of Cæcilian to such an order, would have made him the author of the schism; but now the Donatist altar is set up against the Universal Church.  It may be well to note that throughout the survey of these acts, there appears a manifest contradiction as to the beginning of the appellations.  In the next place, the Donatists are held guilty of schism, rebaptism, and resistance to civil correction; of non-communion with those churches concerning whom they read in their lections; and of the demand for purism against the Lord’s parable.  The angels of the churches in the apocalypse are ecclesiastical powers, not heavenly messengers.  The Church cannot be charged with the crimes of the evil men in it.  Toleration is the only practice by which unity can be conserved; Moses bore with murmurers, David with Saul, Samuel with the sons of Eli, Christ with Judas.  They themselves forbear with Circumcelliones, with Optatus bishop of Thamugada.  The emphasis, however, is not so much upon those matters as upon schism.  He would rather leave the archives and elucidate the doctrine, in which he claims to have the book of the world; that the Catholics are the Lord’s inheritance; that they stand in fellowship with the churches of the New Testament; they are the light of the world.  A divine rebuke has befallen Donatism in all the tenets of its particularity, by the schism and return of the Maximianists.

No open door was passed by.  On a journey to Cirta, possibly about the beginning of 398 A.D., he visited with clerical friends the aged Donatist, bishop Fortunius, at Tibursi.  A great company gathered who interrupted the debate; all attempts at taking notes were finally given up.  In a letter (Ep. xliv.) to the Donatists, Eleusius, Glorius, and the two Felixes, who were of the number of those addressed in the previous epistle, he speaks of their witness to the conciliatory disposition of Fortunius, and recounts the substance of the interview, with the desire that it may be submitted to that bishop for correction.  The discussion had opened with the question of the Church.  Fortunius regretted that Augustin was not in it; the latter reversed the wish.  What is the Church?  Is it diffused throughout the whole world, or is it confined to Africa?  Can the Donatists send letters of communion to any of the apostolic churches?  Thence they dissected the Donatist claim to be the people of God, on account of their subjection to persecution; in which it appears that they recorded the schism of the whole world from themselves as the true Church as due to sympathy with the Macarian persecution; up to that time they had held fellowship with the whole world, and as proof thereof brought forward a letter of a council of Sardica addressed to them.  From the condemnation of Athanasius and Julius by this document, Augustin, to whom it was new, concluded that this was an Arian council, and was only the more damaging to their theory.  The note of persecution being resumed, he maintained that there was no approved suffering unless for a just cause, and hence the justice of the cause must first be established.  Though Ambrose had endured violence at the hand of the soldiery, they would deny him to be a Christian, for they would rebaptize even him.  Maximianists on the other hand were confessed to be just, although they had been dispossessed of their basilicas by the Primianist appeal to the state.  As an offset, Fortunius urged the curious fact that before the election of Majorinus, an interventor had been chosen, whom the Cæcilianists put out of the way.  On the following day Augustin had to confess that there was no example in the New Testament to justify compulsion in matters of faith.  The next topic was Discipline.  Augustin pleaded for toleration in order to keep unity.  A point as to Johannic baptism sprang up, but was not pressed.  From this time the debate became miscellaneous and repetitious; in its progress Fortunius confessed reluctantly that rebaptism was a fixed practice among them, and that even a Catholic bishop so highly esteemed among the Donatists for his non-persecuting spirit as was Genethlius, would have to submit to the rite before he could be recognized by their body.  Augustin proposes a further examination of matters, with a view to peace, but the pacific Fortunius doubts whether many of the so-called Catholics really desire concord, to which Augustin replies that he can find ten men who would heartily enter into such a conference.

On the next day the venerable Donatist calls upon his opponent to resume their talk, until an ordination called Augustin away; we also obtain information of the Cœlicolæ professing a new sort of baptism, with whose leader he desired to confer.  The letter closes with a proposition to meet in the little village of Titia, near Tibursi, where there was no church, and the population pretty equally divided, and where no crowd could disturb the progress of the investigation; thither all documents should be brought and the whole subject canvassed for as long a time as it might take to terminate the discussion.

During the year Augustin issued a weighty work, which stands closely related to these visits to Fortunius.  It was in two books named by himself:  Contra partem Donati.  Unhappily it is lost, but in the Retractations (II. v.), he says, that in the first book he had opposed the use of the secular power for compelling the schismatics to return to the communion of the State Church, a form of discipline which experience afterwards persuaded him was necessary and wholesome.

Possibly it was at the close of the year 398 that a hint from the Donatist bishop Honoratus was brought by Herotes to Augustin, to the effect that they carry on a correspondence on the questions in dispute between them, and avoid the uproar of public debates.  Augustin acquiesces heartily, and at once plunges (Ep. xlix.) into the doctrinal aspect of the matter.  He begins with the note of Universality, the Church is diffused through the whole world, to establish which he brings forward some of his key passages, Ps. 2:7, 8, Matt. 24:14, Rom. 1:5.  With all the apostolic churches Catholics communicate, Donatists do not.  How then can this universality be limited?  Why call the Catholic church Macarian, when the name of Macarius or Donatus is not known in any of these gospel regions?  It rests with Donatists to prove how the Church is lost from the whole world and is confined to them.  Catholics can rely on the Scriptures only for their theory.  Correspondence seems to him also the better plan for discussion.  Whether this mutual approach went further is not known.

It may have been in 399 A.D. that the Donatist presbyter Crispinus had met Augustin at Carthage; the two joined words, and both seem to have become heated; the former made promise to resume the parley at a later date, to the fulfillment of which the bishop had occasionally urged him.  When Crispinus was elevated to the see of Calama, c. 400 A.D., and was not far from Augustin’s diocese, the latter addressed him a letter (Ep. li.) rehearsing these facts.  A new rumor credited Crispinus with being ready to enter the arena once more.  All salutation is avoided in Augustin’s letter, because the Donatists had accused him of servility.  For the sake of accuracy and instruction he proposes simply to correspond, whether by one interchange of letters or by many.  He pleads that present interests alone may be touched upon.  Schism according to the Old Testament was more severely punished than idolatry or the burning of the sacred scroll.  The charge of traditorship is set off by the acceptance of the Maximianists, whom the council of Bagai had condemned in such severe terms.  If a mistake was made with regard to them why not in Cæcilian’s case?  If these were really guilty, you consulted the wider duties of unity and toleration, and why not carry these principles farther and apply them to communion with the Catholics?  As to the charge of persecution, Augustin will not enter into the merits of the matter theoretically, nor stop to plead the mildness of the measures used, but at once asks why the Donatists used the State to dislodge the Maximianists, and to deny the Catholics the possession of genuine baptism is made foolish by the recognition of the rite as existing among the Maximianists who had been cut off, and were restored without a renewal of the ceremony.  The whole world had been condemned by the Donatists without an opportunity of being heard, and yet they accept the sacrament of the condemned Felicianus and Prætextatus.  While they deny the validity of the symbol as administered by apostolic communions, and by the missionary churches which brought the light to Africa, they maintain that their little fraction alone is its possessor.  Summarizing these arguments as a weight for the bishop to stagger under, he invokes the peace of Christ to conquer his heart.

In this same year one of his relatives, Severinus, who was a Donatist, sent a communication to him at Hippo by a special messenger, with a view of reopening friendly intercourse with his kinsman; and Augustin seizes it as a way to reestablish as well the higher kinship in Christ (Ep. lii.).  The Church is an unconcealable city set on a hill; it is Catholic, being diffused throughout the whole world.  The party of Donatus is cut off from the historic root of the Oriental churches, and therefore cannot bring forth the fruits of peace and love; indeed it suppresses Christ by its rebaptism.  Had their charges been genuine the transmarine bishops would have supported them; at any rate they should not have withdrawn from the Unity, but rather have practiced toleration.  He hopes that the bonds of custom may be broken by Severinus, and that both may find their truest relationship in Christ, since the state of schism is a despising of the eternal heritage and of perpetual salvation.

Further along in the year, a Donatist presbyter had sent to Generosus an ordo Christianitatis, or episcopal succession of Constantina, his native city, asserting that it had been delivered by an angel from heaven.  About nothing were the church externalists of every camp so eager as the preservation of the succession in proof of antiquity.  Generosus had only laughed at the man’s stupidity, but nevertheless wrote to the bishop of Hippo about it.  Fortunatus, Alypius and Augustin combine in a reply, undeniably written by the latter, commending him (Ep. liii.).  The ordo Christianitatis of the whole world is theirs, from which the Donatists do not hesitate to separate themselves.  This presbyter’s fiction would have to be rejected at any rate, even had it come from an angel, since all other gospels than that which teaches the universality of the Church are anathema.  That doctrine is in Matt. 24:14, Gen. 12:3, Gal. 3:16.  The true ordo is the Roman, which he gives from Peter to Anastasius, the cotemporary pope; no Donatist is found in this list; yet as Montenses and Cutzupitæ, they have intruded into Rome.  Had there been an actual tradition, or any wicked man in the Church, that would not have vitiated the ordo, or the Church, for the law of Christ is plain, Mt. 23.3, a passage again and again quoted by Augustin to substantiate this thought.  They are separated from the peace of these very churches, concerning which they read in their codices, and sing pax tecum.  There follows a very full and notable summary of the acts, as a refutation of the schism.  He prefers the Scriptural proofs, which certify to the world-wide reach of Christ’s inheritance, and its existence among all nations; from this they are separated by a nefarious schism, and charge upon the Catholics the crimes of the chaff on the threshing-floor, which must be mixed with the grain until the winnowing; these accusations do not affect the wheat which grows with the tares in the field until the end.  Their divinely appointed retribution is in the history of the Maximianists, with whom they now commune, and affirm that they are not stained thereby; let them apply that lenity of judgment to the inheritance of Christ.  The angel then was either Satan, or the man is Satanic, yet his salvation is desired; the sharp writing concerning him is without odium, and seeks only his correction.

Celer was a Donatist, a man of middle age and of considerable estate and civil position. He afterwards rose to the proconsulship.  Augustin expresses (Ep. lvi.) a peculiar respect and affection for him, as a man of integrity and seriousness.  He had desired direct instruction from the bishop, both in a matter of Christian culture and in the controversies between the two parties.  Weighed down with the cares of visitation, Augustin had to delegate his presbyter Optatus to the reading and explanations of the bishop’s works and views in Celer’s leisure hours.  The superior claims of the life beyond are set before him, together with the overwhelming force of the proofs against the schism, so that the dullest with patience and attention can get correction.  The sundering of the bonds of custom and of a perversity that has become familiar, is a matter requiring great strength of character, for which step however, he, under God, would be readily capable.

But Celer was not persuaded to change his church connection by this first endeavor.  On the contrary, Augustin thought he saw a laxity in the enforcement of the repressive measure ordered by the government, and so wrote a second time (Ep. lvii.).  He affirms that there is no just cause for separation from that Catholic church which prophets and evangelist have declared should be diffused through the whole world.  A long retained codex of Augustin, which had been loaned to Celer through Cæcilian, his own son, who seems to have been under the special tutelage of the bishop, was designed to convince the state official on this very point (we do not know which writing it may have been), should inclination or leisure lead him to its perusal, and whatever difficulties might occur, Augustin was ready to answer.  He desires him also to stir up his subordinates to greater care in restoring the Catholic unity in the region of Hippo; indeed he cautions him to diligence on his own estates; a friend there, who fears to be strict in the carrying out of the statutes, could have his position alleviated by a word from Celer his patron.  From this point we notice a decided sympathy with the effort to break up Donatism by force.

Parmenian, the successor of Donatus the Great in the see of Carthage, was one of the brightest disputants on their side.  Against him Optatus of Milevis had directed his review of the schism, full indeed of grave historical blunders, but not lacking in that suavity which those who think they have the keys of heaven sometimes affect.  When Tychonius had exposed some of the inconsequences and weaknesses of the Donatist theory of the Church, Parmenian undertook a reply, whose main object was to fortify the propositions, (1) that the evil defile the good in the Church, and must therefore be cut off; and (2) that puristic folly, that the Donatist community was absolutely pure in its membership and priesthood.  To this much-esteemed work, Augustin replies (c. 400 A.D.) in three books:  Contra Epistolam Parmeniani.

In Book I. the main question is, who really incurred the guilt of schism, and initiated the appeal to the State?  He opens with the praise of Tychonius as man and author, but misses the acute drift of that great man’s argument.  He seeks to answer the data of the origin of the separation as given by Parmenian, who attributes it to the joint movement of Gaul, Spain and Italy in seeking to make their views universal, and to the influence of Hosius over Constantine, in winning him to their opinion; nor does Parmenius cease to deprecate the imperial intervention.  Augustin defends this use of the secular arm, but accuses the Donatists by their history of beginning it in the appeal to Constantine, in the treatment of the Rogatists and Maximianists, in the abuses of the Circumcelliones, in their petition to Julian.

Book II. discusses the texts alleged by the Donatists in support of the purity of the Church, the need of discipline, the sole validity of their baptism and ordination, the blamelessness of their members and clergy.  While both fail in exegetical principles, Parmenian, after the manner of his school, is aggravatingly guilty of using mere catch-words, without regard to text or context.  He quotes indiscriminately whatever sounds favorable to his cause.  Some of the passages are: Isa. 5:20, Prov. 17:15, Isa. 59:1, Sir. 10:2, Isa. 66:3, Prov. 21:27, and others.  Augustin gives his interpretations, and does not fail to prod his opponent with barbs of Optatus, Maximianists, and Circumcelliones.

Book III. handles further the theory of purism in the light of Scriptural proofs.  The first part is mainly an endeavor to give the true significance of 1 Cor. 5:12, 13.  (Compare his correction in the Retractt. II. xvii.).  Augustin is constrained to confess the need of some internal discipline, and then enforces with wider range the notes of universality, unity and toleration, especially as illustrated by Cyprian.  [Cp. Retractt.. II. xvii.].

In the work against Parmenian, he had promised to write more fully on this subject of baptism, the frequent persuasions of the brethren also moved him so that in this same year (400 A.D.) he issued the seven books De Baptismo:  Contra Donatistas.  The double purpose is to define that sacrament as the property of Christ, and to overthrow the Donatist appeal to the authority of Cyprian and the famous council of Carthage, with its eighty-seven deliverances in favor of the repetition of the rite.  Since this is one of the works translated in the accompanying volume any further analysis may be passed by.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xviii.].

In this period of frequent and heated controversy, a Donatist layman, Centurius by name, brought some of their quotations and writings, and supported with Scriptural proofs to the Church in Hippo.  It seems to have begun with an exposition of Prov. 9.17.  (N. Afr. version and LXX).  Augustin answered them briefly in a tractate, which he entitles:  Contra quod attulit Centurius a Donatistis.  It is however not extant.  In the Retractations (II. xix.) it is placed immediately after the work on Baptism.

Meanwhile, and as the Retractations tell us, before he had finished his work on the Trinity, and his literal commentary on Genesis, he found it desirable to reply to the pastoral letter of Petilian, Donatist bishop of Constantina; unfortunately only a part of the epistle came into his hand, so strenuous and vigilant were the efforts to hide their literature from the eyes of this ardent foe.  He replied with one book to so much as he had received, c. 400 A.D.  Some of his clergy subsequently obtained and wrote out a complete copy, so that he composed the second book, c. 401 A.D.  Meanwhile Petilian responded to the first issue, and this necessitated a third book, c. 401 or 402 A.D.  The three books were collected into one treatise, and are known under the title Contra Litteras Petiliani.  The main object of the series is the refutation of Petilian’s proposition:  "Conscientia namque (sancte) dantis attenditur, quæ (qui) abluat accipientis."  "Nam qui fidem (sciens) a perfido sumpserit, non fidem percipit, sed reatum."  "What we look for is the conscience of the giver (him who gives in holiness), to cleanse that of the recipient."  "For he who (wittingly) receives faith from the faithless receives not faith, but guilt."  Since the work is also a part of this volume, we need not dwell on it farther.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxv.]

The civil restraints were applied with vigor on the one side and resented on the other by the retaliatory Circumcelliones.  To Pammachius, a man of senatorial rank, Augustin, in 401 A.D., sends a letter [Ep. lviii.] of exuberant congratulations and flatteries, because he had compelled some of his Numidian tenants to return to the mother Church; a converting agency which he condemns unmercifully when practiced by the Donatists.  The plan, he says, would have been urged upon other landholders, had the clergy not been afraid of the scornful finger of the Donatists, who were in such favor with the proprietors, that an effort like this might have failed.  He desires the senator to circulate this letter wherever there was promise of effect.  The bishop, now thoroughly committed to these arbitrary procedures, was in some trepidation lest the plausible arguments which the Donatists were urging, might shake the resolution of Pammachius himself, and so he sends a secret commission of instruction.

The coercive measures yielded fruit, and the question about the status of recedent Donatist clergy now became pressing.  Augustin had already met with a certain Theodore on this subject, and in a letter addressed to him [Ep. lxi.] c. 401, recapitulated the proposition then agreed upon, to be used as a basis for treatment with all who wanted to come over.  The Catholic church opposed only the schism and the rebaptism among the Donatists; what was good she was ready to acknowledge.  Baptism itself, ordination, self-denial, celibacy, doctrinal views, especially as to the Trinity, these were confessedly right, only to reap the profit of them, it was essential for Donatists to be in the unity and in the root.

The Council of Carthage of September 13, 401, adopted this view, Can. 2.  There had also been a remarkable scarcity of Catholic clergy, so that application had been made to Rome and Milan for relief; probably this had its influence upon so charitable a view of schismatic ordination.

It was alleged that Crispinus, the bishop of Calama, had bought a state farm at Mappalia, and had rebaptized the tenants.  Augustin was roused by this counter-irritant and wrote him a letter, c. 402 A.D. [Ep. lxvi.], wondering what he would do if the authorities were to impose the fine for every offense.  He pleads for an answer to Christ, whose was all the world, because bought with his blood, while the Donatist would affirm that Christ had lost all the world save Africa.  He urges a public discussion of the mooted points before these converts, which should be reported and done into Punic as a test of their freedom in this conversion, and frankly enough offers to do the same for any case of coercion on his side.  Unless Crispinus and his helpers acquiesce, he will hold them guilty.

The uppermost talk of those times was the extraordinary charity of the Donatists toward the Maximianists.  One form of apology for such a seeming vacation of all their tenets was to say, e.g., of Felicianus of Musti, that he was ignorantly condemned when innocent and absent, so in his absence, he was reinstated.  This statement was made by a Donatis bishop, Clarentius, in reply to the inquiries of Naucelio.  Alypius and Augustin, who were made aware of this defense, urged in criticism [Ep. lxx.] that the Council of Bagai was therefore guilty in condemning Felicianus unheard, and all the more in that they afterward found him to be innocent.  Either he ought not to have been condemned if he was innocent, or if guilty, he ought not to have been received back.  If the council erred, why not apply such a liability to error to the origin of the schism; might not Cæcilian, unheard, have been condemned although innocent?  But, as a matter of fact, Felicianus was found guilty while in thorough and declared sympathy with Maximian, and the state was called upon to enforce his ejection.  If he was welcomed without rebaptism, why not treat the Church diffused through the whole world with the same consideration?

It was probably in the year 402 that he addressed a general appeal to the Donatist [Ep. lxxvi.], not to endanger their salvation by continuance in schism.  If they counted the surrender of the sacred books so great a sin, how much more grievous a transgression ought the refusal to obey the plain commands of these books as to unity be considered.  He brings forward the usual array of passages to demonstrate the universality of the Church, and that any limitation of this note, can only be at the end of the world.  The attempt to separate the wheat from the tares before the harvest, is only a proof that they are of the tares.  A rapid survey of the origin of the schism follows, and all the archives are made to tell against them.  He asks how they can hold any theory of purism while they regard Optatus as a martyr and welcome the excommunicated Maximianists?  Schism in the Scriptures is punished more severely than the burning of the books.  Why complain about traditorship when Maximianists are received?  Why abuse the imperial laws directed against them, when they had invoked the same against the Maximianists?  If theirs is the only baptism, what is the baptism of these Maximianists, which is without question validated?  He challenges the Donatist bishops to discuss these matters with their laity, if they persist in declining to meet the Catholics, and bids the sheep beware of the wolves and their den.

The ad Catholicos Epistola, popularly known as de Unitate Ecclesiæ, is pretty generally attributed to Augustin, and is addressed to the brethren of his charge; it may be taken as a contrast to the previous letter directed to the Donatists, and not unlikely saw the light in 402 A.D.  This book is designed as a continuance of the controversy with Petilian, and indeed a further correspondence is proposed, so that the work must have appeared before that bishop’s death, which is generally placed in this year.  The chief question between the two parties is, Where is the Church?  Is it with Catholic or Donatist?  The Church is one and Catholic:  it is the body of Christ, consisting of Him as its Head and those in Him as members.  The historical issue in any of four possibilities of truth or falsity does not justify separation from this body.  The point is, What does the Lord say?  The Donatist should believe in the books, which he says were delivered up, and put aside all other documents except the divine canons.  Do the Scriptures say that the Church is in Africa only, and in the few Cutzupitanæ or Montenses at Rome, and in the house or patrimony of one woman in Spain, or is it in the whole world?  A second time does he start out with a definition of the Church, as having for its head the Only Begotten Son, and for its body the members in Him; as bridegroom and bride, two in one flesh.  Any divergence from the Head or the body, whether caused by difference in doctrine or government, is per se outside of the Church.  He meets the two favorite Donatistic comparisons of the divine institution with the ark and Gideon’s fleece, and then enlarges upon the note of universality, with included unity, by Scripture texts from the Law, the Prophets, especially Isaiah, and the Psalms.  From the Donatist position these are not fulfilled, because, say they, men are unwilling.  Men were created with free will; they believe or disbelieve according to that.  When the Church began to increase in the world, men refused to persevere, and the Christian religion was lost from all the nations with the exception of the Donatists.  All this, replies Augustin, as if the Spirit of God did not know the future volitions of men.  But Christ, after the resurrection, said that the Law, the Prophets and the Psalms testified of Him, and that the fulfillment of his kingdom should begin from Jerusalem.  He then follows out the expansion of the Church as given in the Acts, and the foundation of Christian communities as mentioned in the Epistles and the Revelation.  The Donatists reply to this theory of development that the Church perished save among them in North Africa.  It is among the few:  for which they cite a similar state of things under Enoch, Noah, Lot, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the Kingdom of Judah.  The spread of the Church did indeed begin from Jerusalem, but afterwards an apostasy befell it, in the progress of which the communion of the Donatists alone remained faithful.  Augustin says the fact that there are evil persons in the Church is simply a proof of the fulfillment of those parables of our Lord, which illustrate the mixed characters in his kingdom.  There is indeed a paucity of the good, but within that communion.  Then follows a discussion of the geographical limitation, the Donatists maintaining that the Oriental churches and the rest mentioned in the sacred canon had receded from the faith.  Especially is their favorite paragraph, a passage from Song of Sol. 1.7, commented upon.  He presses the continuous preaching among all nations, after which event the end is to come; there must be such a universal growth to that end.  Let us cease drawing from the acts and sayings of men about this great matter, and take the simple testimony of the Scriptures.  But the Donatists object:  If the Church be among you why do you compel us by force to enter its peace?  Or if we are evil why do you desire us? and if we are tares why hinder us from growing until the harvest?  Augustin then justifies the system of correction adopted in loving care for their salvation, not failing to remind them of the Circumcelliones and their own action with regard to the Maximianists.  Another inquiry of the Donatists was, How will you recognize us if we come to you?  Augustin says, as the universally founded Church is wont to receive, put away all hatred and your sacraments are acknowledged.  This leads to the discussion of baptism and of that related topic, the effect, of the celebrant’s character, upon the recipient.  He returns finally to the note of universality as essential to the unity, with the one Head and the one body.

Somewhere about 404 A.D. two official cases of discipline had occurred in Augustin’s monasterium, which had grieved the pride of the clergy, because they had boasted of their establishment as really purer than the puristic body gathered about the Donatist bishop Proculeianus.  They were more troubled about this than about the sins of the suspected brethren, one of whom, however, seemed to have considerable injustice done him.  While discussing this matter [in Ep. lxxviii.] he incidentally mentions the lapse of two Donatists, who had been received into Augustin’s communion, and whose conduct the clergy had regarded as a proof of the laxity of discipline under Proculeianus.

A sermon on the 95th Ps. (96) may have been preached in the year 404 or thereabouts, in which he rebukes the Donatists for their pride in claiming either that they, the few in Africa, are the ones bought by Christ, or that they are so great because this large gift was bestowed on them alone.  And in commenting on v. 10, dicite in nationibus, Dominus regnavit a ligno, etc., he twits them with seeking this reign by the wood through the cudgels of the Circumcelliones; and enlarges too upon the theme of universality, against their undiscoverable here and there.

Cæcilianus, whose exact civil office, whether vicar or præfectus annonæ is yet undetermined, Augustin addresses as præses in Ep. lxxxvi., which is ascribed to 405 A.D.  The severer edicts of Honorius had just been published.  This official had carried them out with telling earnestness.  His administration in the greater part of Africa is particularly commended; the bishop begs of him to restore the Catholic unity also in Hippo and the frontiers of Numidia.  The ill-success of his own work is not due to lack of episcopal duty, and he asks Cæcilianus to inquire of the clergy, or of the bearer, a commissioned presbyter, about the true state of matters; he would have the State begin with monitions in the hope of preventing a resort to severer remedies.

Emeritus, the bishop of Julia Cæsarea, one of the seven Donatist disputants at the later conference, did not shun correspondence or association with his opponents.  He is described as a man of parts and character.  Augustin had written a letter to him, which is not preserved, and it had received no reply.  He once more seeks to win him to a friendly discussion or correspondence [Ep. lxxxvii.], in this time of general return to the mother Church.  He would have all men of culture come back to the true fellowship.  What Emeritus’s particular ground for continuing in separation may be he does not know.  He proceeds to discuss universality, purism, the validity of the documents, the heinousness of schism, the paucity of numbers, and the right of coercion.

The enforcement of the civil edicts was followed by violent outbreaks of the Circumcelliones, especially in Augustin’s diocese.  The clergy united in a protest [Ep. lxxxviii.] addressed to the venerable Bishop Januarius, a Donatist, probably in 406 A.D.  They claim (1) that they are receiving evil for good.  (2) The appeal to the state was begun by the Majorinists, and two full documents are given in proof.  (3) All decrees of the empire since, are the simple execution of the edict of Constantine against the party of Donatus which these had wanted to be issued against Cæcilian.  (4) The acts of the Circumcelliones; were the real occasion for sharper efforts at suppression; instances of their cruelty are mentioned.  (5) The Catholics have pursued a conciliatory policy by conferences and by desiring a mitigation of the penalties, which were frustrated the one by refusals, the other by a gross assault on the Catholic bishop of Bagai; all who come into the hands of the state clergy, are treated with merciful persuasion.  (6) Various proposals for peace are suggested.

Festus, a government official and a landed proprietor apparently in Hippo, had written a letter urging a return of the Donatists to the mother Church.  It bore little fruit, and he asks Augustin first to instruct him and also to give him a tractate for general use.  Augustin, c. 406. [Ep. lxxxix.], enforces the duty of perseverance in the civil reclamation of the Donatists; their claim of persecution as a note attesting them to be the true people of God is folly, because it is not the mere suffering but the cause for which one suffers that makes a martyr.  He exhorts him to read the archives and see how the schismatics initiated the appeal to the secular power, and how all things that have befallen them through that arm would have been the just fate of the Cæcilianists, had the Donatist course been approved.  Besides, why this unjust treatment of the Church universal in condemning it unheard, and rebaptizing its members, who have done them no wrong?  The theory that baptism alone is valid when administered by the just, is putting a trust in man which the Scriptures condemn; the sacrament is not man’s but Christ’s; further, one would prefer to be baptized by a bad man, for then he would receive grace from Christ directly, according to their subterfuge.  He is vexed with their active and passive opposition; the mother has to correct, although her obstinate child may not like it.  They aver that the Catholics accept them without requiring any change in them, but the change required is great, no less a one than from error to truth.  The bishop proposes as a substitute for Festus’s plan, the sending of an authorized messenger secretly to himself, and they would devise together a method for the correction of the Donatists.

In the second sermon on Ps. cii. (ci.) preached about this time, when enlarging upon the unity he ridicules the Donatist assertion that the Church which was among all the nations had perished, as the impudent voice of those who are not in it declares.  So is their affirmation that Scripture prophecies about the spread of the kingdom have been fulfilled; all nations have believed, but this diffused communion apostatized and perished.  He rebukes the conceit that the Lord’s saying, I am with you, even to the end of the world, was designed for them alone, the Lord foreseeing that the party of Donatus would be in the earth.  If emperors have propounded laws against heretics, it is a part of the predictions which foretold how kings would serve the Lord.  Thence he expands the notes of universality and perpetuity.

Cresconius, a layman and philologist, read Augustin’s first book in answer to Petilian, and wrote a reply, which, however, was circulated among the Donatists only.  Augustin at last secured a copy, and wrote (406 A.D., some say as late as 409) Contra Cresconium Grammaticum Partis Donati, libri IV.  Three of these books controvert the arguments of Cresconius; part of the third and the fourth entire is a detailed polemic history of the Maximian schism.

In Book I. he alludes to the occasion of the writing, and hesitates between being regarded as contumelious if he declined an answer, and arrogant, should he reply.  Cresconius had attacked eloquence, which Augustin defends as simply the art of speaking, and as not to be condemned because it has been abused.  You do not condemn military armament for your country because others have taken up arms against the country; the physician does not refuse to use all drugs because some are baneful; because there are sophists one is not to deny the value of eloquence.  Cresconius seemed to regard its cultivation as injurious to the simplicity of Christian law and teaching.  He also had accused Augustin of persistent arrogance in his pertinacious pursuit of the Donatists.  Augustin claims to do a good work with good ends in view, and says its fruit has been a rich harvest for the Church.  So the discussion passes on to the use of dialectics, which Cresconius assails, but Augustin defends as nothing else than a demonstration of results, either the true from the true or the false from the false.  He justifies not disputatiousness, but the arguments by which truth is built up, for Christ employed it, and St. Paul wielded its weapons not only with the Jews but with Epicureans and Stoics.  In all this we have an illustration of that unfortunate tendency to undervalue culture whenever a puristic community passes into the fires.  Augustin applies the art to one of the points which Cresconius had discussed, viz., rebaptism.  He had endeavored to prove that it was solely among them.  Augustin concedes that the rite is there, but not its profit; in order to enjoy its profit, it must be administered lawfully.  The oneness of baptism as a ceremony is not dependent on the oneness of the Church, whereas its profit is.  A reprobate society of heretics can have a good baptism, but it is not properly and not profitably administered among them; the proper and profitable administration is solely in the Church to salvation; the rite outside is to judgment.

In Book II. after a résumé of the previous book, he notices first the criticism as to the true construction of the name Donatistœ; it should rather be Donatiani as Cresconius claimed.  He is ready to concede this, and in his controversy with the philologist will use that form, but on all other occasion he would prefer the more familiar termination.  Cresconius also protests against the term heretic as applied to them, which he regards as a divergence of views from the Christian faith; while a schism has sprung up among those for whom the same Christ was born, died and rose again, who have one religion, the same sacraments, and no diversity in Christian observance.  Augustin, however, while not particularly dwelling on these agreements, presses upon him the articles of divergence, and asks why they rebaptize?  The recognition of Donatist ordination concerning which Cresconius had asked, Augustin declares to be a matter of charity.  As to the question of Cresconius, Why, if the Donatists are such heretics and so sacrilegious, if they are indeed guilty of a nefarious and inexpiable crime, some purification is not adopted when they come over to the Catholic church?  Augustin answers:  We do not regard it as inexpiable, and baptism is not to be repeated, it is Christ’s; on coming to us the Donatist receives the Spirit signified by that rite; he begins to have healthfully what he previously had hurtfully and unworthily.  The relation of the celebrant to the symbol as presented by Cresconius is a modification of Petilianism.  "Regard is had," says he, "to the conscience of the giver, not according to its actuality, which cannot be perceived but according to his reputation, whether that be true or false."  Augustin does not fail to crowd him for the change of base.  The favorite passages of Ps. 141:5, Jer. 15:18, Sir. 34:31, are gone over.  Then he answers the charge made by Cresconius, as to the right of any sinner to baptize among the Catholics.  Finally, he reviews Cyprian’s relation to rebaptism, who is not a canonical authority for him; the Scriptures alone are such; but the Donatists ought to consider that decision of his to remain in unity from the fact that the mixed nature of its membership requires toleration.

Book III. Augustin contends that the Donatists by their schism from especially the Eastern churches had violated the principle of toleration, which their boasted leader had so strenuously enforced.  There follows then a seriatim consideration of the points made by Cresconius, similar to those maintained by Petilian, as to the importance of the origin and the head and root in baptism, or the character of the celebrant, and the rebaptism by Paul of John’s disciples.  The case of Optatus and the Maximianists next come under review, as witnesses against their testimonies.  Cresconius says he will neither absolve nor condemn Optatus, and as to the Maximianists, he professes to have made special inquiry into the whole history.  The Synod had granted a season of delay during which all who returned should be held innocent.  Of this very many availed themselves; the baptism of these was valid; those who remained outside lost both baptism and the church.  Augustin refutes the statement from its inherent contradictions and from the language of the Synod against the Maximianists.  Cresconius also brings forward the Sardican council’s letter to Donatus as a proof of sustained fellowship.  Augustin declares it to be an Arian council; and he insists on paralleling all Cresconius would say about Cæcilianism with the career of the Maximianists.  With reference to persecution, he cites in extenso their own persecutions, the case of Severus, bishop of Thubursicubur; the acts of Optatus; his own treatment at a collation by the Circumcelliones; the case of Crispinus, the Donatist bishop of Calama; their own invocation of the state against the Maximianists.  Thence he returns to the doctrine of the unity as universal with many of the familiar Scripture texts, and asserts by the documents that the Donatists were the occasion of the rupture.

Book IV. is a review of Cresconius’s work by the light of the Maximianist records.  Beginning with a pleasantry as to their eloquence and dialectic spirit, he follows in detail the points of Cresconius whether doctrinal or historical as to Cæcilian, mainly with Maximianist data as offsets.  Cresconius charges Augustin with having called Petilian Satan, and so violating the peace he professes.  Augustin claims that he only compared the error not the person, to Satan.  Nor had Cresconius forgotten to bring out the Manichæism of his opponent.  Augustin reminds him both of what he had written against them and also of what sins were forgiven in the return of Maximian, who was an old man when Augustin was but young; these were the sins of his youth.  The theories of fellowship, of persecution, of baptism, are all considered in the light of their own council of Bagai and its sequences.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxvi.].

After concluding his work against Cresconius, he issued, probably in this same year, a little treatise he had promised, containing a collection of proofs both for Donatist and Catholic popular use.  To the pledge itself an unknown Donatist replied, which led to the production of a second book, whose title Augustin designed to be:  Contra nescio quem Donatistam.  The original promise was fulfilled in the publication of the Probationes et Testimonia contra Donatistas, embracing all the ecclesiastical and public acts and Scripture proofs bearing on the questions between them.  It was designed mainly for public reading in the basilicas.  Both were joined in one book, although apparently afterwards separated.  In each he confesses to the error of placing the purgation of Felix after instead of before the vindication of Cæcilian.  At this writing he still regarded the Donatists as psychics and babes, but in his old age corrects his application of the words to them, since he came to consider them rather as dead and lost.  Unfortunately neither treatise has been preserved.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxvii. and xxviii.].

He also conceived the plan of preparing a polemic for the people who had little time for extended reading, by refuting the entire theory of the schism through the story of the excision and restoration of the Maximianists.  It appeared c. 406 A.D. under the name of Admonitio Donatistarum de Maximianistis:  this too is lost.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxix.].

An acquaintance of earlier days in Carthage, Vincentius, had become bishop of the little Rogatist fragment as the immediate successor of Rogatus himself at Cartenna.  He, or some one of that little band, had written a letter to Augustin with a pretty strong plea against persecution.  This was not unlikely in c. 408 A.D., and Augustin answers in one of his most weighty epistles (Ep. xciii.), under the supposition that Vincentius was the author, and vindicates the help of the State.  Evidently a change had come over Numidia, for he boasts of the multitudes who had been converted, and rejoices in the fruitful use of the secular arm for their salvation.  Even Circumcelliones had become steadfast Catholics.  Coercion stimulates the thoughtless and those bound by custom, and delivers these held back by fear; it is like a wholesome medicine, or the wounds inflicted by a friend.  God chastens in order to better the life and to bring men to repentance.  The householder instructs us to compel them to come in.  Sarah and Hagar are types; so the mother Church corrects her children.  Everything depends on the aim in persecution, whether it be done for oppression or for good; it is the difference between Pharaoh and Moses in their treatment of Israel.  The Father gave up the Son, and the Son gave Himself up; while Judas betrayed Him.  The righteousness of the end for which one suffers alone constitutes martyrdom.  The Rogatist is not suffering for righteousness but for unrighteousness.  Augustin is constrained to confess that there are no persecutions recorded in the New Testament as inflicted by Christians, but explains the omission as due to the fact that rulers were not yet members of the Church.  He thinks, too, that the moderate and discriminating form of the correction employed, helps to justify a resort thereto.  If the Rogatists have nothing to do with the violence of the Circumcelliones, and use no force as the rest of the Donatists do, it is because they are so few and feeble.  The Donatists, however, did use the secular arm against the Maximianists, and in the appeal to Julian.  He will not allow a distinction between resort to law for the recovery of property and for the coercion of the conscience.  He claims that to regain one’s own in this way has no apostolic warrant.  The Donatists, too, sought imperial aid to coerce Cæcilianus.  Why shall not Catholics return in kind?  The very edict of confiscation which had hit them they had hoped might fall on the head of Cæcilian and his followers.  What Tychonius said describes the very essence of Donatist arbitrariness:  quod volumus sanctum est.  The sin of separation from the whole world followed; the universal church was condemned unheard, and the toleration which Cyprian urged disregarded.  He traces his own change of views from the non-coercive to the coercive policy, the success of the method in hastening conversions won him wholly as an enthusiastic and persistent supporter.  He bids Vincentius flee from the wrath to come.  What is his little handful compared with the universal Church?  This note of universality he develops in extenso against their limitation, and especially their new definition of Catholic, as obedience to all the laws and the sacraments, and to their childish allegory of Song of Sol. 1.7.  He hints that in the ancient times there might have been a little schism which anticipated the Rogatists, and which had called itself exclusively the Church.  He thinks it is also the duty of the State to suppress idolatry.  The passage quoted from Hilary by Vincentius, as to the few who in Asia in his day were believers in spite of the spread of the Church, Augustin softens into an excited picture of the dark times of persecution.  Next, he discusses the position of Cyprian.  All patristic testimony, however, is of no final value; the only authority is the Word of God.  Moreover, if Cyprian be quoted, why not on the side of his love for unity and toleration?  The averment that the Church, with the exception of the Rogatists, perished by fellowship with the unbaptized, is met with the fact that in Cyprian’s time men had been received without rebaptism into the Church, and therefore the Church, according to their theory, must have perished before their day; if it, however, survived that condition, then there is no excuse left for a schism on that ground.  One is not of higher merit than Cyprian simply because he may abhor that father’s error, any more than they who did not fall into Peter’s mistake are above him in worth on that account.  Indeed Cyprian may have rectified his fault before death; and some say that those passages are interpolations.  Augustin, however, concedes their authenticity.  Cyprian, in his Epistle to Antonianus, shows how the African bishops maintained unity in spite of the corrupt lives of some colleagues; variations of opinion were allowed; neither were they contaminated by such a fellowship, nor was the Church destroyed.  Tychonius states the result of a Donatist council which granted fellowship to those in their own body who had been guilty of tradition, and that without rebaptism, in case the restored should oppose such a repetition of the rite.  Deuterius, bishop of Macriana, had admitted traditors to his communion without renewing the sacrament, and many witnesses of both facts were living in Tychonius’s own day.  Parmenian had indeed replied to the arguments, but could not gainsay the facts.  Augustin professes in all sincerity his anxiety for the salvation of the jeopardized Donatists; the Church acknowledges the Sacrament which they have administered, and desires them to have the profit thereof.  In defence of rebaptism Vincentius had alleged the case of Paul, repeating the ceremony after John.  Augustin asks was John then a heretic?  If not, it is for you to say why the ordinance was iterated; Christ’s baptism is always the same and must not be iterated; it has nothing to do with the merit or demerit of the individual, or else Paul would not have declined its continuous administration.  He begs him to put no confidence in the accident of their being a little company, and not to arrogate to themselves the title of Catholic, in the sense of being keepers of the entire law and all the sacraments, nor to peculiar sanctity as the few who were to have faith at the coming of the Son of Man.  The Church does not take pleasure in correction, save for conversion; she abhors those who seek Donatist property out of sheer covetousness, yet all property does belong to the true Church.  She has also no delight in any who disregard Donatist discipline, by receiving members who have been ejected from that body for sin.  The Catholic Church sustains the unity, and recognizes the mixture of chaff and wheat, good and bad fish, the goats and the sheep.  He bids him come to that Church into whose fellowship Vincentius had described Augustin as entering.  He closes with reflections on the aggravations in the sin of schism and on the need of repentance.

Olympius had recently been elevated to the dignity of magister officiorum.  He had written to Augustin soliciting his advice on the best way for the civil authority to help the Church.  Augustin, c. 408 [Ep. xcvii.], welcomes his elevation, commends his devotion to the body of Christ, and is glad to have his own timidity relieved by this invitation to lay before the highest official the exacting needs of the hour.  These had become grave; the very success of coercion had precipitated new commotions among the Circumcelliones and their clerical abettors.  A commission had sailed in mid-winter to solicit imperial help against their fury.  The first point he would suggest, but without having had the opportunity of consultation, save probably with bishop Severus, is to declare by proclamation that the imperial edicts were not the invention of Stilicho, as the Donatists and heathen boasted.  As to further plans, the episcopal commission would doubtless consult with him on their return from court.  He invites Olympius to rejoice with him on the practical benefits of coercion thus far.

It may have been a little later (c. 408 or 409) that Augustin writes to Donatus the proconsul (Ep. c.) regretting indeed that the Church must avail herself of the State, but he is gratified that so devoted a son is wielding the sword for her.  The crimes against the Church are greater than all other crimes, but in her discipline he deprecates any spirit of revenge, and pleads most beseechingly against the infliction of capital punishment; that would be a deterrent to the bringing in of any charges against the guilty.  He asks for a republication of the repressive laws, since the enemy is boasting of their repeal.

Augustin wrote a general letter to the Donatist people in c. 409 [Ep. cv.], in which he declares that the Catholic effort at their conversion is the work of peacemakers.  Some Donatist presbyters had ordered the Catholics to let their people alone, if they did not want to be killed, but Augustin would all the rather ask the people to recede from the schismatics because they were separated from that body for which Christ died.  Catholics must seek for the stolen sheep that had on them the mark of Christ.  The charge of being traditors, says he, we meet with a like accusation against you, and then you bid us leave.  You claim to be the Church on this unproved charge, unmindful of what law, prophecy, Psalms, Apostles and Gospels say as to its universality beginning at Jerusalem.  You are not in communion with that universal body, and you prevent the escape of others from a similar perdition.  The objection as to persecution he meets with an invitation to look at the deeds of clergy and Circumcelliones, and cites instances of grievous ill-treatment toward voluntary converts:  Marcus, presbyter of Casphalia, Restitutus of Victoria, Marcianus of Urga, Maximinus and Possidius, and then protests against their general violence and robberies, and especially against attributing martyrdom to those who had only been punished for their crimes.  To all this compulsion we oppose the State, he affirms, and many of your own people rejoice in deliverance from your oppressions.  You have filled Africa with false charges as to Cæcilian, Felix, etc., and though we do not place our hope in man, yet we do recognize the State as the servant of the Church.  Nebuchadnezzar is an example both of the persecutor and the correctionist.  You despise the baptism of Christ; ought this not to be punished?  He then reviews the history of the case in the light of the documents; commenting on them as forms of their own appeal to the State.  The liberty of error is most deadly to the soul.  Christ and the Apostles command unity, and this command the Emperors seek to enforce.  Only Julian and the heathen emperors were persecutors; the only martyrs are those who suffer for Catholic truth.  The whole imperial legislation against Donatism is the outcome of the original statute of Constantine and sprang after all from their appeal.  He next discusses their view of baptism and insists that the rite is independent of the character of the celebrant; were it dependent, then, according to their notion, we should rather desire to be baptized by a bad man, in order to receive the grace directly from Christ.  The appeal to unity follows.  Make concord with us he urges; we love you and desire to serve you, even by the aid of the temporal laws; we do not want you to perish as aliens from your Catholic mother.  Your charges you are unable to substantiate, and yet you avoid all conference with us, as if to shun fellowship with sinners; a false pride, which is rebuked by Paul’s conduct, by the Lord’s in his treatment of Judas; the Lord held conference even with the devil.  This he follows with extended Scriptural proofs of the universality of the Church.  He reminds them again of the unproved charges which apply rather to themselves; but he has no desire for the historical argument, rather for the doctrinal.  The Catholic aim is their conversion, whether by the persuasion of argument or the correction of laws.  They should remember the mixed nature of the Church, and that mere contact with evil does not defile.  If you hold to Christ, hold also to His Church; you kill us who seek to tell you the truth, and do not want you to perish in evil.  May God vindicate us and his cause by slaying your errors and making you rejoice with us in the truth.

On the death of Proculeianus, Macrobius succeeded to the see of Hippo Regius.  Augustin hears that he is about to rebaptize a subdeacon (Rusticianus) who under discipline left the Catholics.  Augustin urges him [Ep. cvi.], c. 409, not to do this by his desire to have life in God, and to please God by not making the sacraments vain, and by his hope of not being separated from the body of Christ eternally.  The Donatists have admitted the validity of baptism as administered by Felicianus and Primianus, why then rebaptize others? and begs him to search that case as a test of the whole matter.

Maximus and Theodore had been commissioned to deliver the previous letter to Bishop Macrobius.  He at first declined to listen to its reading, but was at last persuaded to attend, and in reply said:  It was his duty to receive all who came, and to give faith to those who asked it.  Into the question about Primian he would not enter, because of his own recent ordination; he was not a judge of his father, and he would remain in what his predecessors had accepted.  These replies were conveyed to Augustin in the letter cvii. (c. 409) by the two commissioners.

In still further hope of reaching Bishop Macrobius, Augustin addressed another epistle, (cviii. ) c. 409, to him in answer to the objections offered by him at the interview with the commissioners.  1. As to the point that he must receive those who come and give them the faith they ask:  Augustin proposes the case of some one who has received the rite in their communion, but had been separated from it for a time, and having returned, conscientiously desires to be rebaptized; Macrobius, according to his objection, could not repeat the rite, but would proceed to instruct him.  Why repeat it when Augustin administers it?  May be you will quote, "keep thyself from strange water and do not drink from a strange fountain."  How then will you explain the reception of Felicianus?  2. As to the second conclusion, that you would remain in the faith of your predecessors:  It is a pity for a young man of good parts to say so; nothing compels you to remain in evil; you had better be in the Church which began in Jerusalem and spread thence through the world.  3. And if you will not judge your fathers why judge my fathers?  If not Primian, why Cæcilian?  Why deny us to be brethren? why rend the body? why extinguish the baptism of Christ, who baptizes with the Spirit, and who gave Himself for the Church?  Yet your colleagues in effect do yield to the truth in their recognition of the Maximianists.  Judge not the evil but do judge what was good in Primian.  That act of his, the reception of the Maximianists, absolves the nations who are ignorant of what you accuse us.  He then traces the whole development of that schism and its overthrow, to show that those schismatics were not rebaptized at their return.  That history Augustin considers a divinely appointed refutation of all the Donatist tenets.  He proceeds to criticise their Scripture proofs, Prov. 9:18, Jer. 15:18, Eccl. 34:30, Ps. 141:5, which he turns against them through the story of the schism.  He next addresses himself to their theory of fellowship, and discusses their proof texts, 1 Tim. 5:22, Isa. 52:11, 1 Cor. 5:6; Ezekiel, Daniel, the Apostles, Christ and Paul all rebuke this purism.  Cyprian’s authority for rebaptism is reviewed.  Augustin repeats the doubts of very many as to the authenticity of those parts of his works which favor this view; but granted that they are valid, Cyprian, nevertheless, maintained unity and toleration, and by martyrdom purged his mistake.  There is, however, no martyrdom outside of the unity, as that father also testified.  Cyprian acknowledged as well the presence of many evil persons in the ministry and in the Church, but stood to it that unity must not be sacrificed on that account.  The Church is a mixed society; this is Christ’s law.  Had Macrobius’s associates remembered the parable of the wheat and tares they would not have separated.  This argument is concluded with a sort of summary of the points traversed before.  As to the note of persecution:  that alone is a martyrdom which surrenders the life for a good cause.  The Donatists too used the State in the case of the Maximianists, and to them belong the Circumcelliones.  The matter of unity and the connected points of toleration and fellowship are again enlarged upon.

A sermon attributed to Augustin, De Rusticiano subdiacono a Donatistis rebaptizato et in diaconum ordinato, falls in the same year, 409, with the letter to Bishop Macrobius.  There is an outburst of deep grief over the act.  It would appear that Rusticianus had been a special favorite of Augustin, on whom he had expended much care; but he had become involved in scurrilous deeds, in feasting and intemperance, day and night, and was plunged in debt, and at last was excommunicated by his presbyter, and so fled to the Donatists, by whom he was rebaptized and made a deacon; this defection happened in the diocese of the bishop Valerius (?); so Augustin interposed through Maximius and Theodorus with Bishop Macrobius, but in vain.  He deplores the disgrace done to the sacrament, as dishonor done to the sign of the King.  The repetition is contradicted by the procedure with regard to the returning Maximianists.  He corrects the misinterpretation of Ecclus. 34.30.  He wishes for the Donatists the experience of the prodigal, that they may be forgiven by return to the Church and so attain to the profit of charity.

Great calamities were befalling the Church in all parts of the world.  Victorianus, a presbyter, wrote to Augustin for relief from doubts as to the office of such afflictions; in the bishop’s reply, [Ep. cxi.] possibly of Nov., 409, he mentions the cruelties of the Donatists at Hippo exceeding those of the Barbarians, especially in the resort to acidified lime, clubbing, robberies, and other destructive measures to compel rebaptism; forty-eight in one place were thus forced to a repetition.  The coercion policy, in other words, had stimulated some of the Donatists to retaliation.

Donatus had resigned his proconsulship.  Augustin writes [Ep. cxii.] at the end of 409 or beginning of 410 A.D., to express his regrets at not meeting him on his visit to Tibilis; his retirement would now give leisure for a larger development in graces, and would lead him to esteem the superiority of eternal things.  He praises him for his official worth, which indeed was in everybody’s mouth, but he urges him not to defer to that popularity, but to seek the higher approbation.  After reminding him of the duty of Christian progress, he asks for a reply and an exhortation to be addressed to all his dependents at Sinitis and Hippo to return to the Church.  Greetings are sent to his father, whom the son had been instrumental in converting to the faith.

Petilian of Constantina had written a treatise, de unico baptismo, which Constantinus had come into possession of through some Donatist presbyter, and then gave it to Augustin while they were in the country, imploring him to answer it.  He did so, c. 410, in the book bearing the same title.  He scorns those who desire secrecy in such matters; when the deeds are public let the discussion be.  Petilian claims that the only true baptism is theirs:  and therefore it is not repeated by the sacrilegious theorists.  Yes, replies Augustin, baptism is indeed one, but it is Christ’s, not yours; yours is only a repetition of the rite.  We correct what is yours and recognize what is Christ’s.  Therefore we do not repeat it.  So Christ corrected what was evil and recognized what was good among the Jews.  So Paul exposed the sin of the heathen world but acknowledged what truth it had.  Moreover you perform the ceremony, but it is to destruction:  there is no real advantage in baptism outside of the Church.  Petilian pleads for rebaptism because Paul rebaptized John’s disciples; but, says Augustin, that is to declare John a heretic.  These are two different things, as indeed Petilian himself suggests, some might say, and then gives two irrelevant passages, Matt. 12:30, Matt. 7:21, as if the Catholics had no fellowship with Christ and were not recognized by Him.  Augustin, after considering the import of these passages, avers the readiness of the Church to recognize the baptism of Christ as administered by Donatists when they return to the Church; for to deny Christ’s baptism because it is administered by heretics, is to say Christ Himself should be denied, when even demons confess Him.  There is a belief in God outside of the Church; the devils believe in Him outside of the Church.  So there is one baptism of Christ which may exist also outside of the Church.  Petilian’s declaration that true baptism is where the true faith is, Augustin disproves by citing the case of the unbelieving and schismatic, yet baptized Corinthians.  So all the ages of the kingdom bear witness to a like state of things.  The action of Agrippinus and Cyprian on the one side, and of Stephen on the other, as to rebaptism is reviewed; differing in this, they yet maintained unity, especially Cyprian.  Further, if the contact of evil men within the fellowship really defiles the good, then the Church perished in Cyprian’s time; where could Donatus then have been spiritually born?  If there is no such pollution, then there is no occasion to rage for separation.  The origin of the schism is then denied from documentary testimony, and the charges declared to be not sustained; on the other hand, these archives prove the schismatics to have been traditors.  A summary of the main points concludes his plea for the sole baptism as that of Christ.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxxiv.].

After this book against Petilian just mentioned had been finished, he wrote another work of larger proportions and with more thoroughness, in refutation of their schism, by the data of the Maximian schism, which he considered a full surrender of all their particularism.  This has been styled:  De Maximianistis contra Donatistas.  It is lost, but noticed in the Retractations (II. xxxv.) immediately after de unico Baptismo.

At Carthage, about May 15, 411, he preached in praise of peace (Sermo ccclvii.).  After its eulogy, he summons his hearers to the love of that peace; and recalls Donatists as alienated from the unity unto the concord which exists in the Church only.  Patience and prayer are better means to their conquest than reproof.  After the pentecostal fast he bade them exercise hospitality toward the guests who should attend the Conference.

The two edicts concerning the great Conference had been issued by Marcellinus.  The Donatists had sent in their protest to the second, while the Catholic bishops sent in their acquiescence in a letter [Ep. cxxviii.], which is ascribed to Augustin’s hand.  It was of course written before June 1, 411, the day appointed for the opening.  They agree to all the provisions for maintaining an orderly discussion; to the time and place of meeting; to the numbers to be present; to the requirement that all the delegated disputants sign their deliverances; to the countersignatures; to the order prohibiting the people from access to the Conference.  If the Donatists prove the Church universal to have been lost and to be solely with them, the Catholic bishops will resign their sees; if, however, the collation prove the universality of the Church, then they suggest the recognition of the ordination and office of the Donatist clergy, and propose details for the succession in case of any jointure.  The conciliatory example of Christ persuades them to this step; the peace of Christ in the Church is higher than the episcopate.  The Donatist use of the civil authority against the Maximianists, and their gladness in receiving the returning schismatics without rebaptism, and without any diminution of their honors, give hope of a return to the root.

Before the meeting of the Conference, Augustin preached a sermon (No. ccclviii.) in Carthage, on peace and love, of which the main thoughts were the peace to which the Catholics cling and which they love under the persuasion of the divine testimonies; the victory of truth is love.  He presents the Scripture proofs of charity and universality; the inheritance should not be divided.  Donatus and Cæcilian were but men, but baptism is Christ’s and not man’s.  The charity spread abroad in the heart is a broad commandment.  He invites the Donatists to share in the Church’s possessions, and to be bishops along with the Catholics, and pleads for a joint fraternal recognition; the Catholics seek peace and want to build up the Church.  He finally requests the people to keep aloof from the place of dispute, but invokes their prayers in its behalf.

The objection to the second edict on the part of the Donatists respecting the restriction upon the number to be present at the collation, led the Catholics to write a second letter to Marcellinus, which is most likely also from the pen of Augustin.  [Ep. cxxix.].  Solicitude over the opposition is expressed; some seem disposed to present a hindrance to the peaceful progress of the Conference; and yet the writers hope that the thought and suspicion may not prove true, but that the desire of the whole body may after all be to press into the unity of the Catholic Church.  Then they go on, very wrongfully in such a document, to discuss their favorite note of the universality of the Church, as the body of Christ was not stolen, so neither are His members outside of the few in Africa, dead.  From Jerusalem outward was to be its progress and thence it filled the whole world.  The fact that the Donatists have the very same Scriptures as the Catholics which contain these proofs of universality, fills the complainants with grief for them.  The Jews who denied the resurrection rejected also the New Testament; but the Donatists receive it, and yet they deny the note of universality, and accuse the Catholics of being traditors of the sacred books.  Now at the collation probably they wish to be in full numbers, in order to search completely the Scriptures; and through their innumerable testimonies they long to come en masse, not to create a tumult, but to put an end to the old discord.  It is true that they have found fault with our use of the State; and yet the Scriptures vindicate such a recourse, and the Donatists themselves appealed to Constantine.  The Scriptures too show the mixed character of the Church, wheat and chaff, good and bad fish, to the final harvest, the winnowing, and the further shore.  Perhaps they see the wrong of their opposition to the Church.  The case of the Maximianists has shown their willingness to use the power of the State and to ignore rebaptism; and probably moved by these things, they want to come in such large numbers in the interest not of tumult but of peace.  They desire to show that they are not so few as their enemies report them to be.  The Catholic numbers exceed in proconsular Africa, and, except in Numidia, are more numerous than in the rest of the African provinces; and most of all when one comes to compare the whole world with the few Donatists.  Why, however, could not the number be just as well certified by the subscription?  Even though quiet be preserved, yet at such a Conference the murmur of such a crowd will impede the progress of the work.  If they all are allowed to be present, the writers, nevertheless, will limit themselves to the delegation suggested by the Judge, and then no blame for disorder can attach to them.  If, however, the protest has been made in behalf of unity, they all will be present joyfully to welcome the Donatists as brethren.

The Mandatum Catholicorum, a sort of voucher and letter of instruction for the disputants on the side of the State Church, was undoubtedly the product of Augustin’s pen.  After a preamble which attests the sufficiency of the Church through her divine proofs against all heretics and schismatics, and the desire of Church and State to settle the long pending controversy in Africa, and the duty to enlighten men as to the eternal salvation, which things had induced them to convene and to select defenders, there follows the note of the universality, which, as the great proposition, is expanded with many proof texts from the Old and the New Testament.  This truth is to be defended against the Donatist assertion that the universal Church had perished through contamination with Cæcilian; for the Church is a mixed society of good and evil, and not to be condemned on this account, but its unity is to be preserved by toleration.  If they maintain this view, the documents concerning Cæcilian’s character must be examined.  The contestants must prove that the Church was thus defiled, or else the evil do not defile the good in this unity.  The mandate then gives Scriptural and also post-apostolic proofs on this point, especially from Cyprian, and quotes the Donatist action concerning the Maximianists.  The next topic is baptism as a sacrament of Christ and not of man, and as independent of the character of the celebrant:  the Maximian schism again affords material for the confutation of this Donatistic tenet.  They are instructed also to use the archives to show that their opponents initiated civil appellation.

In the session of the second day, Augustin is the speaker, mainly on the matter of delay and adjournment.

In the third session, he appears as the chief disputant on the doctrinal and historical points, and also as answering the letter of the Donatists in reply to the mandate.

In a sermon preached after the close of the Conference, (Sermo ccclix. on Ecclus. 25.2), he exhorted all Christians to be brethren; the Catholics desire to have the Donatists unite with them in worship in the universal Church.  The history of Cæcilian should not affect the doctrine of the body.  He claims a triumph indeed for his side and rejoices over the many who are returning to the mother Church, but candidly confesses that many harden themselves in their opposition.  His exordium appeals for a restoration of brotherly harmony.

A little later in the year, probably, Augustin preached from Gal. 6.2-5 (Sermo clxiv.), in which he rebukes those who say:  "We are saints, we do not carry your burdens, therefore we do not communicate with you;"and says:  "your ancestors carry burdens of separation, burdens of schism, burdens of heresy, burdens of dissension, burdens of animosity, burdens of false proofs, burdens of calumnious accusations."  In your boast of non-participation in other’s sins, you desert the flock, the threshing-floor and the net.  The traditors who had condemned the absent Cæcilian dissolved connection with the whole world.  He reminds them of the Maximianists; he charges them with breaking the parables, and yet inculcates patience.  The whole sermon indicates that the effect of the conference had been to embitter both sides.

Another sermon (xcix.) on Luke 7:36, 50, was also preached about this time, in which he conceives that the Puristic noli me tangere may develop into a system for sin-pardoning, and justification and sanctification; the men of the Gesta Collationis are likely to bring about such a machine religion.  Already do they say:  if men do not remit sins, then what Christ says is false as to loosing on earth and in heaven.  With this conception of the tendency of their tenets he further says against them, that the cleansing in baptism does not depend on the man.

In a fragment of another sermon (ccclx.), preached on the vigils of Maximian, he personates a Donatist, who has returned to the unity, thanking the Lord that the lost is found, and expressing his joy in the vine, the unity, the baptism and peace of Christ.

The authorized acts of the council of 411 were too unwieldy for either general or popular use, and a compendium framed from them was too obscure; so Augustin, about the close of 411, determined to make a digest, called the Breviculus collationis cum Donatistis.  It gives the collations of the three days, but it is thoroughly disconnected without the official account, for too many links known to the actors alone are not apparent to the uninitiated; too much of what would throw light on the animus of the parties in power is passed over, and a considerable deal of the minor business necessary to the understanding of the spirit of the debate does not appear.  A reader would certainly get a still more one-sided and intolerant idea of the Conference from the digest than from the Gesta.  The analysis of the order of business would require a comparison with the Gesta Collationis, and that lies outside of our present purpose.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxxix.].

The decision of the Conference again stirred up a counter movement by the Circumcelliones, especially in Augustin’s diocese, during which some terrible outrages were perpetrated; the presbyter Restitutus was killed; the presbyter Innocentius was clubbed and mutilated.  A trial was instituted by Marcellinus and the crimes confessed.  Augustin hastens to write to him [Ep. cxxxiii.], somewhere about the opening of 412 A.D., imploring that the punishment be not capital or retaliatory; restraint and labor would be just.  He commends the tribune-notary’s moderation in the examination, in that he did not resort to torture for extorting evidence, but only to whipping.  He commands him, as bishop, not to proceed to extremity, which would be an injury to the Church, or at least to the diocese of Hippo.  Since the pronouncing of the sentence presumably belonged to the proconsul, he had also indicted a letter to him.

Apringius, the proconsul, was a brother of Marcellinus.  To him Augustin addressed a letter in the same interest, and at the same date. [Ep. cxxxiv.]  For the use of his newly gained authority, he was accountable to God; he was also a Christian, so that Augustin felt a greater confidence in petitioning and in warning, and begs that he may regard his interference as a part of a bishop’s zeal for the welfare of the Church.  He repeats the story of the arrest of the Circumcelliones and Donatist clergy, the trial by Apringius’s own brother, the tribune-notary, Marcellinus, and the gentleness of the hearing, in which the accused confessed their crime, especially as to the copresbyters.  He now begs for a mild punishment; in the one case it cannot be strictly retaliatory; in that of the homicide he fears it may be capital punishment.  Apringius must not only consider the State, but the Church, and respect her clemency.  He is not only a ruler of exalted power but a son of Christian piety.  Our enemies boast of persecution; we must give them no occasion for it.  These acts should be read for the cure of the minds which have been perverted.  If the extreme penalty has to fall, spare at least the children.  He implores him to imitate the patience and mildness of the Church and of Christ.

Augustin, in 412, writes to Marcellinus [Ep. cxxxix.] expressing his delight that the proceedings connected with the trial are in preparation, and for the intention of having them read in the churches of the city, and, if possible, in all the churches of his diocese.  The crimes mentioned are the same as before, with added confessions of many who were in some degree abettors.  These are the men who refuse to commune with the Catholic Church for fear of pollution from wicked men, and yet refuse to leave a schism debased by such a fellowship.  It was a question in Marcellinus’s mind whether the Gesta should be read in the Donatist church of Theoprepia in Carthage.  Augustin urges it, and if it be too small then in some other quarter, in that region of the city.  Augustin pleads for a mild punishment in imitation of the clemency of the Church; however weak it may seem at the outset, men will afterward regard it with favor, and the reading of the Gesta will be more welcome and more effective by the contrast between Donatist cruelty and Catholic moderation.  He speaks of the commission of the bishop Bonifacius and the bearer Peregrinus, who were empowered to treat upon some new measures for the benefit of the Church.  The Donatist Bishop Macrobius was busy reopening the churches of his sect, followed by a band of both sexes.  In the absence of Celer, a Donatist, his procurator, Spondeus, a Catholic, had broken their audacity.  He is commended to the favorable notice of Marcellinus.  While Spondeus was on a visit to Carthage, Macrobius had actually reopened the Donatist churches on the estates of Celer.  He was assisted by Donatus, a rebaptized deacon and a leader in the slaughter; from which fact other outrages might be expected.  Should the plea for mildness not be granted, Augustin asks that his letters urging clemency [Epp. cxxxiii. and cxxxiv.] be read along with the Gesta.  At least let a remission be granted to give time for an appeal to the Emperors, for no martyrs desire their blood to be avenged by death.  In apologizing for his inability to complete his work on the baptism of infants, he urges the variety of his labors; among other things he had completed the Breviculus Collationis, as a compend for those who had not the leisure to read the entire proceedings of the Conference; also a letter addressed to the Donatist laity.

The Donatists were charged with circulating the story of the bribery of the cognitor or judge of the Conference.  The letter from the council of Zerta, June 14, 412, in refutation of this was written by Augustin, [Ep. cxli.] in which it is said that they had become acquainted with this rumor so easily credited by the common people.  The vote of the council was to authorize a refutation of it as a falsehood.  The Donatists had been convicted of mendacity in the charge which they had made and signed against the Catholics as traditors; they had also invented stories to account for the signature of an absent bishop.  How can they be believed in such a charge against the cognitor?  Since the acts of the Collation are so voluminous we present herewith a digest.  The meeting, the election of disputants and scribes, the matter of the subscriptions, are then recapitulated.  In the attempt at discussion, the whole aim of the Donatist disputants was to avoid coming to the point to be debated, while the Catholic representatives exerted themselves to reach just that goal and nothing else.  When at last the Donatists were forced to the issue, they were vanquished by the clear testimony of the Scriptures to the universality of the Church.  Any one separated from this unity has not life; the wrath of God abides upon him.  The communion with the wicked does not defile any one by the mere participation in the sacraments, but only by agreement with their deeds.  All these truths they had to acknowledge.  The Catholics had prevented a confusion between the doctrinal and historical sides of the question.  In the discussion of the documents, the chief offset to all the points was found in the case of the Maximianists, although the Donatists plead that a case should not be prejudged by a case, nor a person by a person.  All the accusations which had been concentrated against Cæcilian they were unable to meet with proofs.  Defeated men are wont to suggest such a defense as the corruption of the judge.  Then says the paper in effect:  If you will believe us, let us hold fast to the unity which God commands and loves.  But if you are unwilling to believe us, read the proceedings themselves, or allow them to be read to you, and do you yourselves test whether what we have written to you be true.  If you decline all these, and will still cleave to the Donatists, we are clear from your judgment.  If you will renounce the schism, we will welcome you to the peace of Christ, and you will have the profit of that sacrament which was administered among you to judgment.

The Donatist presbyters Saturninus and Eufrates had joined the Catholic Church and maintained their rank.  Augustin writes [Ep. cxlii.], c. 412 A.D., to express his joy at their arrival and bids them not to grieve at his absence, for they are now in the one Church whose note of universality he expands as the one Body of the one Head, and as the one house in all the earth; in the unity of this house we rejoice as embracive of those transmarine churches, to whom the appeal had vainly been made by the Donatists.  He who lives evilly in this Church eats and drinks condemnation to himself, but whoever lives correctly, another case and another person cannot prejudge him.  The Donatists had protested against the parallel proofs drawn from the Maximianists, on the ground that a case should not be prejudged by a case nor a person by a person.  On the Lord’s threshing-floor the chaff must be tolerated.  He exhorts them to a faithful discharge of their clerical duties, especially in mercifulness and also in prayer for the removal of the schism.

The hostility of the Donatists was increased by the Collation.  Their clergy charged the judge with bribery, and protested against the unfairness of the trial, the compulsion of the meeting, the unjust decision.  Augustin felt compelled to write, c. 412 A.D., to the people in order to stay the fury of their leaders.  The treatise is known as Ad Donatistas post Collationem.  Why make such a charge?  Why does Primian say, it is unworthy for the sons of the martyrs to meet in the same place with the offspring of traditors?  Why did they come?  Why were they unable to prove the old accusations?  And how are they the sons of martyrs?  The universality of the Church was demonstrated at the Conference.  Donatists do not commune with the churches addressed in those epistles which they read at their services, because they say these perished by communion with the African Cæcilians, and yet they put in the plea that a case should not be prejudged by a case nor a person by a person.  He meets the Cæcilian charge by the Maximianists in spite of this caveat.  He represents all the New Testament churches and the East as expostulating on the basis of this very plea with the Donatists for separation from them.  So the case and the person of the bad does not prejudice the case and the person of the good; they must abide together until the end.  He condemns their arrogant pretense to holiness.  The wicked must be tolerated in the Church, but their deeds are not to be participated in.  Cyprian would not destroy the unity because bad people were in it; frequent are the examples of such forbearance in the Scriptures, and the principle was not changed after the resurrection of Christ; it continued in force in the New Testament Church; the winnowing and severance come at the end of the world.  They would perhaps deny their own words as uttered in the Conference were they not written; that was the beauty of requiring subscription.  They charge too that the sentence against them was pronounced in the night.  Augustin playfully speaks of many good things which have been said and done in the night.  He subsequently reminds them of the days in which they tried to prove the origin of heresy, and their defeat at every point of the Cæcilian history.  It appears here again that the Donatists had a considerable body of acts of their own.  The plea of persecution as a note of the Church and as an experience of the Donatists was one of the points urged at the conference in the Donatist reply to the Catholic mandate, and by Primian, to which we have the usual answer.  Another complaint of the Donatists was that they were tried by those who had been condemned by themselves, and were compelled to unite with sinners; to which Augustin gives a little Maximianist parallel and then considers the questions of purism, the paucity of believers, the need of discipline, the fellowship of a mixed community which ought not to degenerate into a participation in the deeds of the wicked therein.  These are discussed with considerable detail of quotations from the Old and New Testaments.  Some who thought Cæcilian guilty would not break the unity; they imitated Cyprian.  He charges their clergy with duplicity.  He reminds them of the deception practiced in presenting the signature of a Donatist, who was already dead; so with regard to the show of numbers in attendance and the alleged multitude absent, and also the means adopted for securing delay, the interruptions and turnings of the debate from the true object in view.  He vindicates the cognitor’s method and rulings.  He then renews the discussion concerning the archival origin of the schism.  In conclusion he addresses them as brethren and exhorts them to love peace and unity.

The Donatists of Cirta, clergy and people, had returned to the Catholic Church and had written a letter of thanks to Augustin for his preaching, under which they had been persuaded to renounce the schism.  Augustin in reply [Ep. cxliv.], probably at end of 412 A.D., says that this is not man’s work, but God’s.  Their allusion to the conversion of the drunken and luxurious Polemo by Xenocrates, draws from him the reflection, that such a change of character, though not a Christian repentance, is, nevertheless, a work of God.  So he bids them not to give thanks to himself but to God, for their return to the unity.  Those who still are alienated, whether from love or fear, he charges to remember the undeceived scrutiny of God; to weigh Scripture testimony as to the universality of the Church; and the documents as to the origin of the schism.  The case has been tried or not been tried by the transmarine churches; if not, then there is no existing ground for the separation; if it has, the defeated ones are the separatists.  But alas! the obstacles to their persuasion are well-nigh insuperable.  He hopes that the mutual desire for his visit to them may be fulfilled.

About the beginning of the year 413, appeared the book De Fide et Operibus.  In Chap. iv. 6, he speaks of the need of coercion against the Donatists as disturbers of the peace of the Church, as separaters of the tares from the wheat before the time, as those who have blindly preferred to cut themselves off from the unity; commixture of evil and good is a necessity, and we ought to remain in that fellowship which is not at all destitute of discipline.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xxxviii.]

Donatus, a Donatist presbyter, and another person connected with that body, had been arrested by order of Augustin about the beginning of 416 A.D.  Mounted upon a beast against his will, he dashed himself to the ground and so received injuries which his less obstinate companion escaped.  Augustin writes [Ep. clxxiii.] to vindicate himself as concerned about the salvation of the recusants, and puts the blame of the wounds upon the offender.  Donatus urged in opposition to this style of conversion that no one should be compelled to be good.  Augustin claims on the other hand that many are compelled to take the good office of a bishop against their will.  Donatus argues that God had given us free will, therefore a man should not be compelled even to be good.  Augustin replies that the effort of a good will is to restrain and change the evil will, because of the awful results which follow a vitiated will.  Why were the Israelites compelled to go to the land of promise?  Why was Paul forced to turn from persecution to the embrace of the truth?  Why do parents correct children?  Why are negligent shepherds blamed?  You are an errant sheep, with the Lord’s mark upon you, and I as shepherd must save you from perishing.  Of your own will you threw yourself into a well, but it would have been wicked to leave you there where you had cast yourself according to your will, and hence the attendants took you out; how much more is it a duty to save you from eternal death.  Besides, it is unlawful to inflict death upon yourself.  He reminds him that the Scriptures do not allow suicide; and controverts his use of 1 Cor. 13.3, "though I give my body to be burned."  Severed from charity and unity, nothing can profit, not even the surrender of the body to burning.  The points of the recent joint Conference are then dwelt upon.  Donatus was understood to have criticized the saying of his party as to the Maximianist parallel:  do not prejudge a case by a case or a person by a person.  Augustin twits him in this wise:  If you object to this, then you are deceived concerning it, because you oppose your authority to theirs, and if you say it is not true, the hope of vindicating the great schism falls through entirely.  He presses him to weigh all the proceedings.  But Donatus objects also that the Lord did not cause the seventy to come back, and did not put a barrier in the way of the twelve when he asked, "Will ye also go away?"  Augustin says that was in the beginning of Christianity; kings were not yet converted; now the State helps the Church.  Our Lord said prophetically, Compel them to come in.  So we hunt you in the hedges; the unwilling sheep is brought to the true pasture.

The series of Tractatus on the Gospel of John, which are ascribed to 416 A.D., contain many reflections on Donatism.  We can only notice the passages:

Tractatus IV.         in Jo. i. 19-33.

Tractatus V.          in Jo. i. 33.

Tractatus VI.         in  Job 1:32, 33.  Quite fully.

Tractatus IX.         in Jo. ii. 1-11.

Tractatus X.          in Jo. ii. 12-21.

Tractatus XI.         in Jo. ii. 23-25, and iii. 1–5.

Tractatus XII.        in Jo. iii. 6-21.

Tractatus XIII.       in Jo. iii. 22-29.

To the same year are ascribed the Tractatus on the I. Ep. of John.

Tractatus I.              1 Jo. i. and ii. 1–11.

Tractatus II.          1 Jo. ii. 12-17.

Tractatus III.         1 Jo. ii. 18-27.

Tractatus IV.         1 Jo. iii. 1-8.

In the Retractations, II. xlvi., we read of a book addressed to Emeritus, the Donatist bishop of Cæsarea, in the province of Mauritania Cæsariensis.  [See Ep. lxxxvii.]  He speaks of him as the best of the seven Donatist disputants at the Conference.  The work marked briefly the lines on which the Donatists were defeated.  Its title is:  Ad Emeritum Donatistarum Episcopum, post collationem, liber unus.  Since the Retractations place it before De Gestis Pelagii, and De Correctione Donatistarum, it was most likely written in the beginning of 417 A.D.

Boniface had requested from Augustin a letter of instructions on the relation of the Donatists to the Arians.  The bishop replies, c. 417 [Ep. clxxxv.], which he himself calls a book de Correctione Donatistarum.  [Cp. Retractt. II. xlviii.].  Since this is translated in the present volume, we will omit any further notice.

The above-mentioned Emeritus was present at a Synod of the Catholics, near Deuterius, September 20, 418.  At a service held two days after, Augustin preached the Sermo ad Cæsariensis Ecclesiæ plebem.  Emeritus was present.  In the church during a previous colloquy with Augustin he had said:  I cannot will what you will, but I can will what I will.  Augustin in this sermon (and the writing has all the abruptness and repetition of an extempore address) urges him to will what God wills, viz., peace, and that now, in response to the cry of the people; and if you ask why I, who call you schismatics and heretics, desire to receive you, it is because you are brethren; because you have the baptism of Christ; because I want you to have salvation:  one can have everything outside the Church except salvation; he can have honor, he can have the sacraments, he can sing Allelulia, he can respond Amen, he can hold to the gospels, he can have faith in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and can preach.  Persecution after all is rather of you.  The failure of the archival evidence as to Cæcilian is alleged as usual, and hence no reason for separation exists.  He recites too the story of the seizure, escape, reseizure, compulsory baptism and ordination of Petilian, while at the time a Catholic catechumen.  This occurred at Constantina, when that city and region were largely Donatist.  He was seized unto death, do we not draw him to salvation?  Here or nowhere, says Augustin, repeating the voice of the people, is the place for peace.

There was a gathering of clergy (the bishops Alypius, Augustinus, Possidius, Rusticus Palladius, etc., many presbyters and deacons and a considerable number of people) in the exedra of the larger church at Cæsarea, c. 418 A.D.  Emeritus, the Donatist bishop of the city, was also present.  Augustin addresses those devoted to the unity, and says that when he came to the city on the day before yesterday he found Emeritus returned from a journey.  Augustin met him in the street and invited him to the Church, and Emeritus consented without any demur.  The sermon of Augustin is full of the peace, love and related themes of the Church, in hope of winning Emeritus.  He alludes to the many conversions in the city and since the collation; if Emeritus has anything new to say in defense of his side, he invites him to state it.  Emeritus had been reported as affirming that at the Conference the Donatists were overcome by power rather than by truth.  Augustin then addresses inquiries to Emeritus directly:  as to why he had come if he was defeated at the council; or if he thought his party had triumphed, then to state the ground for such an opinion.  Emeritus said:  The acts show whether I am defeated or not, whether I am defeated by truth or oppressed by power.  Augustin:  Then why do you come?  Emeritus:  That I might say this very thing which you ask, and so on.  Under some taunting and arrogant observations to the brethren, Emeritus keeps quiet.  From Augustin’s statement it appears that the Acts were read during Lent, at Thagaste, Constantina, Hippo, and all the faithful churches.  Part of these Gesta are then read by Alypius, viz, the imperial convocation of the Conference, and comments are made by Augustin.  Then follows his application of the lessons afforded by the Maximianist schism, in which he says the Donatists make shipwreck of all their tenets.  Emeritus, however, remained a silent hearer.  The account of the above meeting is given in the treatise:  De Gestis cum Emerito, Cæsariensi Donatistarum Episcopo liber unus.  [Cp. Retractt. II. li.]

The book de Patientia is assigned to 418 A.D.  In Chapter xiii. he contrasts genuine and false martyrdom.

Dulcitius had been appointed Tribune-notary.  The effect of his carrying out of the renewed edicts against the Donatists was signalized by many conversions, but also by many suicides.  He had written to Augustin requesting directions about how he ought to proceed against the heretics.  Augustin replies [Ep. cciv.], c. 420 A.D., that his work had indeed persuaded many to return to their salvation, but others were stirred either to kill the Catholics or themselves.  We indeed do desire the return of all to unity, yet some are doubtless predestinated to perish by an occult yet just decree of God.  They perish not only in their own fires but in that of Gehenna.  The Church grieves over them as David over his son, although they have met the deserved punishment of rebels.  Augustin does not find fault with the notary’s edict at Thamugada, only with the phrase:  You may know that you are to be given over to the death which you deserve; for that is not contained in the rescripts.  In the second edict there is a clearer statement of the notary’s aim.  Augustin also criticizes his courtesy toward Gaudentius, the Donatist bishop of Thamugada.  As to a special reply to that bishop Augustin urges a more diligent refutation of the fallacious doctrines by which the Donatists are accustomed to be seduced.  He had already done this in very many works, but adds some points by way of suggestion.  He alone is a martyr who dies for a true cause.  Man’s will is free, but nevertheless amenable to divine and human laws.  The State can punish not only adulteries and homicides, but also sacrileges.  Many think it strange that we do not rebaptize, but the sacrament once given ought not to be repeated.  Suicides are utterly prohibited by the Scriptures.  The case of Razius gives the Donatist no pretext, for the deed is simply mentioned but not commended.  (2 Mac. 14.37-46).  In conclusion he intimates that in answer to the united wish of the people of Thamugada, of himself and of Eleusinus, the tribune of that place, that Augustin should answer both epistles of Gaudentius, the Donatist bishop, and especially the latter of the two, which contained Scriptural proofs, he will write such a criticism.

Dulcitius had written a pacific letter to Gaudentius, the Donatist bishop of Thamugada, one of the quieter members of the seven Donatist disputants, concerning the enforcement of the imperial edicts.  Gaudentius replied in two epistles, one short, the other longer and fortified by Scripture proofs.  Augustin was requested to answer these, which he does (c. 420) in the work Contra Gaudentium Donatistarum Episcopum, Libra duo.  In Book I. he makes a change of form from the Petilian cast of personal dialogue, because of the captious fault found with that way as savoring of untruth, and takes a duller formula, "Verba Epistolæ" and "ad hæc responsio," whose dryness and literality the most sensitive Donatist could take no exception to.  In the first epistle of Gaudentius, the fairly courteous strain in which he had replied to the tribune-notary, with titles and recognition of character, Augustin rather resents by saying that the Catholic had treated the heretic too kindly and incautiously, and bids Gaudentius consider what he had said at the Collation.  Gaudentius proposes to remain in the communion where the name of God and of his Christ is and where the Sacraments are, and pleads for religious liberty against compulsion as to matters of faith; and concludes, by another hand, with wishing him well and desiring his recession from the disquieting of Christians.  Augustin objects that Gaudentius had not reproduced the language of Dulcitius correctly, and accuses the Donatists of holding the truth of baptism in the iniquity of human error; he comments on their false eagerness for death; he responds to all the good wishes for the tribune, but not that he should cease from correcting the heretics.

The second epistle of Gaudentius is mainly a protest from Scriptural grounds; against persecution he brings forward the case of Gabinus, who, if bad, should not have been received without correction, that is, baptism; but if innocent, why kill the innocent Donatists from whom he came to you?  The false rumor about Emeritus, as having turned Catholic, is another instance of this persecution.  The duty of a persecuted pastor is to be a doer of the law and to lay down his life for the sheep; there is no place whither the persecuted may now flee; the divine right of free will is restrained by the arbitrary laws of the emperor; persecution is a note of the Church from the blessings attached to it by Christ and the apostles.  The peace of Christ invites the willing but does not compel the unwilling; a thing very different from the war-bearing peace and the bloody unity which their oppressors present.  We rejoice in the hatred of the world; there is a martyr host of the apocalypse; Christians may yield up their souls in testimony against sacrilege, as Razius did.  He begs Dulcitius to turn to the few who have the solidity and not the semblance of truth.  God gave prophets not kings to teach the people:  the Saviour sent fishermen not soldiers.  God never needs the aid of soldiers.  Gaudentius charges the Catholics with coveting the Donatist possessions.  The farewell is in another handwriting, in which he wishes Dulcitius well, and advises him to pursue a lenient and temperate course.

The points of Augustin’s reply are in no way different save form from those so constantly presented, unless there be an increase of roughness and a more hardened idea of the Church’s right to use coercion.  As to Gabinus, the Church’s course with regard to him is a vindication of the right to receive a convert without rebaptism:  in communion with charity and unity he received the profit of that rite which had been administered among the Donatists.  In the case of Emeritus, Augustin confesses that the rumor of his having turned Catholic was false; but Emeritus came to Cæsarea of his own will; he came to the Church where a multitude was present; he could say nothing for his or his party’s defense; he kept quiet.  The argument against suicide from the case of Razius is well made; he died rather in suffering for the state; and besides the narrative does not commend the deed, but only states it; then too the books have not the weight that the Law, the Prophets and the Psalms carry with them.  The plea for correction is precisely as usual.  The doctrines of universality and unity and charity are incidentally brought forward.  Circumcelliones, Secundus and Maximianists furnish the concluding parallels.

Book II. Gaudentius had written a reply to Augustin’s first book.  He had taken refuge under the example of Cyprian; but Augustin now refers him to the writings of Cyprian on De Simplicitate Prælatorum seu De Catholicæ Ecclesiæ unitate, showing Cyprian’s belief in the universality of the Church which Augustin expands by the explanation of the term Catholic.  Purgation of the Church is not by separation, but by toleration, as Cyprian too held in his letter to Maximus and others.  The explanation of the field not as the Church, but rather as the world outside of the Church, had been supported at the Conference and is repeated by Gaudentius; and also its alternative, that were the field the Church then it must have perished from the tares which were in it.  If so, says Augustin, then the ancestors of the Donatists would have perished.  The period of separation is at the end, when the Gospel shall have been preached in the whole world.  As to their theme of rebaptism, Augustin replies that he had already before referred him to his Maximianist practice, so that the action of Agrippinus and Cyprian are vain for him.  And then too, according to Cyprian’s own confession, and Stephen’s testimony, there were crimes in the Church in their day; did the Church perish then?  If so where was Donatus born?  If not, then why did the party of Donatus separate?  They are guilty of the very schism which Cyprian particularly deprecated as a cure, instead of toleration and discipline, for the ills of the Church.  As to baptism:  The Catholics recognize the Donatist rite, for the sacrament cannot be lost upon those who receive it among Catholics and then pass over to heretics; they have the truth but in iniquity; the truth is not the property of the Donatists.  The apostle recognized such truth as he found among the Gentiles.  Gaudentius had vindicated his reference to the tribune’s letter, as to the Donatists having the names of God and of his Christ, and quoted the passage in proof.  Augustin acknowledges his mistake, which, however, was not intentional, and he apologizes for the tribune’s error as that of a military man who was not familiar with theology.  Since Gaudentius had called the tribune religious in his first letter, Augustin accuses him of insincerity and berates him as superstitious.  He also corrects Gaudentius for saying that God sent Jonah not to the king but only to the people of Nineveh, for the king compelled the humiliation of his subjects.  In conclusion he quotes from Cyprian’s letter to Maximus in behalf of universality and tolerant unity.  His exordium is an earnest appeal to the Catholics to maintain all the notes of the Church.  [Cp. Retractt. II. lix.].

Felicia had been a Donatist originally and was converted by force.  She had devoted herself to the virgin life and apparently had become head of a religious house; but by reason of some wicked deeds of the clergy, possibly the extortion and rapacity of Antonius at Fussala, she was much disturbed and seemed inclined to relapse into her earlier puristic notions, if not to return to the body that upheld them.  To quiet her doubts Augustin writes Ep. ccviii. c. 423.  The Lord had predicted offenses.  There are two kinds of shepherds over the flock, and will be to the end:  the flock too has the good and the bad in it.  The gathering is the present duty, the separation will be the future one; this latter is the Lord’s prerogative.  To abide in unity under such circumstances is a duty until the winnowing, and one is to believe what these shepherds teach, not what they do.  Good and bad are therefore in the world under the widely diffused Catholic Church; the Donatist has no such note of universality.  Love Christ and the Church, and then He will not permit you to lose the fruit of your virginity and to perish with the lost.  If you go out of this life, separated from the unity of the body of Christ, this preserved integrity of the body will not profit you.  You were compelled to come in; be thankful to those who compelled you.  Show your devotion to the Lord, as your only hope, by being unmoved with these offenses, and by cleaving to his body, the Church.

A letter addressed to Pope Cœlestine is ascribed to Augustin [Ep. ccix. c. 423]; its authenticity has been disputed.  The author, in giving an account of the appointment of Antonius as bishop of Fussala, remarks that at Fussala, a castellum about forty miles distant from Hippo, as in all the adjoining region, there had been a Donatist population; in Fussala itself there had not been a solitary Catholic; the Punic was the common language.  The coercive measures had converted the whole territory, but the process had also aroused a violent opposition in the form of robbery, beating, blinding, murder.  After its conversion, the distance from Hippo and the great numbers to be instructed, required a new bishopric, the history of which and the troubles growing out of it, the author further relates.

In that valuable book De doctrina christiana, (begun in 397, but ended in 426, including the part having reference to our subject III. xxx. 42), Augustin quotes approvingly from the book of Tychonius the De septem regulis, and prefaces a discussion of these rules by an allusion to the treatise of Tychonius, which had refuted some of the narrow and puristic doctrines of the Church, as held by his own party; this we have already seen was answered by Parmenian, whose letter in turn was dissected by Augustin.  The first, second, fourth and seventh of these rules bear especially upon the doctrinal points under discussion.  [Cp. Retractt. II. iv. and Tychonius de Septem Regulis is reprinted in Migne. Pat. Lat. xviii.]

In his de Hœresibus [c. 428 A.D.] Chapter lxix. gives a brief account of the Donatiani or Donatistæ:  (a) as to origin and progress; (b) Donatus’s view of the Trinity; (c) the Montenses at Rome; (d) the Circumcelliones; (e) the schism of Maximian.

This was his parting arrow after the thirty-six years of battle.  Catholics and Donatists passed under the persecutions of the Arian Vandals.  Two years after this treatise Augustin laid aside his weapons to enter the land of eternal peace and unity.

More or less extended allusions are made to Donatism in the following sermons, arranged in the order of the Benedictine editions; for the years in which they were delivered cannot be determined.  Want of space prevents the presentation of any analysis.

Sermo X.          1 Kings iii. 16-28.

Sermo XLV.          Is. lvii. 13 and 2 Cor. vii. 1.

Sermo XLVI.         Ez. xxxiv. 1-16.

Sermo XLVII.        Ez. xxxiv. 17-31.

Sermo LXXI.         Matt. xii. 32.

Sermo LXXXVIII.       Matt. xx. 30-34.

Sermo XC.              Matt. xxii. 1-14.

Sermo CVII.            Luc. xii. 13–21.

Sermo CXXIX.       Jo. v. 39-47.

Sermo CXXXVII.       Jo. x. 1-16.

Sermo CXXXVIII.       Jo. x. 11-16.

Sermo CLXXXIII.       1 Jo. iv. 2.

Sermo CCXVIII.       Luc. xxiv. 38–47.

Sermo CCXLIX.       Jo. xxi. 1-14.

Sermo CCLII.        Jo. xxi. 1-14.

Sermo CCLXV.       The Ascension.

Sermo CCLXVI.       Ps. cxli. (cxl.) 5.

Sermo CCLXVIII.       Pentecost.

Sermo CCLXIX.       Pentecost.

Sermo CCLXXXV.       Anniversary of the martyrs Castus and Æmilus.

Sermo CCXCII.       John the Baptist.

Sermo CCCXXV.       Anniversary of the Twenty Martyrs.

Similar references are to be found in the expositions and sermons based on the Psalms.  The first column is the Hebrew and English order; the second that of LXX. and Vulgate.

Exposition of  Psalms XI. (X.)

Exposition of Psalms XXVI. (XXV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms XXXI. (XXX.) Sermons I. and II.

Exposition of Psalms XXXIII. (XXXII.) Sermon II.

Exposition of Psalms XXXIV. (XXXIII.) Sermon II.

Exposition of Psalms XXXVI. (XXXV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms XXXVII. (XXXVI.) Sermons II. (archival) and III.

Exposition of Psalms XL. (XXXIX.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms LV. (LIV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms LVIII. (LVII.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms LXXXVI. (LXXXV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms XCIX. (XCVIII.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXX. (CXIX.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXXV. (CXXIV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXXXIII. (CXXXII.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXLVI. (CXLV.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXLVII. 12–20 (CXLVII.) Sermon.

Exposition of Psalms CXLIX. Sermon.

The time of writing the de Utilitate Jejunii is unknown.  Chapter V. 9, contrasts pagan, heretical and Catholic fasts; heretics claim indeed to fast in order to please God; how can they, when they sever the unity?  All heretics perish; they are the dividers of the inheritance of Christ.

————————————

In conclusion the reviser desires to commend the fidelity and lucidity of the translation made by the Rev. J. R. King, M.A.

No changes made by the reviser have been indicated, since all could not be without confusion.  The translation had taken most of its notes and references from the Benedictines.  The citations of Cyprian are according to the numerals in Hartel’s edition.



Preface

————————————

The schism of the Donatists, with which the treatises in the present volume are concerned, arose indirectly out of the persecution under Diocletian at the beginning of the fourth century.  At that time Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, and his archdeacon Cæcilianus, had endeavored to check the fanatical spirit in which many of the Christians courted martyrdom; and consequently, on the death of Mensurius in 311, and the elevation of Cæcilianus to the see of Carthage in his place, the opposing party, alleging that Felix, bishop of Aptunga, by whom Cæcilianus had been consecrated, had been a traditor, and that therefore his consecration was invalid, set up against him Majorinus, who was succeeded in 315 by Donatus.  The party had by this time gained strength, through the professions that they made of extreme purity in the discipline which they maintained, and had gone so far, under the advice of another Donatus, bishop of Casæ Nigræ in Numidia, as to accuse Cæcilianus before the Roman Emperor Constantine,—thus setting the first precedent for referring a spiritual cause to the decision of a civil magistrate.  Constantine accepted the appeal, and in 313 the matter was laid for decision before Melchiades, bishop of Rome, and three bishops of the province of Gaul.  They decided in favor of the validity of the consecration of Cæcilianus; and a similar verdict was given by a council held at Arles, by direction of the Emperor, in the following year.  The party of Majorinus then appealed to the personal judgment of the Emperor, which was likewise given against them, not without strong expressions of his anger at their pertinacity.  This was followed by severe laws directed against their schism; but so far from crushing them, the attack seemed only to increase their enthusiasm and develope their resources.  And, under the leadership of Donatus, the successor of Majorinus, their influence spread widely throughout Africa, and continued to prevail, in spite of various efforts at their forcible suppression, during the whole of the fourth century.  They especially brought on themselves the vengeance of the civil powers, by the turbulence of certain fanatical ascetics who embraced their cause, and who, under the name of Circumcelliones, spread terror through the country, seeking martydom for themselves, and offering violence to every one who opposed them.

Towards the close of the century, this schism attracted the attention of Augustin, then a priest of Hippo Regius in Numidia.  The controversy seems to have had for him a special attraction, not merely because of its intrinsic importance, but also because of the field which it presented for his unrivalled powers as a dialectician.  These the Donatists had recently provoked, by inconsistently receiving back into their body a deacon of Carthage named Maximianus who had separated himself from them, and by recognizing as valid all baptism administered by his followers.  Hence they naturally shrank from engaging in a contest with an antagonist who was sure to make the most of such a deviation from the very principles on which they based their schism; and, on the other hand, Augustin was so firmly convinced that his own position was impregnable, that he seems to have thought that if he could only secure a thorough and dispassionate discussion of the matter, the Donatists must necessarily be brought to acknowledge not only their theoretical errors, but also the practical sinfulness of their separation from the Church.  Throughout the controversy, however, he appears to have put out of sight two considerations:  first, the influence of party spirit and prejudice in blinding men to argument; and, secondly, the necessity of treating his opponents in a logical discussion as on an equal footing with himself.  The first was in some degree an unavoidable element of disappointment; but Augustin made concession yet more difficult on the part of his opponents, by expecting them to acknowledge his superior position as a member of the Catholic Church, whose duty it was to expose the error of their views.  He practically begs the very point at issue, by assuming that he, and not the Donatists, was in the Catholic communion; and though his argument is conducted independently of this premise, yet it naturally rendered them more unwilling to admit its force.

This dogmatism was of less consequence in the first pamphlet which Augustin published on the subject,—his Alphabetical Psalm, in which he set forth the history and errors of the Donatists in a popular form,—since it was not intended as a controversial treatise, but only as a means of enlightening the less educated as to the Catholic tenets on the question in dispute.  His next work, written in answer to a letter of Donatus of Carthage, in which the latter tried to prove that the baptism of Christ existed only in his communion, is unfortunately lost; and we can only gather hints as to the further part which he took in the controversy during the next few years from certain of his letters, especially those to the Donatist Bishops Honoratus and Crispinus. 1142   From the former he claims the admission that the exclusiveness of the Donatists proves that they are not the Church of Christ; and his letter to the latter contains an invitation to discuss the leading points at issue, which Crispinus seems to have declined.

In the year 400 he wrote two books Against the Party of Donatus, which are also lost; and about the same time he published his refutation of the letter of Parmenianus in answer to Tichonius, in which he handles and solves the famous question, whether, while abiding in unity in the communion of the same sacraments, the wicked pollute the good by their society. 1143

Then followed his seven books On Baptism, included in this volume, in which he shows the emptiness of the arguments of the Donatists for the repetition of baptism; and proves that so far was Cyprian from being on their side, that his letters and conduct are of the highest value as overthrowing their position, and utterly condemning their separation from the Church.

Not long after this, Petilianus, bishop of Cirta or Constantina, the most eminent theologian among the Donatist divines, wrote a letter to his clergy against the Catholics, of which Augustin managed to obtain a copy, though the Donatists used their utmost care to keep it from him; and he replied to it in two books, written at different times,—the first in the year 400, before he was in possession of the whole letter, the remainder in 402.  To the first book Petilianus made an answer, of which we gather the main tenor from a third book written by Augustin in reply to it.  It appears to have been full of vehement abuse, and to have assumed the question in dispute, that the existence of the true Church, and the catholicity of any branch of it, depended on the purity and orthodoxy of all its ministers; so that the guilt or heresy of any minister would invalidate the whole of his ministerial acts.  Hence he argued that Cæcilianus being the spiritual father of the so-called Catholics, and having been a traditor, none of them could possibly have been lawfully baptized, much less rightfully ordained.

Augustin admits neither of his assumptions; but, leaving the guilt or innocence of Cæcilianus as a point which was irrelevant (though practically the case against him utterly broke down), he addresses himself to the other point, and argues most conclusively that all the functions of the clergy in celebrating the rites of the Church being purely ministerial, the efficacy of those rites could in no way depend upon the excellence of the individual minister, but was derived entirely from Christ.  Hence there was a certainty of the grace bestowed through the several ordinances, which otherwise there could not possibly have been, had their virtue depended on the character of any man, in whom even an unblemished reputation might have been the fruit of a skilled hypocrisy.

The third treatise in this volume belongs to a later period, being a letter written to Bonifacius, the Roman Count of Africa under Valentinian the Third.  He had written to Augustin to consult him as to the best means of dealing with the Donatists; and Augustin in his reply points out to him his mistake in supposing that the Donatists shared in the errors of the Arians, whilst he urges him to use moderation in his coercive measures; though both here and in his answer to Petilianus we find him countenancing the theory that the State has a right to interfere in constraining men to keep within the Church.  Starting with a forced interpretation of the words, "Compel them to come in," in Luke 14.23, he enunciates principles of coercion which, though in him they were subdued and rendered practically of little moment by the spirit of love which formed so large an element in his character, yet found their natural development in the despotic intolerance of the Papacy, and the horrors of the Inquisition.  It is probable that he was himself in some degree misled by confounding the necessity of repressing the violence of the Circumcelliones, which was a real offense against the State, with the expediency of enforcing spiritual unity by temporal authority.

The Donatist treatises have met with little attention from individual editors.  There is a dissertation, De Aur. Augustino adversario Donatistarum, by Adrien Roux, published at Louvain in 1838; 1144 but it is believed that no treatises of this series have ever before been translated into English, nor are they separately edited.  They are in themselves a valuable authority for an important scene in the history of the Church, and afford a good example both of the strength and the weakness of Augustin’s writing,—its strength, in the exhaustive way in which he tears to pieces his opponent’s arguments, and the clearness with which he exposes the fallacies of their reasoning; its weakness, in the persistency with which he pursues a point long after its discussion might fairly have been closed, as though he hardly knew when he had gained the victory; and his tendency to claim, by right of his position, a vantage-ground which did not in reality belong to him till the superiority of his cause was proved.

J. R. King

Oxford, March, 1870.


Footnotes

406:1142

Epist. xlix. li.

406:1143

Bened. Ed. Vol. ix. pp. 7-52.  Migne, Vol. ix. pp. 33-108.

406:1144

The other works bearing on this controversy are mentioned in the exhaustive volume of Ferd. Ribbeck, Donatus und Augustinus  (Elberfeld, 1858).—Ed.





the

SEVEN BOOKS OF AUGUSTIN,

BISHOP OF HIPPO,

ON

BAPTISM, AGAINST THE DONATISTS

[DE BAPTISIMO CONTRA DONATISTAS.]

CIRCA A.D. 400.

translated by the

rev. j. r. king, m.a.,

vicar of st. peter’s in the east, oxford; and late fellow and tutor of mERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD



The

Seven Books of Augustin,

Bishop of Hippo

On Baptism, Against the Donatists

_________________

This treatise was written about 400 A.D.  Concerning it Aug. in Retract. Book II. c. xviii., says:  I have written seven books on Baptism against the Donatists, who strive to defend themselves by the authority of the most blessed bishop and martyr Cyprian; in which I show that nothing is so effectual for the refutation of the Donatists, and for shutting their mouths directly from upholding their schism against the Catholic Church, as the letters and act of Cyprian.

_________________



Book I.

He proves that baptism can be conferred outside the Catholic communion by heretics or schismatics, but that it ought not to be received from them; and that it is of no avail to any while in a state of heresy or schism.



Chapter 1.—1.  In the treatise which we wrote against the published epistle of Parmenianus 1145 to Tichonius, 1146 we promised that at some future time we would treat the question of baptism more thoroughly; 1147 and indeed, even if we had not made this promise, we are not unmindful that this is a debt fairly due from us to the prayers of our brethren.  Wherefore in this treatise we have undertaken, with the help of God, not only to refute the objections which the Donatists have been wont to urge against us in this matter, but also to advance what God may enable us to say in respect of the authority of the blessed martyr Cyprian, which they endeavor to use as a prop, to prevent their perversity from falling before the attacks of truth. 1148   And this we propose to do, in order that all whose judgment is not blinded by party spirit may understand that, so far from Cyprian’s authority being in their favor, it tends directly to their refutation and discomfiture.

2.  In the treatise above mentioned, it has already been said that the grace of baptism can be conferred outside the Catholic communion, just as it can be also there retained.  But no one of the Donatists themselves denies that even apostates retain the grace of baptism; for when they return within the pale of the Church, and are converted through repentance, it is never given to them a second time, and so it is ruled that it never could have been lost.  So those, too, who in the sacrilege of schism depart from the communion of the Church, certainly retain the grace of baptism, which they received before their departure, seeing that, in case of their return, it is not again conferred on them whence it is proved, that what they had received while within the unity of the Church, they could not have lost in their separation.  But if it can be retained outside, why may it not also be given there?  If you say, "It is not rightly given without the pale;" we answer, "As it is not rightly retained, and yet is in some sense retained, so it is not indeed rightly given, but yet it is given."  But as, by reconciliation to unity, that begins to be profitably possessed which was possessed to no profit in exclusion from unity, so, by the same reconciliation, that begins to be profitable which without it was given to no profit.  Yet it cannot be allowed that it should be said that that was not given which was given, nor that any one should reproach a man with not having given this, while confessing that he had given what he had himself received.  For the sacrament of baptism is what the person possesses who is baptized; and the sacrament of conferring baptism is what he possesses who is ordained.  And as the baptized person, if he depart from the unity of the Church, does not thereby lose the sacrament of baptism, so also he who is ordained, if he depart from the unity of the Church, does not lose the sacrament of conferring baptism.  For neither sacrament may be wronged.  If a sacrament necessarily becomes void in the case of the wicked, both must become void; if it remain valid with the wicked, this must be so with both.  If, therefore, the baptism be acknowledged which he could not lose who severed himself from the unity of the Church, that baptism must also be acknowledged which was administered by one who by his secession had not lost the sacrament of conferring baptism.  For as those who return to the Church, if they had been baptized before their secession, are not rebaptized, so those who return, having been ordained before their secession, are certainly not ordained again; but either they again exercise their former ministry, if the interests of the Church require it, or if they do not exercise it, at any rate they retain the sacrament of their ordination; and hence it is, that when hands are laid on them, 1149 to mark their reconciliation, they are not ranked with the laity.  For Felicianus, 1150 when he separated himself from them with Maximianus, was not held by the Donatists themselves to have lost either the sacrament of baptism or the sacrament of conferring baptism.  For now he is a recognized member of their own body, in company with those very men whom he baptized while he was separated from them in the schism of Maximianus.  And so others could receive from them, whilst they still had not joined our society, what they themselves had not lost by severance from our society.  And hence it is clear that they are guilty of impiety who endeavor to rebaptize those who are in Catholic unity; and we act rightly who do not dare to repudiate God’s sacraments, even when administered in schism.  For in all points in which they think with us, they also are in communion with us, and only are severed from us in those points in which they dissent from us.  For contact and disunion are not to be measured by different laws in the case of material or spiritual affinities.  For as union of bodies arises from continuity of position, so in the agreement of wills there is a kind of contact between souls.  If, therefore, a man who has severed himself from unity wishes to do anything different from that which had been impressed on him while in the state of unity, in this point he does sever himself, and is no longer a part of the united whole; but wherever he desires to conduct himself as is customary in the state of unity, in which he himself learned and received the lessons which he seeks to follow, in these points he remains a member, and is united to the corporate whole.


Footnotes

411:1145

Parmenianus was successor to Donatus the Great in the See of Carthage, circ. 350 A.D., and died circ. 392 A.D.

411:1146

Tichonius, who flourished circ. 380, was the leader of a reformatory movement in Donatism, which Parmenianus opposed, in the writing here alluded to.  The reformer was excommunicated.  He had the clearest ideas concerning the church and concerning interpretation of any of the ancients.

411:1147

Contra Epist. Parmen. ii. 14, also written circ. 400 A.D.

411:1148

Cyprian, in his controversy with Pope Stephen of Rome, denied the validity of heretical or schismatical baptism.  The Donatists denied the validity of Catholic baptism.  See Schaff, Church History, vol. ii. 262 sqq.

412:1149

Comp. v. 23, and iii. 16, note.

412:1150

Felicianus, bishop of Musti, headed the revolt against Primianus, the successor of Parmenianus in the Carthaginian See.  Listening to the complaint of the deacon Maximianus, who had been deposed by Primianus, a synod was convened in 393 at Cabarsussis, which ordained Maximianus as bishop of Carthage.  Hence the title Maximianistæ.  Primianus, in 394, at the council of Bagai, was recognized by 310 bishops.  The larger fraction, according to the Catholics, was subsequently forced into reunion.  Prætextatus, bp. of Assuris, was also one of the leaders in this separation.



Chapter 2.—3.  And so the Donatists in some matters are with us; in some matters have gone out from us.  Accordingly, those things wherein they agree with us we do not forbid them to do; but in those things in which they differ from us, we earnestly encourage them to come and receive them from us, or return and recover them, as the case may be; and with whatever means we can, we lovingly busy ourselves, that they, freed from faults and corrected, may choose this course.  We do not therefore say to them, "Abstain from giving baptism," but "Abstain from giving it in schism."  Nor do we say to those whom we see them on the point of baptizing, "Do not receive the baptism," but "Do not receive it in schism."  For if any one were compelled by urgent necessity, being unable to find a Catholic from whom to receive baptism, and so, while preserving Catholic peace in his heart, should receive from one without the pale of Catholic unity the sacrament which he was intending to receive within its pale, this man, should he forthwith depart this life, we deem to be none other than a Catholic.  But if he should be delivered from the death of the body, on his restoring himself in bodily presence to that Catholic congregation from which in heart he had never departed, so far from blaming his conduct, we should praise it with the greatest truth and confidence; because he trusted that God was present to his heart, while he was striving to preserve unity, and was unwilling to depart this life without the sacrament of holy baptism, which he knew to be of God, and not of men; wherever he might find it.  But if any one who has it in his power to receive baptism within the Catholic Church prefers, from some perversity of mind, to be baptized in schism, even if he afterwards bethinks himself to come to the Catholic Church, because he is assured that there that sacrament will profit him, which can indeed be received but cannot profit elsewhere, beyond all question he is perverse, and guilty of sin, and that the more flagrant in proportion as it was committed wilfully.  For that he entertains no doubt that the sacrament is rightly received in the Church, is proved by his conviction that it is there that he must look for profit even from what he has received elsewhere.



Chapter 3.—4.  There are two propositions, moreover, which we affirm,—that baptism exists in the Catholic Church, and that in it alone can it be rightly received,—both of which the Donatists deny.  Likewise there are two other propositions which we affirm,—that baptism exists among the Donatists, but that with them it is not rightly received, of which two they strenuously confirm the former, that baptism exists with them; but they are unwilling to allow the latter, that in their Church it cannot be rightly received.  Of these four propositions, three are peculiar to us; in one we both agree.  For that baptism exists in the Catholic Church, that it is rightly received there, and that it is not rightly received among the Donatists, are assertions made only by ourselves; but that baptism exists also among the Donatists, is asserted by them and allowed by us.  If any one, therefore, is desirous of being baptized, and is already convinced that he ought to choose our Church as a medium for Christian salvation, and that the baptism of Christ is only profitable in it, even when it has been received elsewhere, but yet wishes to be baptized in the schism of Donatus, because not they only, nor we only, but both parties alike say that baptism exists with them, let him pause and look to the other three points.  For if he has made up his mind to follow us in the points which they deny, though he prefers what both of us acknowledge, to what only we assert, it is enough for our purpose that he prefers what they do not affirm and we alone assert, to what they alone assert.  That baptism exists in the Catholic Church, we assert and they deny.  That it is rightly received in the Catholic Church, we assert and they deny.  That it is not rightly received in the schism of Donatus, we assert and they deny.  As, therefore, he is the more ready to believe what we alone assert should be believed, so let him be the more ready to do what we alone declare should be done.  But let him believe more firmly, if he be so disposed, what both parties assert should be believed, than what we alone maintain.  For he is inclined to believe more firmly that the baptism of Christ exists in the schism of Donatus, because that is acknowledged by both of us, than that it exists in the Catholic Church, an assertion made alone by the Catholics.  But again, he is more ready to believe that the baptism of Christ exists also with us, as we alone assert, than that it does not exist with us, as they alone assert.  For he has already determined and is fully convinced, that where we differ, our authority is to be preferred to theirs.  So that he is more ready to believe what we alone assert, that baptism is rightly received with us, than that it is not rightly so received, since that rests only on their assertion.  And, by the same rule, he is more ready to believe what we alone assert, that it is not rightly received with them, than as they alone assert, that it is rightly so received.  He finds, therefore, that his confidence in being baptized among the Donatists is somewhat profitless, seeing that, though we both acknowledge that baptism exists with them, yet we do not both declare that it ought to be received from them.  But he has made up his mind to cling rather to us in matters where we disagree.  Let him therefore feel confidence in receiving baptism in our communion, where he is assured that it both exists and is rightly received; and let him not receive it in a communion, where those whose opinion he has determined to follow acknowledge indeed that it exists, but say that it cannot rightly be received.  Nay, even if he should hold it to be a doubtful question, whether or no it is impossible for that to be rightly received among the Donatists which he is assured can rightly be received in the Catholic Church, he would commit a grievous sin, in matters concerning the salvation of his soul, in the mere fact of preferring uncertainty to certainty.  At any rate, he must be quite sure that a man can be rightly baptized in the Catholic Church, from the mere fact that he has determined to come over to it, even if he be baptized elsewhere.  But let him at least acknowledge it to be matter of uncertainty whether a man be not improperly baptized among the Donatists, when he finds this asserted by those whose opinion he is convinced should be preferred to theirs; and, preferring certainty to uncertainty, let him be baptized here, where he has good grounds for being assured that it is rightly done, in the fact that when he thought of doing it elsewhere, he had still determined that he ought afterwards to come over to this side.



Chapter 4.—5.  Further, if any one fails to understand how it can be that we assert that the sacrament is not rightly conferred among the Donatists, while we confess that it exists among them, let him observe that we also deny that it exists rightly among them, just as they deny that it exists rightly among those who quit their communion.  Let him also consider the analogy of the military mark, which, though it can both be retained, as by deserters, and, also be received by those who are not in the army, yet ought not to be either received or retained outside its ranks; and, at the same time, it is not changed or renewed when a man is enlisted or brought back to his service.  However, we must distinguish between the case of those who unwittingly join the ranks of these heretics, under the impression that they are entering the true Church of Christ, and those who know that there is no other Catholic Church save that which, according to the promise, is spread abroad throughout the whole world, and extends even to the utmost limits of the earth; which, rising amid tares, and seeking rest in the future from the weariness of offenses, says in the Book of Psalms, "From the end of the earth I cried unto Thee, while my heart was in weariness:  Thou didst exalt me on a rock." 1151   But the rock was Christ, in whom the apostle says that we are now raised up, and set together in heavenly places, though not yet actually, but only in hope. 1152   And so the psalm goes on to say, "Thou wast my guide, because Thou art become my hope, a tower of strength from the face of the enemy." 1153   By means of His promises, which are like spears and javelins stored up in a strongly fortified place, the enemy is not only guarded against, but overthrown, as he clothes his wolves in sheep’s clothing, 1154 that they may say, "Lo, here is Christ, or there;" 1155 and that they may separate many from the Catholic city which is built upon a hill, and bring them down to the isolation of their own snares, so as utterly to destroy them.  And these men, knowing this, choose to receive the baptism of Christ without the limits of the communion of the unity of Christ’s body, though they intend afterwards, with the sacrament which they have received elsewhere, to pass into that very communion.  For they propose to receive Christ’s baptism in antagonism to the Church of Christ, well knowing that it is so even on the very day on which they receive it.  And if this is a sin, who is the man that will say, Grant that for a single day I may commit sin?  For if he proposes to pass over to the Catholic Church, I would fain ask why.  What other answer can he give, but that it is ill to belong to the party of Donatus, and not to the unity of the Catholic Church?  Just so many days, then, as you commit this ill, of so many days’ sin are you going to be guilty.  And it may be said that there is greater sin in more days’ commission of it, and less in fewer; but in no wise can it be said that no sin is committed at all.  But what is the need of allowing this accursed wrong for a single day, or a single hour?  For the man who wishes this license to be granted him, might as well ask of the Church, or of God Himself, that for a single day he should be permitted to apostatize.  For there is no reason why he should fear to be an apostate for a day, if he does not shrink from being for that time a schismatic or a heretic.


Footnotes

414:1151

Ps. 61:2, 3.  Cp. Hieron, and LXX.

414:1152

Eph. ii. 6.

414:1153

Ps. 61:2, 3.  Cp. Hieron, and LXX.

414:1154

Matt. vii. 15.

414:1155

Matt. xxiv. 23.



Chapter 5.—6.  I prefer, he says, to receive Christ’s baptism where both parties agree that it exists.  But those whom you intend to join say that it cannot be received there rightly; and those who say that it can be received there rightly are the party whom you mean to quit.  What they say, therefore, whom you yourself consider of inferior authority, in opposition to what those say whom you yourself prefer, is, if not false, at any rate, to use a milder term, at least uncertain.  I entreat you, therefore, to prefer what is true to what is false, or what is certain to what is uncertain.  For it is not only those whom you are going to join, but you yourself who are going to join them, that confess that what you want can be rightly received in that body which you mean to join when you have received it elsewhere.  For if you had any doubts whether it could be rightly received there, you would also have doubts whether you ought to make the change.  If, therefore, it is doubtful whether it be not sin to receive baptism from the party of Donatus, who can doubt but that it is certain sin not to prefer receiving it where it is certain that it is not sin?  And those who are baptized there through ignorance, thinking that it is the true Church of Christ, are guilty of less sin in comparison than these, though even they are wounded by the impiety of schism; nor do they escape a grievous hurt, because others suffer even more.  For when it is said to certain men, "It shall be more tolerable for the land of Sodom in the day of judgment than for you," 1156 it is not meant that the men of Sodom shall escape torment, but only that the others shall be even more grievously tormented.

7.  And yet this point had once, perhaps, been involved in obscurity and doubt.  But that which is a source of health to those who give heed and receive correction, is but an aggravation of the sin of those who, when they are no longer suffered to be ignorant, persist in their madness to their own destruction.  For the condemnation of the party of Maximianus, and their restoration after they had been condemned, together with those whom they had sacrilegiously, to use the language of their own Council, 1157 baptized in schism, settles the whole question in dispute, and removes all controversy.  There is no point at issue between ourselves and those Donatists who hold communion with Primianus, which could give rise to any doubt that the baptism of Christ may not only be retained, but even conferred by those who are severed from the Church.  For as they themselves are obliged to confess that those whom Felicianus baptized in schism received true baptism, inasmuch as they now acknowledge them as members of their own body, with no other baptism than that which they received in schism; so we say that that is Christ’s baptism, even without the pale of Catholic communion, which they confer who are cut off from that communion, inasmuch as they had not lost it when they were cut off.  And what they themselves think that they conferred on those persons whom Felicianus baptized in schism, when they admitted them to reconcilation with themselves, viz., not that they should receive that which they did not as yet possess, but that what they had received to no advantage in schism, and were already in possession of, should be of profit to them, this God really confers and bestows through the Catholic communion on those who come from any heresy or schism in which they received the baptism of Christ; viz., not that they should begin to receive the sacrament of baptism as not possessing it before, but that what they already possessed should now begin to profit them.


Footnotes

415:1156

Matt. xi. 24.

415:1157

The Council of 310 Donatist bishops, held at Bagai in Numidia, A.D. April 24, 394.  Cp. Contra. Crescon. iii. 52, 56.



Chapter 6.—8.  Between us, then, and what we may call the genuine 1158 Donatists, whose bishop is Primianus at Carthage, there is now no controversy on this point.  For God willed that it should be ended by means of the followers of Maximianus, that they should be compelled by the precedent of his case to acknowledge what they would not allow at the persuasion of Christian charity.  But this brings us to consider next, whether those men do not seem to have something to say for themselves, who refuse communion with the party of Primianus, contending that in their body there remains greater sincerity of Donatism, just in proportion to the paucity of their numbers.  And even if these were only the party of Maximianus, we should not be justified in despising their salvation.  How much more, then, are we bound to consider it, when we find that this same party of Donatus is split up into many most minute fractions, all which small sections of the body blame the one much larger portion which has Primianus for its head, because they receive the baptism of the followers of Maximianus; while each endeavors to maintain that it is the sole receptacle of true baptism, which exists nowhere else, neither in the whole of the world where the Catholic Church extends itself, nor in that larger main body of the Donatists, nor even in the other minute sections, but only in itself.  Whereas, if all these fragments would listen not to the voice of man, but to the most unmistakable manifestation of the truth, and would be willing to curb the fiery temper of their own perversity, they would return from their own barrenness, not indeed to the main body of Donatus, a mere fragment of which they are a smaller fragment, but to the never-failing fruitfulness of the root of the Catholic Church.  For all of them who are not against us are for us; but when they gather not with us, they scatter abroad.


Footnotes

415:1158

Quodam modo cardinales Donatistas.



Chapter 7.—9.  For, in the next place, that I may not seem to rest on mere human arguments,—since there is so much obscurity in this question, that in earlier ages of the Church, before the schism of Donatus, it has caused men of great weight, and even our fathers, the bishops, whose hearts were full of charity, so to dispute and doubt among themselves, saving always the peace of the Church, that the several statutes of their Councils in their different districts long varied from each other, till at length the most wholesome opinion was established, to the removal of all doubts, by a plenary Council of the whole world: 1159 —I therefore bring forward from the gospel clear proofs, by which I propose, with God’s help, to prove how rightly and truly in the sight of God it has been determined, that in the case of every schismatic and heretic, the wound which caused his separation should be cured by the medicine of the Church; but that what remained sound in him should rather be recognized with approbation, than wounded by condemnation.  It is indeed true that the Lord says in the gospel, "He that is not with me is against me; and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad." 1160   Yet when the disciples had brought word to Him that they had seen one casting out devils in His name, and had forbidden him, because he followed not them, He said, "Forbid him not:  for he that is not against us is for us.  For there is no man which shall do a miracle in my name, that can lightly speak evil of me." 1161   If, indeed, there were nothing in this man requiring correction, then any one would be safe who, setting himself outside the communion of the Church, severing himself from all Christian brotherhood, should gather in Christ’s name; and so there would be no truth in this, "He that is not with me is against me; and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad."  But if he required correction in the point where the disciples in their ignorance were anxious to check him, why did our Lord, by saying, "Forbid him not," prevent this check from being given?  And how can that be true which He then says, "He that is not against you is for you?"  For in this point he was not against, but for them, when he was working miracles of healing in Christ’s name.  That both, therefore, should be true, as both are true,—both the declaration, that "he that is not with me is against me, and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad;" and also the injunction, "Forbid him not; for he that is not against you is for you,"—what must we understand, except that the man was to be confirmed in his veneration for that mighty Name, in respect of which he was not against the Church, but for it; and yet he was to be blamed for separating himself from the Church, whereby his gathering became a scattering; and if it should have so happened that he sought union with the Church, he should not have received what he already possessed, but be made to set right the points wherein he had gone astray?


Footnotes

416:1159

See below, on ii. 9.

416:1160

Matt. xii. 30.

416:1161

Mark 9:38, 39, Luke 9:50.



Chapter 8.—10.  Nor indeed were the prayers of the Gentile Cornelius unheard, nor did his alms lack acceptance; nay, he was found worthy that an angel should be sent to him, and that he should behold the messenger, through whom he might assuredly have learned everything that was necessary, without requiring that any man should come to him.  But since all the good that he had in his prayers and alms could not benefit him unless he were incorporated in the Church by the bond of Christian brotherhood and peace, he was ordered to send to Peter, and through him learned Christ; and, being also baptized by his orders, he was joined by the tie of communion to the fellowship of Christians, to which before he was bound only by the likeness of good works. 1162   And indeed it would have been most fatal to despise what he did not yet possess, vaunting himself in what he had.  So too those who, by separating themselves from the society of their fellows, to the overthrow of charity, thus break the bond of unity, if they observe none of the things which they have received in that society, are separated in everything; and so any one whom they have joined to their society, if he afterwards wish to come over to the Church, ought to receive everything which he has not already received.  But if they observe some of the same things, in respect of these they have not severed themselves; and so far they are still a part of the framework of the Church, while in all other respects they are cut off from it.  Accordingly, any one whom they have associated with themselves is united to the Church in all those points in which they are not separated from it.  And therefore, if he wish to come over to the Church, he is made sound in those points in which he was unsound and went astray; but where he was sound in union with the Church, he is not cured, but recognized,—lest in desiring to cure what is sound we should rather inflict a wound.  Therefore those whom they baptize they heal from the wound of idolatry or unbelief; but they injure them more seriously with the wound of schism. For idolaters among the people of the Lord were smitten with the sword; 1163 but schismatics were swallowed up by the earth opening her mouth. 1164   And the apostle says, "Though I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing." 1165

11.  If any one is brought to the surgeon, afflicted with a grievous wound in some vital part of the body, and the surgeon says that unless it is cured it must cause death, the friends who brought him do not, I presume, act so foolishly as to count over to the surgeon all his sound limbs, and, drawing his attention to them, make answer to him, "Can it be that all these sound limbs are of no avail to save his life, and that one wounded limb is enough to cause his death?"  They certainly do not say this, but they entrust him to the surgeon to be cured.  Nor, again, because they so entrust him, do they ask the surgeon to cure the limbs that are sound as well; but they desire him to apply drugs with all care to the one part from which death is threatening the other sound parts too, with the certainty that it must come, unless the wound be healed.  What will it then profit a man that he has sound faith, or perhaps only soundness in the sacrament of faith, when the soundness of his charity is done away with by the fatal wound of schism, so that by the overthrow of it the other points, which were in themselves sound, are brought into the infection of death?  To prevent which, the mercy of God, through the unity of His holy Church, does not cease striving that they may come and be healed by the medicine of reconciliation, through the bond of peace.  And let them not think that they are sound because we admit that they have something sound in them; nor let them think, on the other hand, that what is sound must needs be healed, because we show that in some parts there is a wound.  So that in the soundness of the sacrament, because they are not against us, they are for us; but in the wound of schism, because they gather not with Christ, they scatter abroad.  Let them not be exalted by what they have.  Why do they pass the eyes of pride over those parts only which are sound?  Let them condescend also to look humbly on their wound, and give heed not only to what they have, but also to what is wanting in them.


Footnotes

416:1162

Acts x.

417:1163

Ex. xxxii.

417:1164

Num. xvi.

417:1165

1 Cor. xiii. 2.



Chapter 9.—12.  Let them see how many things, and what important things, are of no avail, if a certain single thing be wanting, and let them see what that one thing is.  And herein let them hear not my words, but those of the apostle:  "Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal.  And though I have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries, and all knowledge; and though I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing." 1166   What does it profit them, therefore, if they have both the voice of angels in the sacred mysteries, and the gift of prophecy, as had Caiaphas 1167 and Saul, 1168 that so they may be found prophesying, of whom Holy Scripture testifies that they were worthy of condemnation?  If they not only know, but even possess the sacraments, as Simon Magus did; 1169 if they have faith, as the devils confessed Christ (for we must not suppose that they did not believe when they said, "What have we to do with Thee, O Son of God?  We know Thee who Thou art" 1170 ; if they distribute of themselves their own substance to the poor, as many do, not only in the Catholic Church, but in the different heretical bodies; if, under the pressure of any persecution, they give their bodies with us to be burned for the faith which they like us confess:  yet because they do all these things apart from the Church, not "forbearing one another in love," nor "endeavoring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace,"  1171 insomuch as they have not charity, they cannot attain to eternal salvation, even with all those good things which profit them not.


Footnotes

417:1166

1 Cor. 13:1, 2.

417:1167

John xi. 51.

417:1168

1 Sam. xviii. 10.

417:1169

Acts viii. 13.

417:1170

Mark i. 24.

417:1171

Eph. 4:2, 3.



Chapter 10.—13.  But they think within themselves that they show very great subtlety in asking whether the baptism of Christ in the party of Donatus makes men sons or not; so that, if we allow that it does make them sons, they may assert that theirs is the Church, the mother which could give birth to sons in the baptism of Christ; and since the Church must be one, they may allege that ours is no Church.  But if we say that it does not make them sons, "Why then," say they, "do you not cause those who pass from us to you to be born again in baptism, after they have been baptized with us, if they are not thereby born as yet?"

14.  Just as though their party gained the power of generation in virtue of what constitutes its division, and not from what causes its union with the Church.  For it is severed from the bond of peace and charity, but it is joined in one baptism.  And so there is one Church which alone is called Catholic; and whenever it has anything of its own in these communions of different bodies which are separate from itself, it is most certainly in virtue of this which is its own in each of them that it, not they, has the power of generation.  For neither is it their separation that generates, but what they have retained of the essence of the Church; and if they were to go on to abandon this, they would lose the power of generation.  The generation, then, in each case proceeds from the Church, whose sacraments are retained, from which any such birth can alone in any case proceed,—although not all who receive its birth belong to its unity, which shall save those who persevere even to the end.  Nor is it those only that do not belong to it who are openly guilty of the manifest sacrilege of schism, but also those who, being outwardly joined to its unity, are yet separated by a life of sin.  For the Church had herself given birth to Simon Magus through the sacrament of baptism; and yet it was declared to him that he had no part in the inheritance of Christ. 1172   Did he lack anything in respect of baptism, of the gospel, of the sacraments?  But in that he wanted charity, he was born in vain; and perhaps it had been well for him that he had never been born at all.  Was anything wanting to their birth to whom the apostle says, "I have fed you with milk, and not with meat, even as babes in Christ"?  Yet he recalls them from the sacrilege of schism, into which they were rushing, because they were carnal:  "I have fed you," he says, "with milk, and not with meat:  for hitherto ye were not able to bear it, neither yet now are ye able.  For ye are yet carnal:  for whereas there is among you envying and strife, are ye not carnal, and walk as men?  For while one saith, I am of Paul; and another, I am of Apollos; are ye not men?" 1173   For of these he says above:  "Now I beseech you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among you; but that ye be perfectly joined together in the same mind, and in the same judgment.  For it hath been declared unto me of you, my brethren, by them which are of the house of Chlöe, that there are contentions among you.  Now this I say, that every one of you saith, I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ.  Is Christ divided? was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?" 1174   These, therefore, if they continued in the same perverse obstinacy, were doubtless indeed born, but yet would not belong by the bond of peace and unity to the very Church in respect of which they were born.  Therefore she herself bears them in her own womb and in the womb of her handmaids, by virtue of the same sacraments, as though by virtue of the seed of her husband.  For it is not without meaning that the apostle says that all these things were done by way of figure.  1175   But those who are too proud, and are not joined to their lawful mother, are like Ishmael, of whom it is said, "Cast out this bond-woman and her Son:  for the son of the bond-woman shall not be heir with my son, even with Isaac." 1176   But those who peacefully love the lawful wife of their father, whose sons they are by lawful descent, are like the sons of Jacob, born indeed of handmaids, but yet receiving the same inheritance. 1177   But those who are born within the family, of the womb of the mother herself, and then neglect the grace they have received, are like Isaac’s son Esau, who was rejected, God Himself bearing witness to it, and saying, "I loved Jacob, and I hated Esau;" 1178 and that though they were twin-brethren, the offspring of the same womb.


Footnotes

418:1172

Acts 8:13, 21.

418:1173

1 Cor. iii. 1-4.

418:1174

1 Cor. i. 10-13.

418:1175

1 Cor. x. 11.  In figura; τυπικῶς; A.V., "for ensamples."

418:1176

Gen. xxi. 10.

418:1177

Gen. xxx. 3.

418:1178

Mal. 1:2, 3, Gen. 25:24.



Chapter 11.—15.  They ask also, "Whether sins are remitted in baptism in the party of Donatus:"  so that, if we say that they are remitted, they may answer, then the Holy Spirit is there; for when by the breathing of our Lord the Holy Spirit was given to the disciples, He then went on to say, "Baptize all nations in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." 1179   Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained." 1180   And if it is so, they say, then our communion is the Church of Christ; for the Holy Spirit does not work the remission of sins except in the Church.  And if our communion is the Church of Christ, then your communion is not the Church of Christ.  For that is one, wherever it is, of which it is said, "My dove is but one; she is the only one of her mother;" 1181 nor can there be just so many churches as there are schisms.  But if we should say that sins are not there remitted, then, say they, there is no true baptism there; and therefore ought you to baptize those whom you receive from us.  And since you do not do this, you confess that you are not in the Church of Christ.

16.  To these we reply, following the Scriptures, by asking them to answer themselves what they ask of us.  For I beg them to tell us whether there is any remission of sins where there is not charity; for sins are the darkness of the soul.  For we find St. John saying, "He that hateth his brother is still in darkness." 1182   But none would create schisms, if they were not blinded by hatred of their brethren.  If, therefore, we say that sins are not remitted there, how is he regenerate who is baptized among them?  And what is regeneration in baptism, except the being renovated from the corruption of the old man?  And how can he be so renovated whose past sins are not remitted?  But if he be not regenerate, neither does he put on Christ; from which it seems to follow that he ought to be baptized again.  For the apostle says, "For as many of you as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ;" 1183 and if he has not so put on Christ, neither should he be considered to have been baptized in Christ.  Further, since we say that he has been baptized in Christ, we confess that he has put on Christ; and if we confess this, we confess that he is regenerate.  And if this be so, how does St. John say, "He that hateth his brother remaineth still in darkness," if remission of his sins has already taken place?  Can it be that schism does not involve hatred of one’s brethren?  Who will maintain this, when both the origin of, and perseverance in schism consists in nothing else save hatred of the brethren?

17.  They think that they solve this question when they say:  "There is then no remission of sins in schism, and therefore no creation of the new man by regeneration, and accordingly neither is there the baptism of Christ."  But since we confess that the baptism of Christ exists in schism, we propose this question to them for solution:  Was Simon Magus endued with the true baptism of Christ?  They will answer, Yes; being compelled to do so by the authority of holy Scripture.  I ask them whether they confess that he received remission of his sins.  They will certainly acknowledge it.  So I ask why Peter said to him that he had no part in the lot of the saints.  Because, they say, he sinned afterwards, wishing to buy with money the gift of God, which he believed the apostles were able to sell.


Footnotes

418:1179

Matt. xxviii. 19.

418:1180

John xx. 23.

418:1181

Song of Sol. vi. 9.

419:1182

1 John ii. 11.

419:1183

Gal. iii. 27.



Chapter 12.—18.  What if he approached baptism itself in deceit? were his sins remitted, or were they not?  Let them choose which they will.  Whichever they choose will answer our purpose.  If they say they were remitted, how then shall "the Holy Spirit of discipline flee deceit," 1184 if in him who was full of deceit He worked remission of sins?  If they say they were not remitted, I ask whether, if he should afterwards confess his sin with contrition of heart and true sorrow, it would be judged that he ought to be baptized again.  And if it is mere madness to assert this, then let them confess that a man can be baptized with the true baptism of Christ, and that yet his heart, persisting in malice or sacrilege, may not allow remission of sins to be given; and so let them understand that men may be baptized in communions severed from the Church, in which Christ’s baptism is given and received in the said celebration of the sacrament, but that it will only then be of avail for the remission of sins, when the recipient, being reconciled to the unity of the Church, is purged from the sacrilege of deceit, by which his sins were retained, and their remission prevented.  For, as in the case of him who had approached the sacrament in deceit there is no second baptism, but he is purged by faithful discipline and truthful confession, which he could not be without baptism, so that what was given before becomes then powerful to work his salvation, when the former deceit is done away by the truthful confession; so also in the case of the man who, while an enemy to the peace and love of Christ, received in any heresy or schism the baptism of Christ, which the schismatics in question had not lost from among them, though by his sacrilege his sins were not remitted, yet, when he corrects his error, and comes over to the communion and unity of the Church, he ought not to be again baptized:  because by his very reconciliation to the peace of the Church he receives this benefit, that the sacrament now begins in unity to be of avail for the remission of his sins, which could not so avail him as received in schism.

19.  But if they should say that in the man who has approached the sacrament in deceit, his sins are indeed removed by the holy power of so great a sacrament at the moment when he received it, but return immediately in consequence of his deceit:  so that the Holy Spirit has both been present with him at his baptism for the removal of his sins, and has also fled before his perseverance in deceit so that they should return:  so that both declarations prove true,—both, "As many of you as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ;" and also, "The holy spirit of discipline will flee deceit;"—that is to say, that both the holiness of baptism clothes him with Christ, and the sinfulness of deceit strips him of Christ; like the case of a man who passes from darkness through light into darkness again, his eyes being always directed towards darkness, though the light cannot but penetrate them as he passes;—if they should say this, let them understand that this is also the case with those who are baptized without the pale of the Church, but yet with the baptism of the Church, which is holy in itself, wherever it may be; and which therefore belongs not to those who separate themselves, but to the body from which they are separated; while yet it avails even among them so far, that they pass through its light back to their own darkness, their sins, which in that moment had been dispelled by the holiness of baptism, returning immediately upon them, as though it were the darkness returning which the light had dispelled while they were passing through it.

20.  For that sins which have been remitted do return upon a man, where there is no brotherly love, is most clearly taught by our Lord, in the case of the servant whom He found owing Him ten thousand talents, and to whom He yet forgave all at his entreaty.  But when he refused to have pity on his fellow-servant who owed him a hundred pence, the Lord commanded him to pay what He had forgiven him.  The time, then, at which pardon is received through baptism is as it were the time for rendering accounts, so that all the debts which are found to be due may be remitted.  Yet it was not afterwards that the servant lent his fellow-servant the money, which he had so pitilessly exacted when the other was unable to pay it; but his fellow-servant already owed him the debt, when he himself, on rendering his accounts to his master, was excused a debt of so vast an amount.  He had not first excused his fellow-servant, and so come to receive forgiveness from his Lord.  This is proved by the words of the fellow-servant:  "Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all."  Otherwise he would have said, "You forgave me it before; why do you again demand it?"  This is made more clear by the words of the Lord Himself.  For He says, "But the same servant went out, and found one of his fellow-servants which was owing 1185 him a hundred pence." 1186   He does not say, "To whom he had already forgiven a debt of a hundred pence."  Since then He says, "was owing him," it is clear that he had not forgiven him the debt.  And indeed it would have been better, and more in accordance with the position of a man who was going to render an account of so great a debt, and expected forbearance from his lord, that he should first have forgiven his fellow-servant what was due to him, and so have come to render the account when there was such need for imploring the compassion of his lord.  Yet the fact that he had not yet forgiven his fellow-servant, did not prevent his lord from forgiving him all his debts on the occasion of receiving his accounts.  But what advantage was it to him, since they all immediately returned with redoubled force upon his head, in consequence of his persistent want of charity?  So the grace of baptism is not prevented from giving remission of all sins, even if he to whom they are forgiven continues to cherish hatred towards his brother in his heart.  For the guilt of yesterday is remitted, and all that was before it, nay, even the guilt of the very hour and moment previous to baptism, and during baptism itself.  But then he immediately begins again to be responsible, not only for the days, hours, moments which ensue, but also for the past,—the guilt of all the sins which were remitted returning on him, as happens only too frequently in the Church.


Footnotes

419:1184

Wisd. i. 5.

420:1185

Debebat.  Hieron, debebat, LXX. ὤφειλεν.

420:1186

Matt. xviii. 23-35.



Chapter 13.—21.  For it often happens that a man has an enemy whom he hates most unjustly; although we are commanded to love even our unjust enemies, and to pray for them.  But in some sudden danger of death he begins to be uneasy, and desires baptism, which he receives in such haste, that the emergency scarcely admits of the necessary formal examination of a few words, much less of a long conversation, so that this hatred should be driven from his heart, even supposing it to be known to the minister who baptizes him.  Certainly cases of this sort are still found to occur not only with us, but also with them.  What shall we say then?  Are this man’s sins forgiven or not?  Let them choose just which alternative they prefer.  For if they are forgiven, they immediately return:  this is the teaching of the gospel, the authoritative announcement of truth.  Whether, therefore, they are forgiven or not, medicine is necessary afterwards; and yet if the man lives, and learns that his fault stands in need of correction, and corrects it, he is not baptized anew, either with them or with us.  So in the points in which schismatics and heretics neither entertain different opinions nor observe different practice from ourselves, we do not correct them when they join us, but rather commend what we find in them.  For where they do not differ from us, they are not separated from us.  But because these things do them no good so long as they are schismatics or heretics, on account of other points in which they differ from us, not to mention the most grievous sin that is involved in separation itself, therefore, whether their sins remain in them, or return again immediately after remission, in either case we exhort them to come to the soundness of peace and Christian charity, not only that they may obtain something which they had not before, but also that what they had may begin to be of use to them.



Chapter 14.—22.  It is to no purpose, then, that they say to us, "If you acknowledge our baptism, what do we lack that should make you suppose that we ought to think seriously of joining your communion?"  For we reply, We do not acknowledge any baptism of yours; for it is not the baptism of schismatics or heretics, but of God and of the Church, wheresoever it may be found, and whithersoever it may be transferred.  But it is in no sense yours, except because you entertain false opinions, and do sacrilegious acts, and have impiously separated yourselves from the Church.  For if everything else in your practice and opinions were true, and still you were to persist in this same separation, contrary to the bond of brotherly peace, contrary to the union of all the brethren, who have been manifest, according to the promise, in all the world; the particulars of whose history, and the secrets of whose hearts, you never could have known or considered in every case, so as to have a right to condemn them; who, moreover, cannot be liable to condemnation for submitting themselves to the judges of the Church rather than to one of the parties to the dispute,—in this one thing, at least, in such a case, you are deficient, in which he is deficient who lacks charity.  Why should we go over our argument again?  Look and see yourselves in the apostle, how much there is that you lack.  For what does it matter to him who lacks charity, whether he be carried away outside the Church at once by some blast of temptation, or remain within the Lord’s harvest, so as to be separated only at the final winnowing?  And yet even such, if they have once been born in baptism, need not be born again.



Chapter 15.—23.  For it is the Church that gives birth to all, either within her pale, of her own womb; or beyond it, of the seed of her bridegroom,—(either of herself, or of her handmaid. 1187 )  But Esau, even though born of the lawful wife, was separated from the people of God because he quarrelled with his brother.  And Asher, born indeed by the authority of a wife, but yet of a handmaid, was admitted to the land of promise on account of his brotherly good-will.  Whence also it was not the being born of a handmaid, but his quarrelling with his brother, that stood in the way of Ishmael, to cause his separation from the people of God; and he received no benefit from the power of the wife, whose son he rather was, inasmuch as it was in virtue of her conjugal rights that he was both conceived in and born of the womb of the handmaid.  Just as with the Donatists it is by the right of the Church, which exists in baptism, that whosoever is born receives his birth; but if they agree with their brethren, through the unity of peace they come to the land of promise, not to be again cast out from the bosom of their true mother, but to be acknowledged in the seed of their father; but if they persevere in discord, they will belong to the line of Ishmael.  For Ishmael was first, and then Isaac; and Esau was the elder, Jacob the younger.  Not that heresy gives birth before the Church, or that the Church herself gives birth first to those who are carnal or animal, and afterwards to those who are spiritual; but because, in the actual lot of our mortality, in which we are born of the seed of Adam, "that was not first which is spiritual, but that which is natural, and afterward that which is spiritual." 1188   But from mere animal sensation, because "the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God," 1189 arise all dissensions and schisms.  And the apostle says 1190 that all who persevere in this animal sensation belong to the old covenant. that is, to the desire of earthly promises, which are indeed the type of the spiritual; but "the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God." 1191

24.  At whatever time, therefore, men have begun to be of such a nature in this life, that, although they have partaken of such divine sacraments as were appointed for the dispensation under which they lived, they yet savor of carnal things, and hope for and desire carnal things from God, whether in this life or afterwards, they are yet carnal.  But the Church, which is the people of God, is an ancient institution even in the pilgrimage of this life, having a carnal interest in some men, a spiritual interest in others.  To the carnal belongs the old covenant, to the spiritual the new.  But in the first days both were hidden, from Adam even to Moses.  But by Moses the old covenant was made manifest, and in it was hidden the new covenant, because after a secret fashion it was typified.  But so soon as the Lord came in the flesh, the new covenant was revealed; yet, though the sacraments of the old covenant passed away; the dispositions peculiar to it did not pass away.  For they still exist in those whom the apostle declares to be already born indeed by the sacrament of the new covenant, but yet capable, as being natural, of receiving the things of the Spirit of God.  For, as in the sacraments of the old covenant some persons were already spiritual, belonging secretly to the new covenant, which was then concealed, so now also in the sacrament of the new covenant, which has been by this time revealed, many live who are natural.  And if they will not advance to receive the things of the Spirit of God, to which the discourse of the apostle urges them, they will still belong to the old covenant.  But if they advance, even before they receive them, yet by their very advance and approach they belong to the new covenant; and if, before becoming spiritual, they are snatched away from this life, yet through the protection of the holiness of the sacrament they are reckoned in the land of the living, where the Lord is our hope and our portion.  Nor can I find any truer interpretation of the scripture, "Thine eyes did see my substance, yet being imperfect" 1192 considering what follows, "And in Thy book shall all be written." 1193


Footnotes

421:1187

The words in parenthesis are wanting in the Mss., and seem to have crept from the margin into the text.

421:1188

1 Cor. xv. 46.

421:1189

1 Cor. ii. 14.

421:1190

Gal. iv.

421:1191

1 Cor. ii. 14.

422:1192

Ps. cxxxix. 16.

422:1193

Cf. Hieron, and LXX.  A.V. "In Thy book were all my members written."



Chapter 16.—25.  But the same mother which brought forth Abel, and Enoch, and Noah, and Abraham, brought forth also Moses and the prophets who succeeded him till the coming of our Lord; and the mother which gave birth to them gave birth also to our apostles and martyrs, and all good Christians.  For all these that have appeared have been born indeed at different times, but are included in the society of our people; and it is as citizens of the same state that they have experienced the labors of this pilgrimage, and some of them are experiencing them, and others will experience them even to the end.  Again, the mother who brought forth Cain, and Ham, and Ishmael, and Esau, brought forth also Dathan and others like him in the same people; and she who gave birth to them gave birth also to Judas the false apostle, and Simon Magus, and all the other false Christians who up to this time have persisted obstinately in their carnal affections, whether they have been mingled in the unity of the Church, or separated from it in open schism.  But when men of this kind have the gospel preached to them, and receive the sacraments at the hand of those who are spiritual, it is as though Rebecca gave birth to them of her own womb, as she did to Esau; but when they are produced in the midst of the people of God through the instrumentality of those who preach the gospel not sincerely, 1194 Sarah is indeed the mother, but through Hagar.  So when good spiritual disciples are produced by the preaching or baptism of those who are carnal, Leah, indeed, or Rachel, gives birth to them in her right as wife, but from the womb of a handmaid.  But when good and faithful disciples are born of those who are spiritual in the gospel, and either attain to the development of spiritual age, or do not cease to strive in that direction, or are only deterred from doing so by want of power, these are born like Isaac from the womb of Sarah, or Jacob from the womb of Rebecca, in the new life and the new covenant.


Footnotes

422:1194

Non caste; οὐχ ἀγνῶς.  Phil. i. 16.  Hieron. non sincere.



Chapter 17.—26.  Therefore, whether they seem to abide within, or are openly outside, whatsoever is flesh is flesh, and what is chaff is chaff, whether they persevere in remaining in their barrenness on the threshing-floor, or, when temptation befalls them, are carried out as it were by the blast of some wind.  And even that man is always severed from the unity of the Church which is without spot or wrinkle,  1195 who associates with the congregation of the saints in carnal obstinacy.  Yet we ought to despair of no man, whether he be one who shows himself to be of this nature within the pale of the Church, or whether he more openly opposes it from without.  But the spiritual, or those who are steadily advancing with pious exertion towards this end, do not stray without the pale; since even when, by some perversity or necessity among men, they seem to be driven forth, they are more approved than if they had remained within, since they are in no degree roused to contend against the Church, but remain rooted in the strongest foundation of Christian charity on the solid rock of unity.  For hereunto belongs what is said in the sacrifice of Abraham:  "But the birds divided he not." 1196


Footnotes

422:1195

In the Retractations, ii. 18, Augustin notes on this passage, that wherever he uses this quotation from the Epistle to the Ephesians, he means it to be understood of the progress of the Church towards this condition, and not of her success in its attainment; for at present the infirmities and ignorance of her members give ground enough for the whole Church joining daily in the petition, "Forgive us our debts."

422:1196

Gen. xv. 10.



Chapter 18.—27.  On the question of baptism, then, I think that I have argued at sufficient length; and since this is a most manifest schism which is called by the name of the Donatists, it only remains that on the subject of baptism we should believe with pious faith what the universal Church maintains, apart from the sacrilege of schism.  And yet, if within the Church different men still held different opinions on the point, without meanwhile violating peace, then till some one clear and simple decree should have been passed by an universal Council, it would have been right for the charity which seeks for unity to throw a veil over the error of human infirmity, as it is written "For charity shall cover the multitude of sins." 1197   For, seeing that its absence causes the presence of all other things to be of no avail, we may well suppose that in its presence there is found pardon for the absence of some missing things.

28.  There are great proofs of this existing on the part of the blessed martyr Cyprian, in his letters,—to come at last to him of whose authority they carnally flatter themselves they are possessed, whilst by his love they are spiritually overthrown.  For at that time, before the consent of the whole Church had declared authoritatively, by the decree of a plenary Council, 1198 what practice should be followed in this matter, it seemed to him, in common with about eighty of his fellow bishops of the African churches, that every man who had been baptized outside the communion of the Catholic Church should, on joining the Church, be baptized anew.  And I take it, that the reason why the Lord did not reveal the error in this to a man of such eminence, was, that his pious humility and charity in guarding the peace and health of the Church might be made manifest, and might be noticed, so as to serve as an example of healing power, so to speak, not only to Christians of that age, but also to those who should come after.  For when a bishop of so important a Church, himself a man of so great merit and virtue, endowed with such excellence of heart and power of eloquence, entertained an opinion about baptism different from that which was to be confirmed by a more diligent searching into the truth; though many of his colleagues held what was not yet made manifest by authority, but was sanctioned by the past custom of the Church, and afterwards embraced by the whole Catholic world; yet under these circumstances he did not sever himself, by refusal of communion, from the others who thought differently, and indeed never ceased to urge on the others that they should "forbear one another in love, endeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." 1199   For so, while the framework of the body remained whole, if any infirmity occurred in certain of its members, it might rather regain its health from their general soundness, than be deprived of the chance of any healing care by their death in severance from the body.  And if he had severed himself, how many were there to follow! what a name was he likely to make for himself among men! how much more widely would the name of Cyprianist have spread than that of Donatist!  But he was not a son of perdition, one of those of whom it is said, "Thou castedst them down while they were elevated;" 1200 but he was the son of the peace of the Church, who in the clear illumination of his mind failed to see one thing, only that through him another thing might be more excellently seen.  "And yet," says the apostle, "show I unto you a more excellent way:  though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal." 1201   He had therefore imperfect insight into the hidden mystery of the sacrament.  But if he had known the mysteries of all sacraments, without having charity, it would have been nothing.  But as he, with imperfect insight into the mystery, was careful to preserve charity with all courage and humility and faith, he deserved to come to the crown of martyrdom; so that, if any cloud had crept over the clearness of his intellect from his infirmity as man, it might be dispelled by the glorious brightness of his blood.  For it was not in vain that our Lord Jesus Christ, when He declared Himself to be the vine, and His disciples, as it were, the branches in the vine, gave command that those which bare no fruit should be cut off, and removed from the vine as useless branches. 1202   But what is really fruit, save that new offspring, of which He further says, "A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another?" 1203   This is that very charity, without which the rest profiteth nothing.  The apostle also says:  "But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance;" 1204 which all begin with charity, and with the rest of the combination forms one unity in a kind of wondrous cluster. 1205   Nor is it again in vain that our Lord added, "And every branch that beareth fruit, my Father purgeth it, that it may bring forth more fruit," 1206 but because those who are strong in the fruit of charity may yet have something which requires purging, which the Husbandman will not leave untended.  Whilst then, that holy man entertained on the subject of baptism an opinion at variance with the true view, which was afterwards thoroughly examined and confirmed after most diligent consideration, his error was compensated by his remaining in catholic unity, and by the abundance of his charity; and finally it was cleared away by the pruning-hook of martyrdom.


Footnotes

423:1197

1 Pet. iv. 8.

423:1198

See below, ii. 9.

423:1199

Eph. 4:2, 3.

423:1200

Ps. lxxiii. 18; cp. Hieron.

423:1201

1 Cor. 12:31, 1 Cor. 13:1.

423:1202

John 15:1, 2.

423:1203

John xiii. 34.

423:1204

Gal. 5:22, 23.

423:1205

Botrum.

423:1206

John xv. 2.



Chapter 19.—29.  But that I may not seem to be uttering these praises of the blessed martyr (which, indeed, are not his, but rather those of Him by whose grace he showed himself what he was), in order to escape the burden of proof, let us now bring forward from his letters the testimony by which the mouths of the Donatists may most of all be stopped.  For they advance his authority before the unlearned, to show that in a manner they do well when they baptize afresh the faithful who come to them.  Too wretched are they—and, unless they correct themselves, even by themselves are they utterly condemned—who choose in the example set them by so great a man to imitate just that fault, which only did not injure him, because he walked with constant steps even to the end in that from which they have strayed who "have not known the way of peace." 1207   It is true that Christ’s baptism is holy; and although it may exist among heretics or schismatics, yet it does not belong to the heresy or schism; and therefore even those who come from thence to the Catholic Church herself ought not to be baptized afresh.  Yet to err on this point is one thing; it is another thing that those who are straying from the peace of the Church, and have fallen headlong into the pit of schism, should go on to decide that any who join them ought to be baptized again.  For the former is a speck on the brightness of a holy soul which abundance of charity 1208 would fain have covered; the latter is a stain in their nether foulness which the hatred of peace in their countenance ostentatiously brings to light.  But the subject for our further consideration, relating to the authority of the blessed Cyprian, we will commence from a fresh beginning.


Footnotes

424:1207

Rom. iii. 17; from which it has been introduced into the Alexandrine Ms. of the Septuagint at Ps. xiv. 3, cf. Hieron.; it is also found in the English Prayer-book version of the Psalms.

424:1208

Charitatis ubera.



Book II.

In which Augustin proves that it is to no purpose that the Donatists bring forward the authority of Cyprian, bishop and martyr, since it is really more opposed to them than to the Catholics.  For that he held that the view of his predecessor Agrippinus, on the subject of baptizing heretics in the Catholic Church when they join its communion, should only be received on condition that peace should be maintained with those who entertained the opposite view, and that the unity of the Church should never be broken by any kind of schism.



Chapter 1.—1.  How much the arguments make for us, that is, for catholic peace, which the party of Donatus profess to bring forward against us from the authority of the blessed Cyprian, and how much they prove against those who bring them forward, it is my intention, with the help of God, to show in the ensuing book.  If, therefore, in the course of my argument, I am obliged to repeat what I have already said in other treatises (although I will do so as little as I can,) yet this ought not to be objected to by those who have already read them and agree with them; since it is not only right that those things which are necessary for instruction should be frequently instilled into men of dull intelligence, but even in the case of those who are endowed with larger understanding, it contributes very much both to make their learning easier and their powers of teaching readier, where the same points are handled and discussed in many various ways.  For I know how much it discourages a reader, when he comes upon any knotty question in the book which he has in hand, to find himself presently referred for its solution to another which he happens not to have.  Wherefore, if I am compelled, by the urgency of the present questions, to repeat what I have already said in other books, I would seek forgiveness from those who know those books already, that those who are ignorant may have their difficulties removed; for it is better to give to one who has already, than to abstain from satisfying any one who is in want.

 2.  What, then, do they venture to say, when their mouth is closed 1209 by the force of truth, with which they will not agree?  "Cyprian," say they, "whose great merits and vast learning we all know, decreed in a Council, 1210 with many of his fellow-bishops contributing their several opinions, that all heretics and schismatics, that is, all who are severed from the communion of the one Church, are without baptism; and therefore, whosoever has joined the communion of the Church after being baptized by them must be baptized in the Church."  The authority of Cyprian does not alarm me, because I am reassured by his humility.  We know, indeed, the great merit of the bishop and martyr Cyprian; but is it in any way greater than that of the apostle and martyr Peter, of whom the said Cyprian speaks as follows in his epistle to Quintus?  "For neither did Peter, whom the Lord chose first, and on whom He built His Church, 1211 when Paul afterwards disputed with him about circumcision, claim or assume anything insolently and arrogantly to himself, so as to say that he held the primacy, and should rather be obeyed of those who were late and newly come.  Nor did he despise Paul because he had before been a persecutor of the Church, but he admitted the counsel of truth, and readily assented to the legitimate grounds which Paul maintained; giving us thereby a pattern of concord and patience, that we should not pertinaciously love our own opinions, but should rather account as our own any true and rightful suggestions of our brethren and colleagues for the common health and weal." 1212   Here is a passage in which Cyprian records what we also learn in holy Scripture, that the Apostle Peter, in whom the primacy of the apostles shines with such exceeding grace, was corrected by the later Apostle Paul, when he adopted a custom in the matter of circumcision at variance with the demands of truth.  If it was therefore possible for Peter in some point to walk not uprightly according to the truth of the gospel, so as to compel the Gentiles to judaize, as Paul writes in that epistle in which he calls God to witness that he does not lie; for he says, "Now the things which I write unto you, behold, before God, I lie not;" 1213 and, after this sacred and awful calling of God to witness, he told the whole tale, saying in the course of it, "But when I saw that they walked not uprightly, according to the truth of the gospel, I said unto Peter before them all, If thou, being a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles, and not as do the Jews, why compellest thou the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" 1214 —if Peter, I say, could compel the Gentiles to live after the manner of the Jews, contrary to the rule of truth which the Church afterwards held, why might not Cyprian, in opposition to the rule of faith which the whole Church afterwards held, compel heretics and schismatics to be baptized afresh?  I suppose that there is no slight to Cyprian in comparing him with Peter in respect to his crown of martyrdom; rather I ought to be afraid lest I am showing disrespect towards Peter.  For who can be ignorant that the primacy of his apostleship is to be preferred to any episcopate whatever?  But, granting the difference in the dignity of their sees, yet they have the same glory in their martyrdom.  And whether it may be the case that the hearts of those who confess and die for the true faith in the unity of charity take precedence of each other in different points, the Lord Himself will know, by the hidden and wondrous dispensation of whose grace the thief hanging on the cross once for all confesses Him, and is sent on the selfsame day to paradise, 1215 while Peter, the follower of our Lord, denies Him thrice, and has his crown postponed: 1216   for us it were rash to form a judgment from the evidence.  But if any one were now found compelling a man to be circumcised after the Jewish fashion, as a necessary preliminary for baptism, this would meet with much more general repudiation by mankind, than if a man should be compelled to be baptized again.  Wherefore, if Peter, on doing this, is corrected by his later colleague Paul, and is yet preserved by the bond of peace and unity till he is promoted to martyrdom, how much more readily and constantly should we prefer, either to the authority of a single bishop, or to the Council of a single province, the rule that has been established by the statutes of the universal Church?  For this same Cyprian, in urging his view of the question, was still anxious to remain in the unity of peace even with those who differed from him on this point, as is shown by his own opening address at the beginning of the very Council which is quoted by the Donatists.  For it is as follows:


Footnotes

425:1209

Præfocantur.

425:1210

The Council of Carthage, A.D. 256, in which eighty-seven African bishops declared in favor of rebaptizing heretics.  The opinions of the bishops are quoted and answered by Augustin, one by one, in Books vi and vii.

425:1211

Matt. xvi. 18.

426:1212

Cypr. Ep. lxxi.

426:1213

Gal. i. 20.

426:1214

Gal. ii. 14.

426:1215

Luke xxiii. 40-43.

426:1216

Matt. xxvi. 69-75.



Chapter 2.—3.  "When, on the calends of September, very many bishops from the provinces of Africa, 1217 Numidia, and Mauritania, with their presbyters and deacons, had met together at Carthage, a great part of the laity also being present; and when the letter addressed by Jubaianus 1218 to Cyprian, as also the answer of Cyprian to Jubaianus, on the subject of baptizing heretics, had been read, Cyprian said:  ‘Ye have heard, most beloved colleagues, what Jubaianus, our fellow-bishop, has written to me, consulting my moderate ability concerning the unlawful and profane baptism of heretics, and what answer I gave him,—giving a judgment which we have once and again and often given, that heretics coming to the Church ought to be baptized, and sanctified with the baptism of the Church.  Another letter of Jubaianus has likewise been read to you, in which, agreeably to his sincere and religious devotion, in answer to our epistle, he not only expressed his assent, but returned thanks also, acknowledging that he had received instruction.  It remains that we severally declare our opinion on this subject, judging no one, nor depriving any one of the right of communion if he differ from us.  For no one of us sets himself up as a bishop of bishops, or, by tyrannical terror, forces his colleagues to a necessity of obeying, inasmuch as every bishop, in the free use of his liberty and power, has the right of forming his own judgment, and can no more be judged by another than he can himself judge another.  But we must all await the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who alone has the power both of setting us in the government of His Church, and of judging of our acts therein.’"


Footnotes

426:1217

That is, the proconsular province of Africa, or Africa Zeugitana, answering to the northern part of the territory of Tunis.

426:1218

The letters of Jubaianas, Mauritanian bishop, are not extant.



Chapter 3.—4.  Now let the proud and swelling necks of the heretics raise themselves, if they dare, against the holy humility of this address.  Ye mad Donatists, whom we desire earnestly to return to the peace and unity of the holy Church, that ye may receive health therein, what have ye to say in answer to this?  You are wont, indeed, to bring up against us the letters of Cyprian, his opinion, his Council; why do ye claim the authority of Cyprian for your schism, and reject his example when it makes for the peace of the Church?  But who can fail to be aware that the sacred canon of Scripture, both of the Old and New Testament, is confined within its own limits, and that it stands so absolutely in a superior position to all later letters of the bishops, that about it we can hold no manner of doubt or disputation whether what is confessedly contained in it is right and true; but that all the letters of bishops which have been written, or are being written, since the closing of the canon, are liable to be refuted if there be anything contained in them which strays from the truth, either by the discourse of some one who happens to be wiser in the matter than themselves, or by the weightier authority and more learned experience of other bishops, by the authority of Councils; and further, that the Councils themselves, which are held in the several districts and provinces, must yield, beyond all possibility of doubt, to the authority of plenary Councils which are formed for the whole Christian world; and that even of the plenary Councils, the earlier are often corrected by those which follow them, when, by some actual experiment, things are brought to light which were before concealed, and that is known which previously lay hid, and this without any whirlwind of sacrilegious pride, without any puffing of the neck through arrogance, without any strife of envious hatred, simply with holy humility, catholic peace, and Christian charity?



Chapter 4.—5.  Wherefore the holy Cyprian, whose dignity is only increased by his humility, who so loved the pattern set by Peter as to use the words, "Giving us thereby a pattern of concord and patience, that we should not pertinaciously love our own opinions, but should rather account as our own any true and rightful suggestions of our brethren and colleagues, for the common health and weal," 1219 —he, I say, abundantly shows that he was most willing to correct his own opinion, if any one should prove to him that it is as certain that the baptism of Christ can be given by those who have strayed from the fold, as that it could not be lost when they strayed; on which subject we have already said much.  Nor should we ourselves venture to assert anything of the kind, were we not supported by the unanimous authority of the whole Church, to which he himself would unquestionably have yielded, if at that time the truth of this question had been placed beyond dispute by the investigation and decree of a plenary Council.  For if he quotes Peter as an example for his allowing himself quietly and peacefully to be corrected by one junior colleague, how much more readily would he himself, with the Council of his province, have yielded to the authority of the whole world, when the truth had been thus brought to light?  For, indeed, so holy and peaceful a soul would have been most ready to assent to the arguments of any single person who could prove to him the truth; and perhaps he even did so, 1220 though we have no knowledge of the fact.  For it was neither possible that all the proceedings which took place between the bishops at that time should have been committed to writing, nor are we acquainted with all that was so committed.  For how could a matter which was involved in such mists of disputation even have been brought to the full illumination and authoritative decision of a plenary Council, had it not first been known to be discussed for some considerable time in the various districts of the world, with many discussions and comparisons of the views of the bishop on every side?  But this is one effect of the soundness of peace, that when any doubtful points are long under investigation, and when, on account of the difficulty of arriving at the truth, they produce difference of opinion in the course of brotherly disputation, till men at last arrive at the unalloyed truth; yet the bond of unity remains, lest in the part that is cut away there should be found the incurable wound of deadly error.


Footnotes

427:1219

See above, c. i. 2.

427:1220

Bede asserts that this was the case.  Book VIII. qu. 5.



Chapter 5.—6.  And so it is that often something is imperfectly revealed to the more learned, that their patient and humble charity, from which proceeds the greater fruit, may be proved, either in the way in which they preserve unity, when they hold different opinions on matters of comparative obscurity, or in the temper with which they receive the truth, when they learn that it has been declared to be contrary to what they thought.  And of these two we have a manifestation in the blessed Cyprian of the one, viz., of the way in which he preserved unity with those from whom he differed in opinion.  For he says, "Judging no one nor depriving any one of the right of communion if he differ from us." 1221   And the other, viz., in what temper he could receive the truth when found to be different from what he thought it, though his letters are silent on the point, is yet proclaimed by his merits.  If there is no letter extant to prove it, it is witnessed by his crown of martyrdom; if the Council of bishops declare it not, it is declared by the host of angels.  For it is no small proof of a most peaceful soul, that he won the crown of martyrdom in that unity from which he would not separate, even though he differed from it.  For we are but men; and it is therefore a temptation incident to men that we should hold views at variance with the truth on any point.  But to come through too great love for our own opinion, or through jealousy of our betters, even to the sacrilege of dividing the communion of the Church, and of founding heresy or schism, is a presumption worthy of the devil.  But never in any point to entertain an opinion at variance with the truth is perfection found only in the angels.  Since then we are men, yet forasmuch as in hope we are angels, whose equals we shall be in the resurrection, 1222 at any rate, so long as we are wanting in the perfection of angels, let us at least be without the presumption of the devil.  Accordingly the apostle says, "There hath no temptation taken you but such as is common to man." 1223   It is therefore part of man’s nature to be sometimes wrong.  Wherefore he says in another place, "Let us therefore, as many as be perfect, be thus minded:  and if in anything ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you." 1224   But to whom does He reveal it when it is His will (be it in this life or in the life to come), save to those who walk in the way of peace, and stray not aside into any schism?  Not to such as those who have not known the way of peace, 1225 or for some other cause have broken the bond of unity.  And so, when the apostle said, "And if in anything ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you," lest they should think that besides the way of peace their own wrong views might be revealed to them, he immediately added, "Nevertheless, whereto we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule." 1226   And Cyprian, walking by this rule, by the most persistent tolerance, not simply by the shedding of his blood, but because it was shed in unity (for if he gave his body to be burned, and had not charity, it would profit him nothing 1227 ), came by the confession of martyrdom to the light of the angels, and if not before, at least then, acknowledged the revelation of the truth on that point on which, while yet in error, he did not prefer the maintenance of a wrong opinion to the bond of unity.


Footnotes

428:1221

See above, c. ii. 3.

428:1222

Matt. xxii. 30.

428:1223

1 Cor x. 13.

428:1224

Phil. iii. 15.

428:1225

Rom. 3:17, Rom. 1:19, 29.

428:1226

Phil. iii. 16.

428:1227

1 Cor. xiii. 3.



Chapter 6.—7.  What then, ye Donatists, what have ye to say to this?  If our opinion about baptism is true, yet all who thought differently in the time of Cyprian were not cut off from the unity of the Church, till God revealed to them the truth of the point on which they were in error, why then have ye by your sacrilegious separation broken the bond of peace?  But if yours is the true opinion about baptism, Cyprian and the others, in conjunction with whom ye set forth that he held such a Council, remained in unity with those who thought otherwise; why, therefore, have ye broken the bond of peace?  Choose which alternative ye will, ye are compelled to pronounce an opinion against your schism.  Answer me, wherefore have ye separated yourselves?  Wherefore have ye erected an altar in opposition to the whole world?  Wherefore do ye not communicate with the Churches to which apostolic epistles have been sent, which you yourselves read and acknowledge, in accordance with whose tenor you say that you order your lives?  Answer me, wherefore have ye separated yourselves?  I suppose in order that ye might not perish by communion with wicked men.  How then was it that Cyprian, and so many of his colleagues, did not perish?  For though they believed that heretics and schismatics did not possess baptism, yet they chose rather to hold communion with them when they had been received into the Church without baptism, although they believed that their flagrant and sacrilegious sins were yet upon their heads, than to be separated from the unity of the Church, according to the words of Cyprian, "Judging no one, nor depriving any one of the right of communion if he differ from us."

8.  If, therefore, by such communion with the wicked the just cannot but perish, the Church had already perished in the time of Cyprian.  Whence then sprang the origin of Donatus? where was he taught, where was he baptized, where was he ordained, since the Church had been already destroyed by the contagion of communion with the wicked?  But if the Church still existed, the wicked could do no harm to the good in one communion with them.  Wherefore did ye separate yourselves?  Behold, I see in unity Cyprian and others, his colleagues, who, on holding a council, decided that those who have been baptized without the communion of the Church have no true baptism, and that therefore it must be given them when they join the Church.  But again, behold I see in the same unity that certain men think differently in this matter, and that, recognizing in those who come from heretics and schismatics the baptism of Christ, they do not venture to baptize them afresh.  All of these catholic unity embraces in her motherly breast, bearing each other’s burdens by turns, and endeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, 1228 till God should reveal to one or other of them any error in their views.  If the one party held the truth, were they infected by the others, or no?  If the others held the truth, were they infected by the first, or no?  Choose which ye will.  If there was contamination, the Church even then ceased to exist; answer me, therefore, whence came ye forth hither?  But if the Church remained, the good are in no wise contaminated by the bad in such communion; answer me, therefore, why did ye break the bond?

9.  Or is it perhaps that schismatics, when received without baptism, bring no infection, but that it is brought by those who deliver up the sacred books? 1229   For that there were traditors of your number is proved by the clearest testimony of history.  And if you had then brought true evidence against those whom you were accusing, you would have proved your cause before the unity of the whole world, so that you would have been retained whilst they were shut out.  And if you endeavored to do this, and did not succeed, the world is not to blame, which trusted the judges of the Church rather than the beaten parties in the suit; whilst, if you would not urge your suit, the world again is not to blame, which could not condemn men without their cause being heard.  Why, then, did you separate yourselves from the innocent?  You cannot defend the sacrilege of your schism.  But this I pass over.  But so much I say, that if the traditors could have defiled you, who were not convicted by you, and by whom, on the contrary, you were beaten, much more could the sacrilege of schismatics and heretics, received into the Church, as you maintain, without baptism, have defiled Cyprian.  Yet he did not separate himself.  And inasmuch as the Church continued to exist, it is clear that it could not be defiled.  Wherefore, then, did you separate yourselves, I do not say from the innocent, as the facts proved them, but from the traditors, as they were never proved to be?  Are the sins of traditors, as I began to say, heavier than those of schismatics?  Let us not bring in deceitful balances, to which we may hang what weights we will and how we will, saying to suit ourselves, "This is heavy and this is light;" but let us bring forward the sacred balance out of holy Scripture, as out of the Lord’s treasure-house, and let us weigh them by it, to see which is the heavier; or rather, let us not weigh them for ourselves, but read the weights as declared by the Lord.  At the time when the Lord showed, by the example of recent punishment, that there was need to guard against the sins of olden days, and an idol was made and worshipped, and the prophetic book was burned by the wrath of a scoffing king, and schism was attempted, the idolatry was punished with the sword, 1230 the burning of the book by slaughter in war and captivity in a foreign land, 1231 schism by the earth opening, and swallowing up alive the leaders of the schism while the rest were consumed with fire from heaven. 1232   Who will now doubt that that was the worse crime which received the heavier punishment?  If men coming from such sacrilegious company, without baptism, as you maintain, could not defile Cyprian, how could those defile you who were not convicted but supposed betrayers of the sacred books? 1233   For if they had not only given up the books to be burned, but had actually burned them with their own hands, they would have been guilty of a less sin than if they had committed schism; for schism is visited with the heavier, the other with the lighter punishment, not at man’s discretion, but by the judgment of God.


Footnotes

429:1228

Eph. iv. 3.

429:1229

Traditores sanctorum librorum.

429:1230

Ex. xxxii.

429:1231

Jer. xxxvi.

429:1232

Num. xvi.

429:1233

Non convicti sed conficti traditores.



Chapter 7.—10.  Wherefore, then, have ye severed yourselves?  If there is any sense left in you, you must surely see that you can find no possible answer to these arguments.  "We are not left," they say, "so utterly without resource, but that we can still answer, It is our will.  ‘Who art thou that judgest another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth.’" 1234   They do not understand that this was said to men who were wishing to judge, not of open facts, but of the hearts of other men.  For how does the apostle himself come to say so much about the sins of schisms and heresies?  Or how comes that verse in the Psalms, "If of a truth ye love justice, judge uprightly, O ye sons of men?" 1235   But why does the Lord Himself say, "Judge not according to the appearance, but judge righteous judgment," 1236 if we may not judge any man?  Lastly, why, in the case of those traditors, whom they have judged unrighteously, have they themselves ventured to pass any judgments at all on another man’s servants?  To their own master they were standing or falling.  Or why, in the case of the recent followers of Maximianus, have they not hesitated to bring forward the judgment delivered with the infallible voice, as they aver, of a plenary Council, in such terms as to compare them with those first schismatics whom the earth swallowed up alive?  And yet some of them, as they cannot deny, they either condemned though innocent, or received back again in their guilt.  But when a truth is urged which they cannot gainsay, they mutter a truly wholesome murmuring:  "It is our will:  ‘Who art thou that judgest another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth.’"  But when a weak sheep is espied in the desert, and the pastor who should reclaim it to the fold is nowhere to be seen, then there is setting of teeth, and breaking of the weak neck:  "Thou wouldst be a good man, wert thou not a traditor.  Consult the welfare of thy soul; be a Christian."  What unconscionable madness!  When it is said to a Christian, "Be a Christian," what other lesson is taught, save a denial that he is a Christian?  Was it not the same lesson which those persecutors of the Christians wished to teach, by resisting whom the crown of martyrdom was gained?  Or must we even look on crime as lighter when committed with threatening of the sword than with treachery of the tongue?

11.  Answer me this, ye ravening wolves, who, seeking to be clad in sheep’s clothing, 1237 think that the letters of the blessed Cyprian are in your favor.  Did the sacrilege of schismatics defile Cyprian, or did it not?  If it did, the Church perished from that instant, and there remained no source from which ye might spring.  If it did not, then by what offense on the part of others can the guiltless possibly be defiled, if the sacrilege of schism cannot defile them?  Wherefore, then, have ye severed yourselves?  Wherefore, while shunning the lighter offenses, which are inventions of your own, have ye committed the heaviest offense of all, the sacrilege of schism?  Will ye now perchance confess that those men were no longer schismatics or heretics who had been baptized without the communion of the Church, or in some heresy or schism, because by coming over to the Church, and renouncing their former errors, they had ceased to be what formerly they were?  How then was it, that though they were not baptized, their sins remained not on their heads?  Was it that the baptism was Christ’s, but that it could not profit them without the communion of the Church; yet when they came over, and, renouncing their past error, were received into the communion of the Church by the laying on of hands, then, being now rooted and founded in charity, without which all other things are profitless, they began to receive profit for the remission of sins and the sanctification of their lives from that sacrament, which, while without the pale of the Church, they possessed in vain?

12.  Cease, then, to bring forward against us the authority of Cyprian in favor of repeating baptism, but cling with us to the example of Cyprian for the preservation of unity.  For this question of baptism had not been as yet completely worked out, but yet the Church observed the most wholesome custom of correcting what was wrong, not repeating what was already given, even in the case of schismatics and heretics:  she healed the wounded part, but did not meddle with what was whole.  And this custom, coming, I suppose, from apostolical tradition (like many other things which are held to have been handed down under their actual sanction, because they are preserved throughout the whole Church, though they are not found either in their letters, or in the Councils of their successors),—this most wholesome custom, I say, according to the holy Cyprian, began to be what is called amended by his predecessor Agrippinus. 1238   But, according to the teaching which springs from a more careful investigation into the truth, which, after great doubt and fluctuation, was brought at last to the decision of a plenary Council, we ought to believe that it rather began to be corrupted than to receive correction at the hands of Agrippinus.  Accordingly, when so great a question forced itself upon him, and it was difficult to decide the point, whether remission of sins and man’s spiritual regeneration could take place among heretics or schismatics, and the authority of Agrippinus was there to guide him, with that of some few men who shared in his misapprehension of this question, having preferred attempting something new to maintaining a custom which they did not understand how to defend; under these circumstances considerations of probability forced themselves into the eyes of his soul, and barred the way to the thorough investigation of the truth.


Footnotes

429:1234

Rom. xiv. 4.

430:1235

Ps. lviii. 1. Aug.:  Si vere justitiam diligitis, recte judicate filii hominum.  Cp. Hieron.:  Si vere utique justitiam loquimini, recta judicate filii hominum.

430:1236

John vii. 24.

430:1237

Matt. vii. 15.

430:1238

Agrippinus was probably the second (some place him still earlier) bishop before Cyprian.  He convened the council of 70 (disputed date), who were the first to take action in favor of rebaptism.  Cp. Cypr. Ep. lxxi. 4, bonæ memoriæ vir.  Cp. lxxiii. 3.



Chapter 8.—13.  Nor do I think that the blessed Cyprian had any other motive in the free expression and earlier utterance of what he thought in opposition to the custom of the Church, save that he should thankfully receive any one that could be found with a fuller revelation of the truth, and that he should show forth a pattern for imitation, not only of diligence in teaching, but also of modesty in learning; but that, if no one should be found to bring forward any argument by which those considerations of probability should be refuted, then he should abide by his opinion, with the full consciousness that he had neither concealed what he conceived to be the truth, nor violated the unity which he loved.  For so he understood the words of the apostle:  "Let the prophets speak two or three, and let the other judge.  If anything be revealed to another that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace."  1239   "In which passage he has taught and shown, that many things are revealed to individuals for the better, and that we ought not each to strive pertinaciously for what he has once imbibed and held, but if anything has appeared better and more useful, he should willingly embrace it." 1240   At any rate, in these words he not only advised those to agree with him who saw no better course, but also exhorted any who could to bring forward arguments by which the maintenance of the former custom might rather be established; that if they should be of such a nature as not to admit of refutation, he might show in his own person with what sincerity he said "that we ought not each to strive pertinaciously for what he has once imbibed and held, but that, if anything has appeared better and more useful, he should willingly embrace it." 1241   But inasmuch as none appeared, except such as simply urged the custom against him, and the arguments which they produced in its favor were not of a kind to bring conviction to a soul like his, this mighty reasoner was not content to give up his opinions, which, though they were not true, as he was himself unable to see, were at any rate not confuted, in favor of a custom which had truth on its side, but had not yet been confirmed.  And yet, had not his predecessor Agrippinus, and some of his fellow-bishops throughout Africa, first tempted him to desert this custom, even by the decision of a Council, he certainly would not have dared to argue against it.  But, amid the perplexities of so obscure a question, and seeing everywhere around him a strong universal custom, he would rather have put restraint upon himself by prayer and stretching forth his mind towards God, so as to have perceived or taught that for truth which was afterwards decided by a plenary Council.  But when he had found relief amid his weariness in the authority of the former Council 1242 which was held by Agrippinus, he preferred maintaining what was in a manner the discovery of his predecessors, to expending further toil in investigation.  For, at the end of his letter to Quintus, he thus shows how he has sought repose, if one may use the expression, for his weariness, in what might be termed the resting-place of authority. 1243


Footnotes

431:1239

1 Cor. 14:29, 30.

431:1240

Cypr. Ep. lxxi.

431:1241

Cypr. Ep. lxxi.

431:1242

The former Council of Carthage was held by Agrippinus early in the third century, the ordinary date given being 215-7 A.D.; others 186-7.

431:1243

Tanquam lectulo auctoritatis.



Chapter 9.—14.  "This, moreover," says he, "Agrippinus, a man of excellent memory, with the rest, bishops with him, who at that time governed the Church of the Lord in the province of Africa and Numidia, did establish and, after the investigation of a mutual Council had weighed it, confirm; whose sentence, being both religious and legitimate and salutary in accordance with the Catholic faith and Church, we also have followed."  1244   By this witness he gives sufficient proof how much more ready he would have been to bear his testimony, had any Council been held to discuss this matter which either embraced the whole Church, or at least represented our brethren beyond the sea. 1245   But such a Council had not yet been held, because the whole world was bound together by the powerful bond of custom; and this was deemed sufficient to oppose to those who wished to introduce what was new, because they could not comprehend the truth.  Afterwards, however, while the question became matter for discussion and investigation amongst many on either side, the new practice was not only invented, but even submitted to the authority and power of a plenary Council,—after the martyrdom of Cyprian, it is true, but before we were born. 1246   But that this was indeed the custom of the Church, which afterwards was confirmed by a plenary Council, in which the truth was brought to light, and many difficulties cleared away, is plain enough from the words of the blessed Cyprian himself in that same letter to Jubaianus, which was quoted as being read in the Council. 1247   For he says, "But some one asks, What then will be done in the case of those who, coming out of heresy to the Church, have already been admitted without baptism?" where certainly he shows plainly enough what was usually done, though he would have wished it otherwise; and in the very fact of his quoting the Council of Agrippinus, he clearly proves that the custom of the Church was different.  Nor indeed was it requisite that he should seek to establish the practice by this Council, if it was already sanctioned by custom; and in the Council itself some of the speakers expressly declare, in giving their opinion, that they went against the custom of the Church in deciding what they thought was right.  Wherefore let the Donatists consider this one point, which surely none can fail to see, that if the authority of Cyprian is to be followed, it is to be followed rather in maintaining unity than in altering the custom of the Church; but if respect is paid to his Council, it must at any rate yield place to the later Council of the universal Church, of which he rejoiced to be a member, often warning his associates that they should all follow his example in upholding the coherence of the whole body.  For both later Councils are preferred among later generations to those of earlier date; and the whole is always, with good reason, looked upon as superior to the parts.


Footnotes

431:1244

Cypr. Ep. lxxi. 4.

431:1245

Transmarinum vel universale Concilium.

431:1246

The plenary Council, on whose authority Augustin relies in many places in this work, was either that of Arles, in 314 A.D., or of Nicæa, in 325 A.D., both of them being before his birth, in 354 A.D.  He quotes the decision of the same council, contra Parmenianum, ii. 13, 30; de Hæresibus  69:  Ep. xliii. 7, 19.  Contra Parmenianum, iii. 4, 21:  "They condemned," he says, "some few in Africa, by whom they were in turn vanquished by the judgment of the whole world;" and he adds, that "the Catholics trusted ecclesiastical judges like these in preference to the defeated parties in the suit."  Ib. 6, 30:  He says that the Donatists, "having made a schism in the unity of the Church, were refuted, not by the authority of 310 African bishops, but by that of the whole world."  And in the sixth chapter of the first book of the same treatise, he says that the Donatists, after the decision at Arles, came again to Constantine, and there were defeated "by a final decision," i.e. at Milan, as is seen from Ep. xliii. 7, 20, in the year 316 A.D.  Substance of note in Benedictine ed. reproduced in Migne.

432:1247

See above, ch. ii. 3.



Chapter 10.—15.  But what attitude do they assume, when it is shown that the holy Cyprian, though he did not himself admit as members of the Church those who had been baptized in heresy or schism, yet held communion with those who did admit them, according to his express declaration, "Judging no one, nor depriving any one of the right of communion if he differ from us?" 1248   If he was polluted by communion with persons of this kind, why do they follow his authority in the question of baptism?  But if he was not polluted by communion with them, why do they not follow his example in maintaining unity?  Have they anything to urge in their defense except the plea, "We choose to have it so?"  What other answer have any sinful or wicked men to the discourse of truth or justice,—the voluptuous, for instance, the drunkards, adulterers, and those who are impure in any way, thieves, robbers, murderers, plunderers, evil-doers, idolaters,—what other answer can they make when convicted by the voice of truth, except "I choose to do it;" "It is my pleasure so"?  And if they have in them a tinge of Christianity, they say further, "Who art thou that judgest another man’s servant?" 1249   Yet these have so much more remains of modesty, that when, in accordance with divine and human law, they meet with punishment for their abandoned life and deeds, they do not style themselves martyrs; while the Donatists wish at once to lead a sacrilegious life and enjoy a blameless reputation, to suffer no punishment for their wicked deeds, and to gain a martyr’s glory in their just punishment.  As if they were not experiencing the greater mercy and patience of God, in proportion as "executing His judgments upon them by little and little, He giveth them place of repentance," 1250 and ceases not to redouble His scourgings in this life; that, considering what they suffer, and why they suffer it, they may in time grow wise; and that those who have received the baptism of the party of Maximianus in order to preserve the unity of Donatus, may the more readily embrace the baptism of the whole world in order to preserve the peace of Christ; that they may be restored to the root, may be reconciled to the unity of the Church, may see that they have nothing left for them to say, though something yet remains for them to do; that for their former deeds the sacrifice of loving-kindness may be offered to a long-suffering God, whose unity they have broken by their wicked sin, on whose sacraments they have inflicted such a lasting wrong.  For "the Lord is merciful and gracious, slow to anger, plenteous in mercy and truth." 1251   Let them embrace His mercy and long-suffering in this life, and fear His truth in the next.  For He willeth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should turn from his way and live; 1252 because He bends His judgment against the wrongs that have been inflicted on Him.  This is our exhortation.


Footnotes

432:1248

Ib.

432:1249

Rom. xiv. 4.

432:1250

Wisd. xii. 10.

432:1251

Not Ps. 103:8, Ps. 86:15.

432:1252

Ezek. xxiii. 11.



Chapter 11.—16.  For this reason, then, we hold them to be enemies, because we speak the truth, because we are afraid to be silent, because we fear to shrink from pressing our point with all the force that lies within our power, because we obey the apostle when he says, "Preach the word; be instant in season out of season; reprove, rebuke, exhort." 1253   But, as the gospel says, "They love the praise of men more than the praise of God;" 1254 and while they fear to incur blame for a time, they do not fear to incur damnation for ever.  They see, too, themselves what wrong they are doing; they see that they have no answer which they can make, but they overspread the inexperienced with mists, whilst they themselves are being swallowed up alive,—that is, are perishing knowingly and willfully.  They see that men are amazed, and look with abhorrence on the fact that they have divided themselves into many schisms, especially in Carthage, 1255 the capital and most noted city of all Africa; they have endeavored to patch up the disgrace of their rags.  Thinking that they could annihilate the followers of Maximianus, they pressed heavily on them through the agency of Optatus the Gildonian; 1256 they inflicted on them many wrongs amid the cruellest of persecutions.  Then they received back some, thinking that all could be converted under the influence of the same terror; but they were unwilling to do those whom they received the wrong of baptizing afresh those who had been baptized by them in their schism, or rather of causing them to be baptized again within their communion by the very same men by whom they had been baptized outside, and thus they at once made an exception to their own impious custom.  They feel how wickedly they are acting in assailing the baptism of the whole world, when they have received the baptism of the followers of Maximianus.  But they fear those whom they have themselves rebaptized, lest they should receive no mercy from them, when they have shown it to others; lest these should call them to account for their souls when they have ceased to destroy those of other men.


Footnotes

433:1253

2 Tim. iv. 2.

433:1254

John xii. 43.

433:1255

He is alluding to that chief schism among the Donatists, which occurred when Maximianus was consecrated bishop of Carthage, in opposition to Primianus, probably immediately after the Synod of Cabarsussum, 393.

433:1256

Optatus, a Donatist bishop of Thamogade in Numidia, was called Gildonianus from his adherence to Gildo, Count of Africa, and generalissimo of the province under the elder Theodosius.  On his death, in 395 A.D., Gildo usurped supreme authority, and by his aid Optatus was enabled to oppress the Catholics in the province, till, in 398 A.D., Gildo was defeated by his brother Mascezel, and destroyed himself, and Optatus was put in prison, where he died soon afterwards.  He is not to be confounded with Optatus, Bishop of Milevis, the strenuous opponent of the Donatists.



Chapter 12.—17.  What answer they can give about the followers of Maximianus whom they have received, they cannot divine.  If they say, "Those we received were innocent," the answer is obvious, "Then you had condemned the innocent."  If they say, "We did it in ignorance," then you judged rashly (just as you passed a rash judgment on the traditors), and your declaration was false that "you must know that they were condemned by the truthful voice of a plenary Council." 1257   For indeed the innocent could never be condemned by a voice of truth.  If they say, "We did not condemn them," it is only necessary to cite the Council, to cite the names of bishops and states alike.  If they say, "The Council itself is none of ours," then we cite the records of the proconsular province, where more than once they quoted the same Council to justify the exclusion of the followers of Maximianus from the basilicas, and to confound them by the din of the judges and the force of their allies.  If they say that Felicianus of Musti, and Prætextatus of Assavæ, whom they afterwards received, were not of the party of Maximianus, then we cite the records in which they demanded, in the courts of law, that these persons should be excluded from the Council which they held against the party of Maximianus.  If they say, "They were received for the sake of peace," our answer is, "Why then do ye not acknowledge the only true and full peace?  Who urged you, who compelled you to receive a schismatic whom you had condemned, to preserve the peace of Donatus, and to condemn the world unheard, in violation of the peace of Christ?"  Truth hems them in on every side.  They see that there is no answer left for them to make, and they think that there is nothing left for them to do; they cannot find out what to say.  They are not allowed to be silent.  They had rather strive with perverse utterance against truth, than be restored to peace by a confession of their faults.


Footnotes

433:1257

The Council of Bagai.  See above, I. v. 7.



Chapter 13.—18.  But who can fail to understand what they may be saying in their hearts?  "What then are we to do," say they, "with those whom we have already rebaptized?"  Return with them to the Church.  Bring those whom you have wounded to be healed by the medicine of peace:  bring those whom you have slain to be brought to life again by the life of charity.  Brotherly union has great power in propitiating God.  "If two of you," says our Lord, "shall agree on earth as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them." 1258   If for two men who agree, how much more for two communities?  Let us throw ourselves together on our knees before the Lord.  Do you share with us our unity; let us share with you your contrition and let charity cover the multitude of sins. 1259   Seek counsel from the blessed Cyprian himself.  See how much he considered to depend upon the blessing of unity, from which he did not sever himself to avoid the communion of those who disagreed with him; how, though he considered that those who were baptized outside the communion of the Church had no true baptism, he was yet willing to believe that, by simple admission into the Church, they might, merely in virtue of the bond of unity, be admitted to a share in pardon.  For thus he solved the question which he proposed to himself in writing as follows to Jubaianus:  "But some will say, ‘What then will become of those who, in times past, coming to the Church from heresy, were admitted without baptism?’  The Lord is able of His mercy to grant pardon, and not to sever from the gifts of His Church those who, being out of simplicity admitted to the Church, have in the Church fallen asleep." 1260


Footnotes

433:1258

Matt. xviii. 19.

434:1259

1 Pet. iv. 8.

434:1260

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 23 to Jubaianus.



Chapter 14.—19.  But which is the worse, not to be baptized at all, or to be twice baptized, it is difficult to decide.  I see, indeed, which is more repugnant and abhorrent to men’s feelings; but when I have recourse to that divine balance, in which the weight of things is determined, not by man’s feelings, but by the authority of God, I find a statement by our Lord on either side.   For He said to Peter, "He who is washed has no need of washing a second time;" 1261 and to Nicodemus, "Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God." 1262   What is the purport of the more secret determination of God, it is perhaps difficult for men like us to learn; but as far as the mere words are concerned, any one may see what a difference there is between "has no need of washing," and "cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven."  The Church, lastly, herself holds as her tradition, that without baptism she cannot admit a man to her altar at all; but since it is allowed that one who has been rebaptized may be admitted after penance, surely this plainly proves that his baptism is considered valid.  If, therefore, Cyprian thought that those whom he considered to be unbaptized yet had some share in pardon, in virtue of the bond of unity, the Lord has power to be reconciled even to the rebaptized by means of the simple bond of unity and peace, and by this same compensating power of peace to mitigate His displeasure against those by whom they were rebaptized, and to pardon all the errors which they had committed while in error, on their offering the sacrifice of charity, which covereth the multitude of sins; so that He looks not to the number of those who have been wounded by their separation, but to the greater number who have been delivered from bondage by their return.  For in the same bond of peace in which Cyprian conceived that, through the mercy of God, those whom he considered to have been admitted to the Church without baptism, were yet not severed from the gifts of the Church, we also believe that through the same mercy of God the rebaptized can earn their pardon at His hands.


Footnotes

434:1261

John xiii. 10.  "Qui lotus est, non habet necessitatem iterum lavandi."  The Latin, with the A.V., loses the distinction between ὁ λελουμένος, "he that has bathed," and νίπτειν, "to wash:"  and further wrongfully introduces the idea of repetition.

434:1262

John iii. 5.



Chapter 15.—20.  Since the Catholic Church, both in the time of the blessed Cyprian and in the older time before him, contained within her bosom either some that were rebaptized or some that were unbaptized, either the one section or the other must have won their salvation only by the force of simple unity.  For if those who came over from the heretics were not baptized, as Cyprian asserts, they were not rightly admitted into the Church; and yet he himself did not despair of their obtaining pardon from the mercy of God in virtue of the unity of the Church.  So again, if they were already baptized, it was not right to rebaptize them.  What, therefore, was there to aid the other section, save the same charity that delighted in unity, so that what was hidden from man’s weakness, in the consideration of the sacrament, might not be reckoned, by the mercy of God, as a fault in those who were lovers of peace?  Why, then, while ye fear those whom ye have rebaptized, do ye grudge yourselves and them the entrance to salvation?  There was at one time a doubt upon the subject of baptism; those who held different opinions yet remained in unity.  In course of time, owing to the certain discovery of the truth, that doubt was taken away.  The question which, unsolved, did not frighten Cyprian into separation from the Church, invites you, now that it is solved, to return once more within the fold.  Come to the Catholic Church in its agreement, which Cyprian did not desert while yet disturbed with doubt; or if now you are dissatisfied with the example of Cyprian, who held communion with those who were received with the baptism of heretics, declaring openly that we should "neither judge any one, nor deprive any one of the right of communion if he differ from us," 1263 whither are ye going, ye wretched men?  What are ye doing?  You are bound to fly even from yourselves, because you have advanced beyond the position where he abode.  But if neither his own sins nor those of others could stand in his way, on account of the abundance of his charity and his love of brotherly kindness and the bond of peace, do you return to us, where you will find much less hindrance in the way of either us or you from the fictions which your party have invented.


Footnotes

434:1263

See above, cii. 3.



Book III.

Augustin undertakes the refutation of the arguments which might be derived from the epistle of Cyprian to Jubaianus, to give color to the view that the baptism of Christ could not be conferred by heretics.



Chapter 1.—1.  I think that it may now be considered clear to every one, that the authority of the blessed Cyprian for the maintenance of the bond of peace, and the avoiding of any violation of that most wholesome charity which preserves unity in the Church, may be urged on our side rather than on the side of the Donatists.  For if they have chosen to act upon his example in rebaptizing Catholics, because he thought that heretics ought to be baptized on joining the Catholic Church, shall not we rather follow his example, whereby he laid down a manifest rule that one ought in no wise, by the establishment of a separate communion, to secede from the Catholic communion, that is, from the body of Christians dispersed throughout the world, even on the admission of evil and sacrilegious men, since he was unwilling even to remove from the right of communion those whom he considered to have received sacrilegious men without baptism into the Catholic communion, saying, "Judging no one, nor depriving any of the right of communion if he differ from us?" 1264


Footnotes

436:1264

See above, II. ii. 3.



Chapter 2.—2.  Nevertheless, I see what may still be required of me, viz., that I should answer those plausible arguments, by which, in even earlier times, Agrippinus, or Cyprian himself, or those in Africa who agreed with them, or any others in far distant lands beyond the sea, were moved, not indeed by the authority of any plenary or even regionary Council, but by a mere epistolary correspondence, to think that they ought to adopt a custom which had no sanction from the ancient custom of the Church, and which was expressly forbidden by the most unanimous resolution of the Catholic world in order that an error which had begun to creep into the minds of some men, through discussions of this kind, might be cured by the more powerful truth and universal healing power of unity coming on the side of safety.  And so they may see with what security I approach this discourse.  If I am unable to gain my point, and show how those arguments may be refuted which they bring forward from the Council and the epistles of Cyprian, to the effect that Christ’s baptism may not be given by the hands of heretics, I shall still remain safely in the Church, in whose communion Cyprian himself remained with those who differed from him.

3.  But if they say that the Catholic Church existed then, because there were a few, or, if they prefer it, even a considerable number, who denied the validity of any baptism conferred in an heretical body, and baptized all who came from thence, what then?  Did the Church not exist at all before Agrippinus, with whom that new kind of system began, at variance with all previous custom?  Or how, again after the time of Agrippinus, when, unless there had been a return to the primitive custom, there would have been no need for Cyprian to set on foot another Council?  Was there no Church then, because such a custom as this prevailed everywhere, that the baptism of Christ should be considered nothing but the baptism of Christ, even though it were proved to have been conferred in a body of heretics or schismatics?  But if the Church existed even then, and had not perished through a breach of its continuity, but was, on the contrary, holding its ground, and receiving increase in every nation, surely it is the safest plan to abide by this same custom, which then embraced good and bad alike in unity.  But if there was then no Church in existence, because sacrilegious heretics were received without baptism, and this prevailed by universal custom, whence has Donatus made his appearance?  From what land did he spring? or from what sea did he emerge? or from what sky did he fall?  And so we, as I had begun to say, are safe in the communion of that Church, throughout the whole extent of which the custom now prevails, which prevailed in like manner through its whole extent before the time of Agrippinus, and in the interval between Agrippinus and Cyprian, and whose unity neither Agrippinus nor Cyprian ever deserted, nor those who agreed with them, although they entertained different views from the rest of their brethren—all of them remaining in the same communion of unity with the very men from whom they differed in opinion.  But let the Donatists themselves consider what their true position is, if they neither can say whence they derived their origin, if the Church had already been destroyed by the plague-spot of communion with heretics and schismatics received into her bosom without baptism; nor again agree with Cyprian himself, for he declared that he remained in communion with those who received heretics and schismatics, and so also with those who were received as well:  while they have separated themselves from the communion of the whole world, on account of the charge of having delivered up the sacred books, which they brought against the men whom they maligned in Africa, but failed to convict when brought to trial beyond the sea; although, even had the crimes which they alleged been true, they were much less heinous than the sins of heresy and schism; and yet these could not defile Cyprian in the persons of those who came from them without baptism, as he conceived, and were admitted without baptism into the Catholic communion.  Nor, in the very point in which they say that they imitate Cyprian, can they find any answer to make about acknowledging the baptism of the followers of Maximianus, together with those whom, though they belonged to the party that they had first condemned in their own plenary Council, and then gone on to prosecute even at the tribunal of the secular power, they yet received back into their communion, in the episcopate of the very same bishop under whom they had been condemned.  Wherefore, if the communion of wicked men destroyed the Church in the time of Cyprian, they have no source from which they can derive their own communion; and if the Church was not destroyed, they have no excuse for their separation from it.  Moreover, they are neither following the example of Cyprian, since they have burst the bond of unity, nor abiding by their own Council, since they have recognized the baptism of the followers of Maximianus.



Chapter 3.—4.  Let us therefore, seeing that we adhere to the example of Cyprian, go on now to consider Cyprian’s Council.  What says Cyprian?  "Ye have heard," he says, "most beloved colleagues, what Jubaianus our fellow-bishop has written to me, consulting my moderate ability concerning the unlawful and profane baptism of heretics, and what answer I gave him,—giving a judgment which we have once and again and often given, that heretics coming to the Church ought to be baptized and sanctified with the baptism of the Church.  Another letter of Jubaianus has likewise been read to you, in which, agreeably to his sincere and religious devotion, in answer to our epistle, he not only expressed his assent, but returned thanks also, acknowledging that he had received instruction." 1265   In these words of the blessed Cyprian, we find that he had been consulted by Jubaianus, and what answer he had given to his questions, and how Jubaianus acknowledged with gratitude that he had received instruction.  Ought we then to be thought unreasonably persistent if we desire to consider this same epistle by which Jubaianus was convinced?  For till such time as we are also convinced (if there are any arguments of truth whereby this can be done), Cyprian himself has established our security by the right of Catholic communion.

5.  For he goes on to say:  "It remains that we severally declare our opinion on this same subject, judging no one, nor depriving any one of the right of communion if he differ from us." 1266   He allows me, therefore, without losing the right of communion, not only to continue inquiring into the truth, but even to hold opinions differing from his own.  "For no one of us," he says, "setteth himself up as a bishop of bishops, or by tyrannical terror forces his colleagues to a necessity of obeying."  What could be more kind? what more humble?  Surely there is here no authority restraining us from inquiry into what is truth.  "Inasmuch as every bishop," he says, "in the free use of his liberty and power, has the right of forming his own judgment, and can no more be judged by another than he can himself judge another,"—that is, I suppose, in those questions which have not yet been brought to perfect clearness of solution; for he knew what a deep question about the sacrament was then occupying the whole Church with every kind of disputation, and gave free liberty of inquiry to every man, that the truth might be made known by investigation.  For he was surely not uttering what was false, and trying to catch his simpler colleagues in their speech, so that, when they should have betrayed that they held opinions at variance with his, he might then propose, in violation of his promise, that they should be excommunicated.  Far be it from a soul so holy to entertain such accursed treachery; indeed, they who hold such a view about such a man, thinking that it conduces to his praise, do but show that it would be in accordance with their own nature.  I for my part will in no wise believe that Cyprian, a Catholic bishop, a Catholic martyr, whose greatness only made him proportionately humble in all things, so as to find favor before the Lord, 1267 should ever, especially in the sacred Council of his colleagues, have uttered with his mouth what was not echoed in his heart, especially as he further adds, "But we must all await the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who alone has the power both of setting us in the government of His Church, and of judging of our acts therein." 1268   When, then, he called to their remembrance so solemn a judgment, hoping to hear the truth from his colleagues, would he first set them the example of lying?  May God avert such madness from every Christian man, and how much more from Cyprian!  We have therefore the free liberty of inquiry granted to us by the most moderate and most truthful speech of Cyprian.


Footnotes

437:1265

See above, II. ii. 3.

437:1266

See above, II. ii. 3.

438:1267

Ecclus. iii. 18.

438:1268

See above, II. ii. 3.



Chapter 4.—6.  Next his colleagues proceed to deliver their several opinions.  But first they listened to the letter written to Jubaianus; for it was read, as was mentioned in the preamble.  Let it therefore be read among ourselves also, that we too, with the help of God, may discover from it what we ought to think.  "What!" I think I hear some one saying, "do you proceed to tell us what Cyprian wrote to Jubaianus?"  I have read the letter, I confess, and should certainly have been a convert to his views, had I not been induced to consider the matter more carefully by the vast weight of authority, originating in those whom the Church, distributed throughout the world amid so many nations, of Latins, Greeks, barbarians, not to mention the Jewish race itself, has been able to produce,—that same Church which gave birth to Cyprian himself,—men whom I could in no wise bring myself to think had been unwilling without reason to hold this view,—not because it was impossible that in so difficult a question the opinion of one or of a few might not have been more near the truth than that of more, but because one must not lightly, without full consideration and investigation of the matter to the best of his abilities, decide in favor of a single individual, or even of a few, against the decision of so very many men of the same religion and communion, all endowed with great talent and abundant learning.  And so how much was suggested to me on more diligent inquiry, even by the letter of Cyprian himself, in favor of the view which is now held by the Catholic Church, that the baptism of Christ is to be recognized and approved, not by the standard of their merits by whom it is administered, but by His alone of whom it is said, "The same is He which baptizeth," 1269 will be shown naturally in the course of our argument.  Let us therefore suppose that the letter which was written by Cyprian to Jubaianus has been read among us, as it was read in the Council. 1270   And I would have every one read it who means to read what I am going to say, lest he might possibly think that I have suppressed some things of consequence.  For it would take too much time, and be irrelevant to the elucidation of the matter in hand, were we at this moment to quote all the words of this epistle.


Footnotes

438:1269

John i. 33.

438:1270

The Council of Carthage.



Chapter 5.—7.  But if any one should ask what I hold in the meantime, while discussing this question, I answer that, in the first place, the letter of Cyprian suggested to me what I should hold till I should see clearly the nature of the question which next begins to be discussed.  For Cyprian himself says:  "But some will say, ‘What then will become of those who in times past, coming to the Church from heresy, were admitted without baptism?’" 1271   Whether they were really without baptism, or whether they were admitted because those who admitted them conceived that they had partaken of baptism, is a matter for our future consideration.  At any rate, Cyprian himself shows plainly enough what was the ordinary custom of the Church, when he says that in past time those who came to the Church from heresy were admitted without baptism.

8.  For in the Council itself Castus of Sicca says:  "He who, despising truth, presumes to follow custom, is either envious or evil-disposed towards the brethren to whom the truth is revealed, or is ungrateful towards God, by whose inspiration His Church is instructed." 1272   Whether the truth had been revealed, we shall investigate hereafter; at any rate, he acknowledges that the custom of the Church was different.


Footnotes

438:1271

Epist. lxxiii. 23, to Jubianus.

438:1272

Seventh Conc. Carth. under Cyprian, the third which dealt with baptism, A.D. 256, sec. 28.  These opinions are quoted again in Books VI. and VII.



Chapter 6.—9.  Libosus also of Vaga says:  "The Lord says in the gospel, ‘I am the Truth.’ 1273   He does not say, ‘I am custom.’  Therefore, when the truth is made manifest, custom must give way to truth." 1274   Clearly, no one could doubt that custom must give way to truth where it is made manifest.  But we shall see presently about the manifestation of the truth.  Meanwhile he also makes it clear that custom was on the other side.


Footnotes

439:1273

John xiv. 6.

439:1274

Conc. Carth. sec. 30.



Chapter 7.—10.  Zosimus also of Tharassa said:  "When a revelation of the truth has been made, error must give way to truth; for even Peter, who at the first circumcised, afterwards gave way to Paul when he declared the truth." 1275   He indeed chose to say error, not custom; but in saying "for even Peter, who at the first circumcised, afterwards gave way to Paul when he declared the truth," he shows plainly enough that there was a custom also on the subject of baptism at variance with his views.  At the same time, also, he warns us that it was not impossible that Cyprian might have held an opinion about baptism at variance with that required by the truth, as held by the Church both before and after him, if even Peter could hold a view at variance with the truth as taught us by the Apostle Paul. 1276


Footnotes

439:1275

Ib. sec. 56.

439:1276

Gal. ii. 11-14.



Chapter 8.—11.  Likewise Felix of Buslacene said:  "In admitting heretics without the baptism of the Church, let no one prefer custom to reason and truth; because reason and truth always prevail to the exclusion of custom." 1277   Nothing could be better, if it be reason, and if it be truth; but this we shall see presently.  Meanwhile, it is clear from the words of this man also that the custom was the other way.


Footnotes

439:1277

Conc. Carth. sec. 63.



Chapter 9.—12.  Likewise Honoratus of Tucca 1278 said:  "Since Christ is the Truth, we ought to follow truth rather than custom." 1279   By all these declarations it is proved that we are not excluded from the communion of the Church, till it shall have been clearly shown what is the nature of the truth, which they say must be preferred to our custom.  But if the truth has made it clear that the very regulation ought to be maintained which the said custom had prescribed, then it is evident both that this custom was not established or confirmed in vain, and also that, in consequence of the discussions in question, the most wholesome observance of so great a sacrament, which could never, indeed, have been changed in the Catholic Church, was even more watchfully guarded with the most scrupulous caution, when it had received the further corroboration of Councils.


Footnotes

439:1278

Thucca.

439:1279

Conc. Carth. sec. 77.



Chapter 10.—13.  Therefore Cyprian writes to Jubaianus as follows, "concerning the baptism of heretics, who, being placed without, and set down out of the Church," seem to him to "claim to themselves a matter over which they have neither right nor power.  Which we," he says, "cannot account valid or lawful, since it is clear that among them it is unlawful." 1280   Neither, indeed, do we deny that a man who is baptized among heretics, or in any schism outside the Church, derives no profit from it so far as he is partner in the perverseness of the heretics and schismatics; nor do we hold that those who baptize, although they confer the real true sacrament of baptism, are yet acting rightly, in gathering adherents outside the Church, and entertaining opinions contrary to the Church.  But it is one thing to be without a sacrament, another thing to be in possession of it wrongly, and to usurp it unlawfully.  Therefore they do not cease to be sacraments of Christ and the Church, merely because they are unlawfully used, not only by heretics, but by all kinds of wicked and impious persons.  These, indeed, ought to be corrected and punished, but the sacraments should be acknowledged and revered.

14.  Cyprian, indeed, says that on this subject not one, but two or more Councils were held; always, however, in Africa.  For indeed in one he mentions that seventy-one bishops had been assembled, 1281 —to all whose authority we do not hesitate, with all due deference to Cyprian, to prefer the authority, supported by many more bishops, of the whole Church spread throughout the whole world, of which Cyprian himself rejoiced that he was an inseparable member.

15.  Nor is the water "profane and adulterous" 1282 over which the name of God is invoked, even though it be invoked by profane and adulterous persons; because neither the creature itself of water, nor the name invoked, is adulterous.  But the baptism of Christ, consecrated by the words of the gospel, is necessarily holy, however polluted and unclean its ministers may be; because its inherent sanctity cannot be polluted, and the divine excellence abides in its sacrament, whether to the salvation of those who use it aright, or to the destruction of those who use it wrong.  Would you indeed maintain that, while the light of the sun or of a candle, diffused through unclean places, contracts no foulness in itself therefrom, yet the baptism of Christ can be defiled by the sins of any man, whatsoever he may be?  For if we turn our thoughts to the visible materials themselves, which are to us the medium of the sacraments, every one must know that they admit of corruption.  But if we think on that which they convey to us, who can fail to see that it is incorruptible, however much the men through whose ministry it is conveyed are either being rewarded or punished for the character of their lives?


Footnotes

439:1280

Ctpr. Ep. lxxiii. 1.

439:1281

Ctpr. Ep. lxxiii. 1.

439:1282

Ctpr. Ep. lxxiii. 1.



Chapter 11.—16.  But Cyprian was right in not being moved by what Jubaianus wrote, that "the followers of Novatian 1283 rebaptize those who come to them from the Catholic Church." 1284   For, in the first place, it does not follow that whatever heretics have done in a perverse spirit of mimicry, Catholics are therefore to abstain from doing, because the heretics do the same.  And again, the reasons are different for which heretics and the Catholic Church ought respectively to abstain from rebaptizing.  For it would not be right for heretics to do so, even if it were fitting in the Catholic Church; because their argument is, that among the Catholics is wanting that which they themselves received whilst still within the pale, and took away with them when they departed.  Whereas the reason why the Catholic Church should not administer again the baptism which was given among heretics, is that it may not seem to decide that a power which is Christ’s alone belongs to its members, or to pronounce that to be wanting in the heretics which they have received within her pale, and certainly could not lose by straying outside.  For thus much Cyprian himself, with all the rest, established, that if any should return from heresy to the Church, they should be received back, not by baptism, but by the discipline of penitence; whence it is clear that they cannot be held to lose by their secession what is not restored to them when they return.  Nor ought it for a moment to be said that, as their heresy is their own, as their error is their own, as the sacrilege of disunion is their own, so also the baptism is their own, which is really Christ’s.  Accordingly, while the evils which are their own are corrected when they return, so in that which is not theirs His presence should be recognised, from whom it is.


Footnotes

440:1283

The Novatian bishop, Acesius, was invited by Constantine to attend the Council of Nicaea.  Soc., H.E.I. 10.

440:1284

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 2.



Chapter 12.—17.  But the blessed Cyprian shows that it was no new or sudden thing that he decided, because the practice had already begun under Agrippinus.  "Many years," he says, "and much time has passed away since, under Agrippinus of honored memory, a large assembly of bishops determined this point."  Accordingly, under Agrippinus, at any rate, the thing was new.  But I cannot understand what Cyprian means by saying, "And thenceforward to the present day, so many thousand heretics in our provinces, having been converted to our Church, showed no hesitation or dislike, but rather with full consent of reason and will, have embraced the opportunity of the grace of the laver of life and the baptism unto salvation," 1285 unless indeed he says, "thenceforward to the present day," because from the time when they were baptized in the Church, in accordance with the Council of Agrippinus, no question of excommunication had arisen in the case of any of the rebaptized.  Yet if the custom of baptizing those who came over from heretics remained in force from the time of Agrippinus to that of Cyprian, why should new Councils have been held by Cyprian on this point?  Why does he say to this same Jubaianus that he is not doing anything new or sudden, but only what had been established by Agrippinus?  For why should Jubaianus be disturbed by the question of novelty, so as to require to be satisfied by the authority of Agrippinus, if this was the continuous practice of the Church from Agrippinus till Cyprian?  Why, lastly, did so many of his colleagues urge that reason and truth must be preferred to custom, instead of saying that those who wished to act otherwise were acting contrary to truth and custom alike?


Footnotes

440:1285

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 3.



Chapter 13.—18.  But as regards the remission of sins, whether it is granted through baptism at the hands of the heretics, I have already expressed my opinion on this point in a former book; 1286 but I will shortly recapitulate it here.  If remission of sins is there conferred by the sacredness of baptism, the sins return again through obstinate perseverance in heresy or schism; and therefore such men must needs return to the peace of the Catholic Church, that they may cease to be heretics and schismatics, and deserve that those sins which had returned on them should be cleansed away by love working in the bond of unity.  But if, although among heretics and schismatics it be still the same baptism of Christ, it yet cannot work remission of sins owing to this same foulness of discord and wickedness of dissent, then the same baptism begins to be of avail for the remission of sins when they come to the peace of the Church,—[not] 1287 that what has been already truly remitted should not be retained; nor that heretical baptism should be repudiated as belonging to a different religion, or as being different from our own, so that a second baptism should be administered; but that the very same baptism, which was working death by reason of discord outside the Church, may work salvation by reason of the peace within.  It was, in fact, the same savor of which the apostle says, "We are a sweet savor of Christ in every place;" and yet, says he, "both in them that are saved and in them that perish.  To the one we are the savor of life unto life; and to the other the savor of death unto death." 1288   And although he used these words with reference to another subject, I have applied them to this, that men may understand that what is good may not only work life to those who use it aright, but also death to those who use it wrong.


Footnotes

440:1286

Above, Book I. c. xi. sqq.

441:1287

Non ut jam vere dimissa non retineantur.  One of the negatives here appears to be superfluous, and the former is omitted in Amerbach’s edition, and in many of the Mss., which continue the sentence, "non ut ille baptismus," instead of "neque ut ille," etc.  If the latter negative were omitted, the sense would be improved, and "neque" would appropriately remain.

441:1288

2 Cor. 2:15, 16.



Chapter 14.—19.  Nor is it material, when we are considering the question of the genuineness and holiness of the sacrament, "what the recipient of the sacrament believes, and with what faith he is imbued."  It is of the very highest consequence as regards the entrance into salvation, but is wholly immaterial as regards the question of the sacrament.  For it is quite possible that a man may be possessed of the genuine sacrament and a corrupted faith, as it is possible that he may hold the words of the creed in their integrity, and yet entertain an erroneous belief about the Trinity, or the resurrection, or any other point.  For it is no slight matter, even within the Catholic Church itself, to hold a faith entirely consistent with the truth about even God Himself, to say nothing of any of His creatures.  Is it then to be maintained, that if any one who has been baptized within the Catholic Church itself should afterwards, in the course of reading, or by listening to instruction, or by quiet argument, find out, through God’s own revelation, that he had before believed otherwise than he ought, it is requisite that he should therefore be baptized afresh?  But what carnal and natural man is there who does not stray through the vain conceits 1289 of his own heart, and picture God’s nature to himself to be such as he has imagined out of his carnal sense, and differ from the true conception of God as far as vanity from truth?  Most truly, indeed, speaks the apostle, filled with the light of truth:  "The natural man," says he, "receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God." 1290   And yet herein he was speaking of men whom he himself shows to have been baptized.  For he says to them, "Was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?" 1291   These men had therefore the sacrament of baptism; and yet, inasmuch as their wisdom was of the flesh, what could they believe about God otherwise than according to the perception of their flesh, according to which "the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God?"  To such he says:  "I could not speak unto you as unto spiritual, but as unto carnal, even as unto babes in Christ.  I have fed you with milk, and not with meat:  for hitherto ye were not able to bear it, neither yet now are ye able.  For ye are yet carnal." 1292   For such are carried about with every wind of doctrine, of which kind he says, "That we be no more children, tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine." 1293   It is then true that, if these men shall have advanced even to the spiritual age of the inner man, and in the integrity of understanding shall have learned how far different from the requirements of the truth has been the belief which they have been led by the fallacious character of their conceits to entertain of God, they are therefore to be baptized again?  For, on this principle, it would be possible for a Catholic catechumen to light upon the writings of some heretic, and, not having the knowledge requisite for discerning truth from error, he might entertain some belief contrary to the Catholic faith, yet not condemned by the words of the creed, just as, under color of the same words, innumerable heretical errors have sprung up.  Supposing, then, that the catechumen was under the impression that he was studying the work of some great and learned Catholic, and was baptized with that belief in the Catholic Church, and by subsequent research should discover what he ought to believe, so that, embracing the Catholic faith, he should reject his former error, ought he, on confessing this, to be baptized again?  Or supposing that, before learning and confessing this for himself, he should be found to entertain such an opinion, and should be taught what he ought to reject and what he should believe, and it were to become clear that he had held this false belief when he was baptized, ought he therefore to be baptized again?  Why should we maintain the contrary?  Because the sanctity of the sacrament, consecrated in the words of the gospel, remains upon him in its integrity, just as he received it from the hands of the minister, although he, being firmly rooted in the vanity of his carnal mind entertained a belief other than was right at the time when he was baptized.  Wherefore it is manifest that it is possible that, with defective faith, the sacrament of baptism may yet remain without defect in any man; and therefore all that is said about the diversity of the several heretics is beside the question.  For in each person that is to be corrected which is found to be amiss by the man who undertakes his correction.  That is to be made whole which is unsound; that is to be given which is wanting, and, above all, the peace of Christian charity, without which the rest is profitless.  Yet, as the rest is there, we must not administer it as though it were wanting, only take care that its possession be to the profit, not the hurt of him who has it, through the very bond of peace and excellence of charity.


Footnotes

441:1289

Phantasmata.

441:1290

1 Cor ii. 14.

441:1291

1 Cor. i. 13.

441:1292

1 Cor iii. 1-3.

441:1293

Eph. iv. 14.



Chapter 15.—20.  Accordingly, if Marcion consecrated the sacrament of baptism with the words of the gospel, "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," 1294 the sacrament was complete, although his faith expressed under the same words, seeing that he held opinions not taught by the Catholic truth, was not complete, but stained with the falsity of fables. 1295   For under these same words, "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," not Marcion only, or Valentinus, or Arius, or Eunomius, but the carnal babes of the Church themselves (to whom the apostle said, "I could not speak unto you as unto spiritual, but as unto carnal"), if they could be individually asked for an accurate exposition of their opinions, would probably show a diversity of opinions as numerous as the persons who held them, "for the natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God."  Can it, however, be said on this account that they do not receive the complete sacrament? or that, if they shall advance, and correct the vanity of their carnal opinions, they must seek again what they had received?  Each man receives after the fashion of his own faith; yet how much does he obtain under the guidance of that mercy of God, in the confident assurance of which the same apostle says, "If in anything ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you"? 1296   Yet the snares of heretics and schismatics prove for this reason only too pernicious to the carnally-minded, because their very progress is intercepted when their vain opinions are confirmed in opposition to the Catholic truth, and the perversity of their dissension is strengthened against the Catholic peace.  Yet if the sacraments are the same, they are everywhere complete, even when they are wrongly understood, and perverted to be instruments of discord, just as the very writings of the gospel, if they are only the same, are everywhere complete, even though quoted with a boundless variety of false opinions.  For as to what Jeremiah says:—"Why do those who grieve me prevail against me?  My wound is stubborn, whence shall I be healed?  In its origin it became unto me as lying water, having no certainty," 1297 —if the term "water" were never used figuratively and in the allegorical language of prophecy except to signify baptism, we should have trouble in discovering what these words of Jeremiah meant; but as it is, when "waters" are expressly used in the Apocalypse 1298 to signify "peoples," I do not see why, by "lying water having no certainty," I should not understand, a "lying people, whom I cannot trust."


Footnotes

442:1294

Matt. xxviii. 19.

442:1295

Cp. Concilium Arelatense, A.D. 314, can. 8.  "De Afris, quod propria lege utuntur ut rebaptizent; placuit ut si ad ecclesiam aliquis de hæresi venerit, interrogent eum symbolum; et si perviderint eum in Patre, et Filio, et Spiritu sancto esse baptizatum, manus ei tantum imponatur, ut accipiat Spiritum sanctum.  Quod si interrogatus non responderit hanc Trinitatem, baptizetur."

442:1296

Phil. iii. 15.

442:1297

Jer. xv. 18, cp. LXX.

442:1298

Rev. xvii. 15.



Chapter 16.—21.  But when it is said that "the Holy Spirit is given by the imposition of hands in the Catholic Church only, I suppose that our ancestors meant that we should understand thereby what the apostle says, "Because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us." 1299   For this is that very love which is wanting in all who are cut off from the communion of the Catholic Church; and for lack of this, "though they speak with the tongues of men and of angels, though they understand all mysteries and all knowledge, and though they have the gift of prophecy, and all faith, so that they could remove mountains, and though they bestow all their goods to feed the poor, and though they give their bodies to be burned, it profiteth them nothing."  1300   But those are wanting in God’s love who do not care for the unity of the Church; and consequently we are right in understanding that the Holy Spirit may be said not to be received except in the Catholic Church.  For the Holy Spirit is not only given by the laying on of hands amid the testimony of temporal sensible miracles, as He was given in former days to be the credentials of a rudimentary faith, and for the extension of the first beginnings of the Church.  For who expects in these days that those on whom hands are laid that they may receive the Holy Spirit should forthwith begin to speak with tongues? but it is understood that invisibly and imperceptibly, on account of the bond of peace, divine love is breathed into their hearts, so that they may be able to say, "Because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us."  But there are many operations of the Holy Spirit, which the same apostle commemorates in a certain passage at such length as he thinks sufficient, and then concludes:  "But all these worketh that one and the selfsame Spirit, dividing to every man severally as He will." 1301   Since, then, the sacrament is one thing, which even Simon Magus could have; 1302 and the operation of the Spirit is another thing, which is even often found in wicked men, as Saul had the gift of prophecy; 1303 and that operation of the same Spirit is a third thing, which only the good can have, as "the end of the commandment is charity out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned:" 1304   whatever, therefore, may be received by heretics and schismatics, the charity which covereth the multitude of sins is the especial gift of Catholic unity and peace; nor is it found in all that are within that bond, since not all that are within it are of it, as we shall see in the proper place.  At any rate, outside the bond that love cannot exist, without which all the other requisites, even if they can be recognized and approved, cannot profit or release from sin.  But the laying on of hands in reconciliation to the Church is not, like baptism, incapable of repetition; for what is it more than a prayer offered over a man? 1305


Footnotes

442:1299

Rom. v. 5.

442:1300

1 Cor. xiii. 1-3.

443:1301

1 Cor. xii. 11.

443:1302

Acts viii. 13.

443:1303

1 Sam. 10:6, 10.

443:1304

1 Tim. i. 5.

443:1305

He refers to laying on of hands such as he mentions below, Book V. c. xxiii.:  "If the laying on of hands were not applied to one coming from heresy, he would be, as it were, judged to be wholly blameless."



Chapter 17.—22.  "For as regards the fact that to preserve the figure of unity the Lord gave the power to Peter that whatsoever he should loose on earth should be loosed," 1306 it is clear that that unity is also described as one dove without fault. 1307   Can it be said, then, that to this same dove belong all those greedy ones, whose existence in the same Catholic Church Cyprian himself so grievously bewailed?  For birds of prey, I believe, cannot be called doves, but rather hawks.  How then did they baptize those who used to plunder estates by treacherous deceit, and increase their profits by compound usury, 1308 if baptism is only given by that indivisible and chaste and perfect dove, that unity which can only be understood as existing among the good?  Is it possible that, by the prayers of the saints who are spiritual within the Church, as though by the frequent lamentations of the dove, a great sacrament is dispensed, with a secret administration of the mercy of God, so that their sins also are loosed who are baptized, not by the dove but by the hawk, if they come to that sacrament in the peace of Catholic unity?  But if this be so, why should it not also be the case that, as each man comes from heresy or schism to the Catholic peace, his sins should be loosed through their prayers?  But the integrity of the sacrament is everywhere recognized, though it will not avail for the irrevocable remission of sins outside the unity of the Church.  Nor will the prayers of the saints, or, in other words, the groanings of that one dove, be able to help one who is set in heresy or schism; just as they are not able to help one who is placed within the Church, if by a wicked life he himself retain the debts of his sins against himself, and that though he be baptized, not by this hawk, but by the pious ministry of the dove herself.


Footnotes

443:1306

Matt. xvi. 19.

443:1307

Song of Sol. vi. 9.

443:1308

Cypr. de Lapsis c vi.



Chapter 18—23.  "As my Father hath sent me," says our Lord, "even so send I you.  And what He had said this, He breathed on them, and saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost.  Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained." 1309   Therefore, if they represented the Church, and this was said to them as to the Church herself, it follows that the peace of the Church looses sins, and estrangement from the Church retains them, not according to the will of men, but according to the will of God and the prayers of the saints who are spiritual, who "judge all things, but themselves are judged of no man." 1310   For the rock retains, the rock remits; the dove retains, the dove remits; unity retains, unity remits.  But the peace of this unity exists only in the good, in those who are either already spiritual, or are advancing by the obedience of concord to spiritual things; it exists not in the bad, whether they make disturbances abroad, or are endured within the Church with lamentations, baptizing and being baptized.  But just as those who are tolerated with groanings within the Church, although they do not belong to the same unity of the dove, and to that "glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing," 1311 yet if they are corrected, and confess that they approached to baptism most unworthily, are not baptized again, but begin to belong to the dove, through whose groans those sins are remitted which were retained in them who were estranged from her peace; so those also who are more openly without the Church, if they have received the same sacraments, are not freed from their sins on coming, after correction, to the unity of the Church, by a repetition of baptism, but by the same law of charity and bond of unity.  For if "those only may baptize who are set over the Church, and established by the law of the gospel and ordination as appointed by the Lord," were they in any wise of this kind who seized on estates by treacherous frauds, and increased their gains by compound interest?  I trow not, since those are established by ordination as appointed of the Lord, of whom the apostle, in giving them a standard, says, "Not greedy, not given to filthy lucre."  1312   Yet men of this kind used to baptize in the time of Cyprian himself; and he confesses with many lamentations that they were his fellow-bishops, and endures them with the great reward of tolerance.  Yet did they not confer remission of sins, which is granted through the prayers of the saints, that is, the groans of the dove, whoever it be that baptizes, if those to whom it is given belong to her peace.  For the Lord would not say to robbers and usurers, "Whose soever sins ye remit, they shall be remitted to him; and whose soever sins ye retain, they shall be retained."  "Outside the Church, indeed, nothing can be either bound or loosed, since there there is no one who can either bind or loose;" but he is loosed who has made peace with the dove, and he is bound who is not at peace with the dove, whether he is openly without, or appears to be within.

24.  But we know that Dathan, Korah, and Abiram, 1313 who tried to usurp to themselves the right of sacrificing, contrary to the unity of the people of God, and also the sons of Aaron who offered strange fire upon the altar, 1314 did not escape punishment.  Nor do we say that such offenses remain unpunished, unless those guilty of them correct themselves, if the patience of God leading them to repentance 1315 give them time for correction.


Footnotes

443:1309

John xx. 21-23.

443:1310

1 Cor. ii. 15.

444:1311

Eph. v. 27.  Cp. Retract. ii. 18, quoted above on I. xvii.

444:1312

Tit. i. 7.

444:1313

Num. xvi.

444:1314

Lev. 10:1, 2.

444:1315

Rom. ii. 4.



Chapter 19.—25.  They indeed who say that baptism is not to be repeated, because only hands were laid on those whom Philip the deacon had baptized, 1316 are saying what is quite beside the point; and far be it from us, in seeking the truth, to use such arguments as this.  Wherefore we are all the further from "yielding to heretics," 1317 if we deny that what they possess of Christ’s Church is their own property, and do not refuse to acknowledge the standard of our General because of the crimes of deserters; nay, all the more because "the Lord our God is a jealous God," 1318 let us refuse, whenever we see anything of His with an alien, to allow him to consider it his own.  For of a truth the jealous God Himself rebukes the woman who commits fornication against Him, as the type of an erring people, and says that she gave to her lovers what belonged to Him, and again received from them what was not theirs but His.  In the hands of the adulterous woman and the adulterous lovers, God in His wrath, as a jealous God, recognizes His gifts; and do we say that baptism, consecrated in the words of the gospel, belongs to heretics? and are we willing, from consideration of their deeds, to attribute to them even what belongs to God, as though they had the power to pollute it, or as though they could make what is God’s to be their own, because they themselves have refused to belong to God?

26.  Who is that adulterous woman whom the prophet Hosea points out, who said, "I will go after my lovers, that give me my bread and my water, my wool and my flax, and everything that befits me?" 1319   Let us grant that we may understand this also of the people of the Jews that went astray; yet whom else are the false Christians (such as are all heretics and schismatics) wont to imitate, except false Israelites?  For there were also true Israelites, as the Lord Himself bears witness to Nathanael, "Behold an Israelite indeed, in whom is no guile." 1320   But who are true Christians, save those of whom the same Lord said, "He that hath my commandments, and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me?" 1321   But what is it to keep His commandments, except to abide in love?  Whence also He says, "A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another;" and again, "By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another." 1322   But who can doubt that this was spoken not only to those who heard His words with their fleshly ears when He was present with them, but also to those who learn His words through the gospel, when He is sitting on His throne in heaven?  For He came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill. 1323   But the fulfilling of the law is love. 1324   And in this Cyprian abounded greatly, insomuch that though he held a different view concerning baptism, he yet did not forsake the unity of the Church, and was in the Lord’s vine a branch firmly rooted, bearing fruit, which the heavenly Husbandman purged with the knife of suffering, that it should bear more fruit. 1325   But the enemies of this brotherly love, whether they are openly without, or appear to be within, are false Christians, and antichrists.  For when they have found an opportunity, they go out, as it is written:  "A man wishing to separate himself from his friends, seeketh opportunities." 1326   But even if occasions are wanting, while they seem to be within, they are severed from that invisible bond of love.  Whence St. John says, "They went out from us, but they were not of us; for had they been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us." 1327   He does not say that they ceased to be of us by going out, but that they went out because they were not of us.  The Apostle Paul also speaks of certain men who had erred concerning the truth, and were overthrowing the faith of some; whose word was eating as a canker.  Yet in saying that they should be avoided, he nevertheless intimates that they were all in one great house, but as vessels to dishonor,—I suppose because they had not as yet gone out.  Or if they had already gone out, how can he say that they were in the same great house with the honorable vessels, unless it was in virtue of the sacraments themselves, which even in the severed meetings of heretics are not changed, that he speaks of all as belonging to the same great house, though in different degrees of esteem, some to honor and some to dishonor?  For thus he speaks in his Epistle to Timothy:  "But shun profane and vain babblings; for they will increase unto more ungodliness.  And their word will eat as doth a canker; of whom is Hymenæus and Philetus; who concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already; and overthrow the faith of some.  Nevertheless the foundation of God standeth firm, having this seal, The Lord knoweth them that are His.  And, Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity.  But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and of silver, but also of wood and of earth; and some to honor, and some to dishonor.  If a man therefore purge himself from these, he shall be a vessel unto honor, sanctified, and meet for the master’s use, and prepared unto every good work." 1328   But what is it to purge oneself from such as these, except what he said just before, "Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity."  And lest any one should think that, as being in one great house with them, he might perish with such as these, he has most carefully forewarned them, "The Lord knoweth them that are His,"—those, namely, who, by departing from iniquity, purge themselves from the vessels made to dishonor, lest they should perish with them whom they are compelled to tolerate in the great house.

27.  They, therefore, who are wicked, evildoers, carnal, fleshly, devilish, think that they receive at the hands of their seducers what are the gifts of God alone, whether sacraments, or any spiritual workings about present salvation.  But these men have not love towards God, but are busied about those by whose pride they are led astray, and are compared to the adulterous woman, whom the prophet introduces as saying, "I will go after my lovers, that give me my bread and my water, my wool and my flax, and my oil, and everything that befits me."  For thus arise heresies and schisms, when the fleshly people which is not founded on the love of God says, "I will go after my lovers," with whom, either by corruption of her faith, or by the puffing up of her pride, she shamefully commits adultery.  But for the sake of those who, having undergone the difficulties, and straits, and barriers of the empty reasoning of those by whom they are led astray, afterwards feel the prickings of fear, and return to the way of peace, to seeking God in all sincerity,—for their sake He goes on to say, "Therefore, behold, I will hedge up thy way with thorns, and make a wall, that she shall not find her paths.  And she shall follow after her lovers, but she shall not overtake them:  and she shall seek them, but she shall not find them:  then shall she say, I will go and return to my first husband; for then was it better with me than now."  Then, that they may not attribute to their seducers what they have that is sound, and derived from the doctrine of truth, by which they lead them astray to the falseness of their own dogmas and dissensions; that they may not think that what is sound in them belongs to them, he immediately added, "And she did not know that I gave her corn, and wine, and oil, and multiplied her money; but she made vessels of gold and silver for Baal." 1329   For she had said above, "I will go after my lovers, that give me my bread," etc., not at all understanding that all this, which was held soundly and lawfully by her seducers, was of God, and not of men.  Nor would even they themselves claim these things for themselves, and as it were assert a right in them, had not they in turn been led astray by a people which had gone astray, when faith is reposed in them, and such honors are paid to them, that they should be enabled thereby to say such things, and claim such things for themselves, that their error should be called truth, and their iniquity be thought righteousness, in virtue of the sacraments and Scriptures, which they hold, not for salvation, but only in appearance.  Accordingly, the same adulterous woman is addressed by the mouth of Ezekiel:  "Thou hast also taken thy fair jewels of my gold and of my silver, which I had given thee, and madest to thyself images of men, and didst commit whoredom with them; and tookest my 1330 broidered garments, and coveredst them:  and thou hast set mine oil and mine incense before them.  My meat also which I gave thee, fine flour, and oil, and honey, wherewith I fed thee, thou hast even set it before thine idols for a sweet savor:  and this thou hast done." 1331   For she turns all the sacraments, and the words of the sacred books, to the images of her own idols, with which her carnal mind delights to wallow.  Nor yet, because those images are false, and the doctrines of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy, 1332 are those sacraments and divine utterances therefore so to lose their due honor, as to be thought to belong to such as these; seeing that the Lord says," Of my gold, and my silver, and my broidered garments, and mine oil, and mine incense, and my meat," and so forth.  Ought we, because those erring ones think that these things belong to their seducers, therefore not to recognize whose they really are, when He Himself says, "And she did not know that I gave her corn, and wine, and oil, and multiplied her money"?  For He did not say that she did not have these things because she was an adulteress; but she is said to have had them, and that not as belonging to herself or her lovers, but to God, whose alone they are.  Although, therefore, she had her fornication, yet those things wherewith she adorned it, whether as seduced or in her turn seducing, belonged not to her, but to God.  If these things were spoken in a figure of the Jewish nation, when the scribes and Pharisees were rejecting the commandment of God in order to set up their own traditions, so that they were in a manner committing whoredom with a people which was abandoning their God; and yet for all that, whoredom at that time among the people, such as the Lord brought to light by convicting it, did not cause that the mysteries should belong to them, which were not theirs but God’s, who, in speaking to the adulteress, says that all these things were His; whence the Lord Himself also sent those whom He cleansed from leprosy to the same mysteries, that they should offer sacrifice for themselves before the priests, because that sacrifice had not become efficacious for them, which He Himself afterwards wished to be commemorated in the Church for all of them, because He Himself proclaimed the tidings to them all;—if this be so, how much the more ought we, when we find the sacraments of the New Testament among certain heretics or schismatics, not to attribute them to these men, nor to condemn them, as though we could not recognize them?  We ought to recognize the gifts of the true husband, though in the possession of an adulteress, and to amend, by the word of truth, that whoredom which is the true possession of the unchaste woman, instead of finding fault with the gifts, which belong entirely to the pitying Lord.

28.  From these considerations, and such as these, our forefathers, not only before the time of Cyprian and Agrippinus, but even afterwards, maintained a most wholesome custom, that whenever they found anything divine and lawful remaining in its integrity even in the midst of any heresy or schism, they approved rather than repudiated it; but whatever they found that was alien, and peculiar to that false doctrine or division, this they convicted in the light of the truth, and healed.  The points, however, which remain to be considered in the letter written by Jubaianus, must, I think, when looking at the size of this book, be taken in hand and treated with a fresh beginning.


Footnotes

444:1316

Acts viii. 5-17.

444:1317

Because Cyprian, in his letter to Jubaianus (Ep. lxxiii. 10), had urged as following from this, that "there is no reason, dearest brother, why we should think it right to yield to heretics that baptism which was granted to the one and only Church."

444:1318

Deut. iv. 24.

444:1319

Hos. ii. 5, cp. LXX.

444:1320

John i. 47.

444:1321

John xiv. 21.

444:1322

John 13:34, 35.

445:1323

Matt. v. 17.

445:1324

Rom. xiii. 10.

445:1325

John xv. 1-5.

445:1326

Prov. xviii. 1, cp. Hieron, and LXX.

445:1327

1 John ii. 19.

445:1328

2 Tim. ii. 16-21.

446:1329

Hos. ii. 5-8, cp. LXX.

446:1330

In Hieron, and LXX., as well as in the English version, this is in the second person, vestimenta tua multicolaria; τὸν ἱματισμὸν τὸν ποικίλον σου.

446:1331

Ezek. xvi. 17-19.

446:1332

1 Tim. 4:1, 2.



Book IV.

In which he treats of what follows in the same epistle of Cyprian to Jubaianus.



Chapter 1.—1.  The comparison of the Church with Paradise 1333 shows us that men may indeed receive her baptism outside her pale, but that no one outside can either receive or retain the salvation of eternal happiness.  For, as the words of Scripture testify, the streams from the fountain of Paradise flowed copiously even beyond its bounds.  Record indeed is made of their names; and through what countries they flow, and that they are situated beyond the limits of Paradise, is known to all; 1334 and yet in Mesopotamia, and in Egypt, to which countries those rivers extended, there is not found that blessedness of life which is recorded in Paradise.  Accordingly, though the waters of Paradise are found beyond its boundaries, yet its happiness is in Paradise alone.  So, therefore, the baptism of the Church may exist outside, but the gift of the life of happiness is found alone within the Church, which has been founded on a rock, which has received the keys of binding and loosing. 1335   "She it is alone who holds as her privilege the whole power of her Bridegroom and Lord;" 1336 by virtue of which power as bride, she can bring forth sons even of handmaids.  And these, if they be not high-minded, shall be called into the lot of the inheritance; but if they be high-minded, they shall remain outside.


Footnotes

447:1333

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. ad Jubaian. 10.

447:1334

Gen. ii. 8-14.

447:1335

Matt. 16:18, 19.

447:1336

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 11.



Chapter 2.—2.  All the more, then, because "we are fighting 1337 for the honor and unity" of the Church, let us beware of giving to heretics the credit of whatever we acknowledged among them as belonging to the Church; but let us teach them by argument, that what they possess that is derived from unity is of no efficacy to their salvation, unless they shall return to that same unity.  For "the water of the Church is full of faith, and salvation, and holiness" 1338 to those who use it rightly.  No one, however, can use it well outside the Church.  But to those who use it perversely, whether within or without the Church, it is employed to work punishment, and does not conduce to their reward.  And so baptism "cannot be corrupted and polluted," though it be handled by the corrupt or by adulterers, just as also "the Church herself is uncorrupt, and pure, and chaste." 1339   And so no share in it belongs to the avaricious, or thieves, or usurers,—many of whom, by the testimony of Cyprian himself in many places of his letters, exist not only without, but actually within the Church,—and yet they both are baptized and do baptize, with no change in their hearts.

3.  For this, too, he says, in one of his epistles 1340 to the clergy on the subject of prayer toGod, in which, after the fashion of the holy Daniel, he represents the sins of his people as falling upon himself.  For among many other evils of which he makes mention, he speaks of them also as "renouncing the world in words only and not in deeds;" as the apostle says of certain men, "They profess that they know God, but in works they deny Him." 1341   These, therefore, the blessed Cyprian shows to be contained within the Church herself, who are baptized without their hearts being changed for the better, seeing that they renounce the world in words and not in deeds, as the Apostle Peter says, "The like figure whereunto even baptism doth also now save us, (not the putting away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience)," 1342 which certainly they had not of whom it is said that they "renounced the world in words only, and not in deeds;" and yet he does his utmost, by chiding and convincing them, to make them at length walk in the way of Christ, and be His friends rather than friends of the world.


Footnotes

447:1337

Ib.

447:1338

Ib.

447:1339

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 11.

447:1340

Cypr. Ep. xi. 1.

447:1341

Tit. i. 16.

447:1342

1 Pet. iii. 21.



Chapter 3.—4.  And if they would have obeyed him, and begun to live rightly, not as false but as true Christians, would he have ordered them to be baptized anew?  Surely not; but their true conversion would have gained this for them, that the sacrament which availed for their destruction while they were yet unchanged, should begin when they changed to avail for their salvation.

5.  For neither are they "devoted to the Church" 1343 who seem to be within and live contrary to Christ, that is, act against His commandments; nor can they be considered in any way to belong to that Church, which He so purifies by the washing of water, "that He may present to Himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing." 1344   But if they are not in that Church to whose members they do not belong, they are not in the Church of which it is said, "My dove is but one; she is the only one of her mother;" 1345 for she herself is without spot or wrinkle.  Or else let him who can assert that those are members of this dove who renounce the world in words but not in deeds.  Meantime there is one thing which we see, from which I think it was said, "He that regardeth the day, regardeth it unto the Lord," 1346 for God judgeth every day.  For, according to His foreknowledge, who knows whom He has foreordained before the foundation of the world to be made like to the image of His Son, many who are even openly outside, and are called heretics, are better than many good Catholics.  For we see what they are to-day, what they shall be to-morrow we know not.  And with God, with whom the future is already present, they already are what they shall hereafter be.  But we, according to what each man is at present, inquire whether they are to be to-day reckoned among the members of the Church which is called the one dove, and the Bride of Christ without a spot or wrinkle, 1347 of whom Cyprian says in the letter which I have quoted above, that "they did not keep in the way of the Lord, nor observe the commandments given unto them for their salvation; that they did not fulfill the will of their Lord, being eager about their property and gains, following the dictates of pride, giving way to envy and dissension, careless about single-mindedness and faith, renouncing the world in words only and not in deeds, pleasing each himself, and displeasing all men." 1348   But if the dove does not acknowledge them among her members, and if the Lord shall say to them, supposing that they continue in the same perversity, "I never knew you:  depart from me, ye that work iniquity;" 1349 then they seem indeed to be in the Church, but are not; "nay, they even act against the Church.  How then can they baptize with the baptism of the Church," 1350 which is of avail neither to themselves, nor to those who receive it from them, unless they are changed in heart with a true conversion, so that the sacrament itself, which did not avail them when they received it whilst they were renouncing the world in words and not in deeds, may begin to profit them when they shall begin to renounce it in deeds also?  And so too in the case of those whose separation from the Church is open; for neither these nor those are as yet among the members of the dove, but some of them perhaps will be at some future time.


Footnotes

448:1343

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 11.

448:1344

Eph. 5:26, 27.

448:1345

Song of Sol. vi. 9.

448:1346

Rom. xiv. 6.

448:1347

Retract. ii. 18, quoted on I. 17.

448:1348

Cypr. Ep. xi. I, first part loosely quoted.

448:1349

Matt. vii. 23.

448:1350

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 11.



Chapter 4.—6.  We do not, therefore, "acknowledge the baptism of heretics," 1351 when we refuse to baptize after them; but because we acknowledge the ordinance to be of Christ even among evil men, whether openly separated from us, or secretly severed whilst within our body, we receive it with due respect, having corrected those who were wrong in the points wherein they went astray.  However as I seem to be hard pressed when it is said to me, "Does then a heretic confer remission of sins?" so I in turn press hard when I say, Does then he who violates the commands of Heaven, the avaricious man, the robber, the usurer, the envious man, does he who renounces the world in words and not in deeds, confer such remission?  If you mean by the force of God’s sacrament, then both the one and the other; if by his own merit, neither of them.  For that sacrament, even in the hands of wicked men, is known to be of Christ; but neither the one nor the other of these men is found in the body of the one uncorrupt, holy, chaste dove, which has neither spot nor wrinkle.  And just as baptism is of no profit to the man who renounces the world in words and not in deeds, so it is of no profit to him who is baptized in heresy or schism; but each of them, when he amends his ways, begins to receive profit from that which before was not profitable, but was yet already in him.

7.  "He therefore that is baptized in heresy does not become the temple of God; 1352 but does it therefore follow that he is not to be considered as baptized?  For neither does the avaricious man, baptized within the Church, become the temple of God unless he depart from his avarice; for they who become the temple of God certainly inherit the kingdom of God.  But the apostle says, among many other things, "Neither the covetous, nor extortioners, shall inherit the kingdom of God." 1353   For in another place the same apostle compares covetousness to the worship of idols:  "Nor covetous man," he says, "who is an idolater;" 1354 which meaning the same Cyprian has so far extended in a letter to Antonianus, that he did not hesitate to compare the sin of covetousness with that of men who in time of persecution had declared in writing that they would offer incense. 1355   The man, then, who is baptized in heresy in the name of the Holy Trinity, yet does not become the temple of God unless he abandons his heresy, just as the covetous man who has been baptized in the same name does not become the temple of God unless he abandons his covetousness, which is idolatry.  For this, too, the same apostle says:  "What agreement hath the temple of God with idols?" 1356   Let it not, then, be asked of us "of what God he is made the temple" 1357 when we say that he is not made the temple of God at all.  Yet he is not therefore unbaptized, nor does his foul error cause that what he has received, consecrated in the words of the gospel, should not be the holy sacrament; just as the other man’s covetousness (which is idolatry) and great uncleanness cannot prevent what he receives from being holy baptism, even though he be baptized with the same words of the gospel by another man covetous like himself.


Footnotes

448:1351

Ib., lxiii. 12, quando a nobis baptisma eorum in acceptum refertur.

448:1352

Cypr. Ep. lxxvii. 12.

449:1353

1 Cor. vi. 10.

449:1354

Eph. v. 5.

449:1355

Cypr. Ep. lv. 26.

449:1356

2 Cor. vi. 16.

449:1357

Cypr. Ep. lxxvii. 12.



Chapter 5.—8.  "Further," Cyprian goes on to say, "in vain do some, who are overcome by reason, oppose to us custom, as though custom were superior to truth, or that were not to be followed in spiritual things which has been revealed by the Holy Spirit, as the better way." 1358   This is clearly true, since reason and truth are to be preferred to custom.  But when truth supports custom, nothing should be more strongly maintained.  Then he proceeds as follows:  "For one may pardon a man who merely errs, as the Apostle Paul says of himself, ‘Who was before a blasphemer, a persecutor, and injurious; but I obtained mercy, because I did it ignorantly;’ 1359 but he who, after inspiration and revelation given, perseveres advisedly and knowingly in his former error, sins without hope of pardon on the ground of ignorance.  For he rests on a kind of presumption and obstinacy, when he is overcome by reason."  This is most true, that his sin is much more grievous who has sinned wittingly than his who has sinned through ignorance.  And so in the case of the holy Cyprian, who was not only learned, but also patient of instruction, which he so fully himself understood to be a part of the praise of the bishop whom the apostle describes, 1360 that he said, "This also should be approved in a bishop, that he not only teach with knowledge, but also learn with patience." 1361   I do not doubt that if he had had the opportunity of discussing this question, which has been so long and so much disputed in the Church, with the pious and learned men to whom we owe it that subsequently that ancient custom was confirmed by the authority of a plenary Council, he would have shown, without hesitation, not only how learned he was in those things which he had grasped with all the security of truth, but also how ready he was to receive instruction in what he had failed to perceive.  And yet, since it is so clear that it is much more grievous to sin wittingly than in ignorance, I should be glad if any one would tell me which is the worse,—the man who falls into heresy, not knowing how great a sin it is, or the man who refuses to abandon his covetousness, knowing its enormity?  I might even put the question thus:  If one man unwittingly fall into heresy, and another knowingly refuse to depart from idolatry, since the apostle himself says, "The covetous man, which is an idolater;" and Cyprian too understood the same passage in just the same way, when he says, in his letter to Antonianus, "Nor let the new heretics flatter themselves in this, that they say they do not communicate with idolaters, whereas there are amongst them both adulterers and covetous persons, who are held guilty of the sin of idolatry; ‘for know this, and understand, that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God;’ 1362 and again, ‘Mortify therefore your members which are upon the earth; fornication, uncleanness, inordinate affection, evil concupiscence, and covetousness, which is idolatry.’" 1363   I ask, therefore, which sins more deeply,—he who ignorantly has fallen into heresy, or he who wittingly has refused to abandon covetousness, that is idolatry?  According to that rule by which the sins of those who sin wittingly are placed before those of the ignorant, the man who is covetous with knowledge takes the first place in sin.  But as it is possible that the greatness of the actual sin should produce the same effect in the case of heresy that the witting commission of the sin produces in that of covetousness, let us suppose the ignorant heretic to be on a par in guilt with the consciously covetous man, although the evidence which Cyprian himself has advanced from the apostle does not seem to prove this.  For what is it that we abominate in heretics except their blasphemies?  But when he wished to show that ignorance of the sin may conduce to ease in obtaining pardon, he advanced a proof from the case of the apostle, when he says, "Who was before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious; but I obtained mercy, because I did it ignorantly." 1364   But if possible, as I said before, let the sins of the two men—the blasphemy of the unconscious, and the idolatry of the conscious sinner—be esteemed of equal weight; and let them be judged by the same sentence,—he who, in seeking for Christ, falls into a truth-like setting forth of what is false, and he who wittingly resists Christ speaking through His apostle, "seeing that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, which is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God," 1365 —and then I would ask why baptism and the words of the gospel are held as naught in the former case, and accounted valid in the latter, when each is alike found to be estranged from the members of the dove.  Is it because the former is an open combatant outside, that he should not be admitted, the latter a cunning assenter within the fold, that he may not be expelled?


Footnotes

449:1358

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 13.

449:1359

1 Tim. i. 13.

449:1360

2 Tim. ii. 24.

449:1361

Cypr. Ep. lxxiv. 10.

449:1362

Eph. v. 5.

449:1363

Col. iii. 5.  Cypr. Ep. lv. 27.

450:1364

1 Tim. i. 13.

450:1365

Eph. v. 5.



Chapter 6.—9.  But as regards his saying, "Nor let any one affirm that what they have received from the apostles, that they follow; for the apostles handed down only one Church and one baptism, and that appointed only in the same Church:" 1366   this does not so much move me to venture to condemn the baptism of Christ when found amongst heretics (just as it is necessary to recognize the gospel itself when I find it with them, though I abominate their error), as it warns me that there were some even in the times of the holy Cyprian who traced to the authority of the apostles that custom against which the African Councils were held, and in respect of which he himself said a little above, "In vain do those who are beaten by reason oppose to us the authority of custom."  Nor do I find the reason why the same Cyprian found this very custom, which after his time was confirmed by nothing less than a plenary Council of the whole world, already so strong before his time, that when with all his learning he sought an authority worth following for changing it, he found nothing but a Council of Agrippinus held in Africa a very few years before his own time.  And seeing that this was not enough for him, as against the custom of the whole world, he laid hold on these reasons which we just now, considering them with great care, and being confirmed by the antiquity of the custom itself, and by the subsequent authority of a plenary Council, found to be truth-like rather than true; which, however, seemed to him true, as he toiled in a question of the greatest obscurity, and was in doubt about the remission of sins,—whether it could fail to be given in the baptism of Christ, and whether it could be given among heretics.  In which matter, if an imperfect revelation of the truth was given to Cyprian, that the greatness of his love in not deserting the unity of the Church might be made manifest, there is yet not any reason why any one should venture to claim superiority over the strong defenses and excellence of his virtues, and the abundance of graces which were found in him, merely because, with the instruction derived from the strength of a general Council, he sees something which Cyprian did not see, because the Church had not yet held a plenary Council on the matter.  Just as no one is so insane as to set himself up as surpassing the merits of the Apostle Peter, because, taught by the epistles of the Apostle Paul, and confirmed by the custom of the Church herself, he does not compel the Gentiles to judaize, as Peter once had done. 1367

10.  We do not then "find that any one, after being baptized among heretics, was afterwards admitted by the apostles with the same baptism, and communicated;" 1368 but neither do we find this, that any one coming from the society of heretics, who had been baptized among them, was baptized anew by the apostles.  But this custom, which even then those who looked back to past ages could not find to have been invented by men of a later time, is rightly believed to have been handed down from the apostles.  And there are many other things of the same kind, which it would be tedious to recount.  Wherefore, if they had something to say for themselves to whom Cyprian, wishing to persuade them of the truth of his own view, says, "Let no one say, What we have received from the apostles, that we follow," with how much more force we now say, What the custom of the Church has always held, what this argument has failed to prove false, and what a plenary Council has confirmed, this we follow!  To this we may add that it may also be said, after a careful inquiry into the reasoning on both sides of the discussion, and into the evidence of Scripture, What truth has declared, that we follow.


Footnotes

450:1366

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 13.

450:1367

Gal. ii. 14.

450:1368

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 13.



Chapter 7.—11.  For in fact, as to what some opposed to the reasoning of Cyprian, that the apostle says, "Notwithstanding every way, whether in pretence or in truth, let Christ be preached;" 1369 Cyprian rightly exposed their error, showing that it has nothing to do with the case of heretics, since the apostle was speaking of those who were acting within the Church, with malicious envy seeking their own profit.  They announced Christ, indeed, according to the truth whereby we believe in Christ, but not in the spirit in which He was announced by the good evangelists to the sons of the dove.  "For Paul," he says, "in his epistle was not speaking of heretics, or of their baptism, so that it could be shown that he had laid down anything concerning this matter.  He was speaking of brethren, whether as walking disorderly and contrary to the discipline of the Church, or as keeping the discipline of the Church in the fear of God.  And he declared that some of them spoke the word of God steadfastly and fearlessly, but that some were acting in envy and strife; that some had kept themselves encompassed with kindly Christian love, but that others entertained malice and strife:  but yet that he patiently endured all things, with the view that, whether in truth or in pretence, the name of Christ, which Paul preached, might come to the knowledge of the greatest number, and that the sowing of the word, which was as yet a new and unaccustomed work, might spread more widely by the preaching of those that spoke.  Furthermore, it is one thing for those who are within the Church to speak in the name of Christ, another thing for those who are without, acting against the Church, to baptize in the name of Christ." 1370   These words of Cyprian seem to warn us that we must distinguish between those who are bad outside, and those who are bad within the Church.  And those whom he says that the apostle represents as preaching the gospel impurely and of envy, he says truly were within.  This much, however, I think I may say without rashness, if no one outside can have anything which is of Christ, neither can any one within have anything which is of the devil.  For if that closed garden can contain the thorns of the devil, why cannot the fountain of Christ equally flow beyond the garden’s bounds?  But if it cannot contain them, whence, even in the time of the Apostle Paul himself, did there arise amongst those who were within so great an evil of envy and malicious strife?  For these are the words of Cyprian.  Can it be that envy and malicious strife are a small evil?  How then were those in unity who were not at peace?  For it is not my voice, nor that of any man, but of the Lord Himself; nor did the sound go forth from men, but from angels, at the birth of Christ, "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace to men of good will." 1371   And this certainly would not have been proclaimed by the voice of angels when Christ was born upon the earth, unless God wished this to be understood, that those are in the unity of the body of Christ who are united in the peace of Christ, and those are in the peace of Christ who are of good will.  Furthermore, as good will is shown in kindliness, so is bad will shown in malice.


Footnotes

451:1369

Phil. i. 18.  Hieron. "annuntietur."

451:1370

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 14.

451:1371

Luke ii. 14.  "Hominibus bonæ voluntatis;" and so the Vulgate, following the reading ἐν ἀνθρώποις εὐδοκίας.



Chapter 8.—12.  In short, we may see how great an evil in itself is envy, which cannot be other than malicious.  Let us not look for other testimony.  Cyprian himself is sufficient for us, through whose mouth the Lord poured forth so many thunders in most perfect truth, and uttered so many useful precepts about envy and malignity.  Let us therefore read the letter of Cyprian about envy and malignity, and see how great an evil it is to envy those better than ourselves,—an evil whose origin he shows in memorable words to have sprung from the devil himself.  "To feel jealousy," he says, "of what you regard as good, and to envy those who are better than yourselves, to some, dearest brethren, seems a light and minute offense." 1372   And again a little later, when he was inquiring into the source and origin of the evil, he says, "From this the devil, in the very beginning of the world, perished first himself, and led others to destruction." 1373   And further on in the same chapter:  "What an evil, dearest brethren, is that by which an angel fell! by which that exalted and illustrious loftiness was able to be deceived and overthrown! by which he was deceived who was the deceiver!  From that time envy stalks upon the earth, when man, about to perish through malignity, submits himself to the teacher of perdition,—when he who envies imitates the devil, as it is written, ‘Through envy of the devil came death into the world, and they that do hold of his side do find it.’" 1374   How true, how forcible are these words of Cyprian, in an epistle known throughout the world, we cannot fail to recognize.  It was truly fitting for Cyprian to argue and warn most forcibly about envy and malignity, from which most deadly evil he proved his own heart to be so far removed by the abundance of his Christian love; by carefully guarding which he remained in the unity of communion with his colleagues, who without ill-feeling entertained different views about baptism, whilst he himself differed in opinion from them, not through any contention of ill will, but through human infirmity, erring in a point which God, in His own good time, would reveal to him by reason of his perseverance in love.  For he says openly, "Judging no one, nor depriving any of the right of communion if he differ from us.  For no one of us setteth himself up as a bishop of bishops, or by tyrannical terror forces his colleagues to a necessity of obeying."  1375   And in the end of the epistle before us he says, "These things I have written to you briefly, dearest brother, according to my poor ability, prescribing to or prejudging no one, so as to prevent each bishop from doing what he thinks right in the free exercise of his own judgment.  We, so far as in us lies, do not strive on behalf of heretics with our colleges and fellow-bishops, with whom we hold the harmony that God enjoins, and the peace of our Lord, especially as the apostle says, ‘If any man seem to be contentious, we have no such custom, neither the churches of God.’ 1376   Christian love in our souls, the honor of our fraternity, the bond of faith, the harmony of the priesthood, all these are maintained by us with patience and gentleness.  For this cause we have also, so far as our poor ability admitted, by the permission and inspiration of the Lord, written now a treatise on the benefit of patience, 1377 which we have sent to you in consideration of our mutual affection." 1378


Footnotes

451:1372

Cypr. de Zel. et Liv. c. 1.

451:1373

Ib. c. 4.

451:1374

Wis. 2:24, 25.

452:1375

Conc. Carth. sub in.

452:1376

1 Cor. xi. 16.

452:1377

This treatise is still extant.  See Trans. in Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. V. 484-490.

452:1378

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 26.



Chapter 9.—13.  By this patience of Christian love he not only endured the difference of opinion manifested in all kindliness by his good colleagues on an obscure point, as he also himself received toleration, till, in process of time, when it so pleased God, what had always been a most wholesome custom was further confirmed by a declaration of the truth in a plenary Council, but he even put up with those who were manifestly bad, as was very well known to himself, who did not entertain a different view in consequence of the obscurity of the question, but acted contrary to their preaching in the evil practices of an abandoned life, as the apostle says of them, "Thou that preachest a man should not steal, dost thou steal?" 1379   For Cyprian says in his letter of such bishops of his own time, his own colleagues, and remaining in communion with him, "While they had brethren starving in the Church, they tried to amass large sums of money, they took possession of estates by fraudulent proceedings, they multiplied their gains by accumulated usuries." 1380   For here there is no obscure question.  Scripture declares openly, "Neither covetous nor extortioners shall inherit the kingdom of God;" 1381 and "He that putteth out his money to usury," 1382 and "No whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God." 1383   He therefore certainly would not, without knowledge, have brought accusations of such covetousness, that men not only greedily treasured up their own goods, but also fraudulently appropriated the goods of others, or of idolatry existing in such enormity as he understands and proves it to exist; nor assuredly would he bear false witness against his fellow-bishops.  And yet with the bowels of fatherly and motherly love he endured them, lest that, by rooting out the tares before their time, the wheat should also have been rooted up, 1384 imitating assuredly the Apostle Paul, who, with the same love towards the Church, endured those who were ill-disposed and envious towards him. 1385

14.  But yet because "by the envy of the devil death entered into the world, and they that do hold of his side do find it," 1386 not because they are created by God, but because they go astray of themselves, as Cyprian also says himself, seeing that the devil, before he was a devil, was an angel, and good, how can it be that they who are of the devil’s side are in the unity of Christ?  Beyond all doubt, as the Lord Himself says, "an enemy hath done this," who "sowed tares among the wheat." 1387   As therefore what is of the devil within the fold must be convicted, so what is of Christ without must be recognized.  Has the devil what is his within the unity of the Church, and shall Christ not have what is His without?  This, perhaps, might be said of individual men, that as the devil has none that are his among the holy angels, so God has none that are His outside the communion of the Church.  But though it may be allowed to the devil to mingle tares, that is, wicked men, with this Church which still wears the mortal nature of flesh, so long as it is wandering far from God, he being allowed this just because of the pilgrimage of the Church herself, that men may desire more ardently the rest of that country which the angels enjoy, yet this cannot be said of the sacraments.  For, as the tares within the Church can have and handle them, though not for salvation, but for the destruction to which they are destined in the fire, so also can the tares without, which received them from seceders from within; for they did not lose them by seceding.  This, indeed, is made plain from the fact that baptism is not conferred again on their return, when any of the very men who seceded happen to come back again.  And let not any one say, Why, what fruit hath the tares?  For if this be so, their condition is the same, so far as this goes, both inside and without.  For it surely cannot be that grains of corn are found in the tares inside, and not in those without.  But when the question is of the sacrament, we do not consider whether the tares bear any fruit, but whether they have any share of heaven; for the tares, both within and without, share the rain with the wheat itself, which rain is in itself heavenly and sweet, even though under its influence the tares grow up in barrenness.  And so the sacrament, according to the gospel of Christ, is divine and pleasant; nor is it to be esteemed as naught because of the barrenness of those on whom its dew falls even without.


Footnotes

452:1379

Rom. ii. 21.

452:1380

Cypr. de Lapsis. c. vi.

452:1381

1 Cor. vi. 10.

452:1382

Ps. xv. 5.

452:1383

Eph. v. 5.

452:1384

Matt. xiii. 29.

452:1385

Phil. i. 15-18.

452:1386

Wis. 2:24, 25.

452:1387

Matt. 13:28, 25.



Chapter 10.—15.  But some one may say that the tares within may more easily be converted into wheat.  I grant that it is so; but what has this to do with the question of repeating baptism?  You surely do not maintain that if a man converted from heresy, through the occasion and opportunity given by his conversion, should bear fruit before another who, being within the Church, is more slow to be washed from his iniquity, and so corrected and changed, the former therefore needs not to be baptized again, but the churchman to be baptized again, who was outstripped by him who came from the heretics, because of the greater slowness of his amendment.  It has nothing, therefore, to do with the question now at issue who is later or slower in being converted from his especial waywardness to the straight path of faith, or hope, or charity.  For although the bad within the fold are more easily made good yet it will sometimes happen that certain of the number of those outside will outstrip in their conversion certain of those within; and while these remain in barrenness, the former, being restored to unity and communion, will bear fruit with patience, thirty-fold, or sixty-fold, or a hundred-fold. 1388   Or if those only are to be called tares who remain in perverse error to the end, there are many ears of corn outside, and many tares within.

16.  But it will be urged that the bad outside are worse than those within.  It is indeed a weighty question, whether Nicolaus, being already severed from the Church, 1389 or Simon, who was still within it, 1390 was the worse,—the one being a heretic, the other a sorcerer.  But if the mere fact of division, as being the clearest token of violated charity, is held to be the worse evil, I grant that it is so.  Yet many, though they have lost all feelings of charity, yet do not secede from considerations of worldly profit; and as they seek their own, not the things which are Jesus Christ’s, 1391 what they are unwilling to secede from is not the unity of Christ, but their own temporal advantage.  Whence it is said in praise of charity, that she "seeketh not her own." 1392

17.  Now, therefore, the question is, how could men of the party of the devil belong to the Church, which has no spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing, 1393 of which also it is said, "My dove is one?" 1394   But if they cannot, it is clear that she groans among those who are not of her, some treacherously laying wait within, some barking at her gate without.  Such men, however, even within, both receive baptism, and possess it, and transmit it holy in itself; nor is it in any way defiled by their wickedness, in which they persevere even to the end.  Wherefore the same blessed Cyprian teaches us that baptism is to be considered as consecrated in itself by the words of the gospel, as the Church has received, without joining to it or mingling with it any consideration of waywardness and wickedness on the part of either minister or recipients; since he himself points out to us both truths,—both that there have been some within the Church who did not cherish kindly Christian love, but practised envy and unkind dissension, of whom the Apostle Paul spoke; and also that the envious belong to the devil’s party, as he testifies in the most open way in the epistle which he wrote about envy and malignity.  Wherefore, since it is clearly possible that in those who belong to the devil’s party, Christ’s sacrament may yet be holy,—not, indeed, to their salvation, but to their condemnation, and that not only if they are led astray after they have been baptized, but even if they were such in heart when they received the sacrament, renouncing the world (as the same Cyprian shows) in words only and not in deeds;  1395 and since even if afterwards they be brought into the right way, the sacrament is not to be again administered which they received when they were astray; so far as I can see, the case is already clear and evident, that in the question of baptism we have to consider, not who gives, but what he gives; not who receives, but what he receives; not who has, but what he has.  For if men of the party of the devil, and therefore in no way belonging to the one dove, can yet receive, and have, and give baptism in all its holiness, in no way defiled by their waywardness, as we are taught by the letters of Cyprian himself, how are we ascribing to heretics what does not belong to them? how are we saying that what is really Christ’s is theirs, and not rather recognizing in them the signs of our Sovereign, and correcting the deeds of deserters from Him?  Wherefore it is one thing, as the holy Cyprian says, "for those within in the Church, to speak in the name of Christ, another thing for those without, who are acting against the Church, to baptize in His name." 1396   But both many who are within act against the Church by evil living, and by enticing weak souls to copy their lives; and some who are without speak in Christ’s name, and are not forbidden to work the works of Christ, but only to be without, since for the healing of their souls we grasp at them, or reason with them, or exhort them.  For he, too, was without who did not follow Christ with His disciples, and yet in Christ’s name was casting out devils, which the Lord enjoined that he should not be prevented from doing; 1397 although, certainly, in the point where he was imperfect he was to be made whole, in accordance with the words of the Lord, in which He says, "He that is not with me is against me; and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad." 1398   Therefore both some things are done outside in the name of Christ not against the Church, and some things are done inside on the devil’s part which are against the Church.


Footnotes

453:1388

Matt. 13:23, Luke 8:15.

453:1389

Rev. ii. 6.

453:1390

Acts viii. 9-24.

453:1391

Phil. ii. 21.

453:1392

1 Cor. xiii. 5.

453:1393

Eph. v. 27; Retract. ii. 18.

453:1394

Song of Sol. vi. 9.

454:1395

Cypr. Ep. xi. i.

454:1396

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 14.

454:1397

Luke 9:49, 50.

454:1398

Matt. xii. 30.



Chapter 11.—18.  What shall we say of what is also wonderful, that he who carefully observes may find that it is possible that certain persons, without violating Christian charity, may yet teach what is useless, as Peter wished to compel the Gentiles to observe Jewish customs, 1399 as Cyprian himself would force heretics to be baptized anew? whence the apostle says to such good members, who are rooted in charity, and yet walk not rightly in some points, "If in anything ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you;" 1400 and that some again, though devoid of charity, may teach something wholesome? of whom the Lord says, "The scribes and the Pharisees sit in Moses’ seat:  all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do; but do not ye after their works:  for they say and do not." 1401   Whence the apostle also says of those envious and malicious ones who yet preach salvation through Christ, "Whether in pretense, or in truth, let Christ be preached." 1402   Wherefore, both within and without, the waywardness of man is to be corrected, but the divine sacraments and utterances are not to be attributed to men.  He is not, therefore, a "patron of heretics" who refuses to attribute to them what he knows not to belong to them, even though it be found among them.  We do not grant baptism to be theirs; but we recognize His baptism of whom it is said, "The same is He which baptizeth," 1403 wheresoever we find it.  But if "the treacherous and blasphemous man" continue in his treachery and blasphemy, he receives no "remission of sins either without" or within the Church; or if, by the power of the sacrament, he receives it for the moment, the same force operates both without and within, as the power of the name of Christ used to work the expulsion of devils even without the Church.


Footnotes

454:1399

Gal. ii. 14.

454:1400

Phil. iii. 15.

454:1401

Matt. 23:2, 3.

454:1402

Phil. i. 18; see on ch. 7. 10.

454:1403

John i. 33.



Chapter 12.—19.  But he urges that "we find that the apostles, in all their epistles, execrated and abhorred the sacrilegious wickedness of heretics, so as to say that ‘their word does spread as a canker.’" 1404   What then?  Does not Paul also show that those who said, "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die," were corrupters of good manners by their evil communications, adding immediately afterwards, "Evil communications corrupt good manners;" and yet he intimated that these were within the Church when he says, "How say some among you that there is no resurrection of the dead?" 1405   But when does he fail to express his abhorrence of the covetous?  Or could anything be said in stronger terms, than that covetousness should be called idolatry, as the same apostle declared? 1406   Nor did Cyprian understand his language otherwise, inserting it when need required in his letters; though he confesses that in his time there were in the Church not covetous men of an ordinary type, but robbers and usurers, and these found not among the masses, but among the bishops.  And yet I should be willing to understand that those of whom the apostle says, "Their word does spread as a canker," were without the Church, but Cyprian himself will not allow me.  For, when showing, in his letter to Antonianus, 1407 that no man ought to sever himself from the unity of the Church before the time of the final separation of the just and unjust, merely because of the admixture of evil men in the Church, when he makes it manifest how holy he was, and deserving of the illustrious martyrdom which he won, he says, "What swelling of arrogance it is, what forgetfulness of humility and gentleness, that any one should dare or believe that he can do what the Lord did not grant even to the apostles,—to think that he can distinguish the tares from the wheat, or, as if it were granted to him to carry the fan and purge the floor, to endeavor to separate the chaff from the grain!  And whereas the apostle says, ‘But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and of silver, but also of wood and of earth,’ 1408 that he should seem to choose those of gold and of silver, and despise and cast away and condemn those of wood and of earth, when really the vessels of wood are only to be burned in the day of the Lord by the burning of the divine conflagration, and those of earth are to be broken by Him to whom the ‘rod of iron 1409 has been given.’" 1410   By this argument, therefore, against those who, under the pretext of avoiding the society of wicked men, had severed themselves from the unity of the Church, Cyprian shows that by the great house of which the apostle spoke, in which there were not only vessels of gold and of silver, but also of wood and of earth, he understood nothing else but the Church, in which there should be good and bad, till at the last day it should be cleansed as a threshing-floor by the winnowing-fan.  And if this be so, in the Church herself, that is, in the great house itself, there were vessels to dishonor, whose word did spread like a canker.  For the apostle, speaking of them, taught as follows:  "And their word," he says, "will spread as doth a canker; of whom is Hymenæus and Philetus; who concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already; and overthrow the faith of some.  Nevertheless the foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal, The Lord knoweth them that are His.  And, Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity.  But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and of silver, but also of wood and of earth." 1411   If, therefore, they whose words did spread as doth a canker were as it were vessels to dishonor in the great house, and by that "great house" Cyprian understands the unity of the Church itself, surely it cannot be that their canker polluted the baptism of Christ.  Accordingly, neither without, any more than within, can any one who is of the devil’s party, either in himself or in any other person, stain the sacrament which is of Christ.  It is not, therefore, the case that "the word which spreads as a canker to the ears of those who hear it gives remission of sins;" 1412 but when baptism is given in the words of the gospel, however great be the perverseness of understanding on the part either of him through whom, or of him to whom it is given, the sacrament itself is holy in itself on account of Him whose sacrament it is.  And if any one, receiving it at the hands of a misguided man, yet does not receive the perversity of the minister, but only the holiness of the mystery, being closely bound to the unity of the Church in good faith and hope and charity, he receives remission of his sins,—not by the words which do eat as doth a canker, but by the sacraments of the gospel flowing from a heavenly source.  But if the recipient himself be misguided, on the one hand, what is given is of no avail for the salvation of the misguided man; and yet, on the other hand, that which is received remains holy in the recipient, and is not renewed to him if he be brought to the right way.


Footnotes

454:1404

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 15; 2 Tim. ii. 17.

454:1405

1 Cor. 15:32, 33, 12.

454:1406

Eph. v. 5.

455:1407

Antonianus, a bishop of Numidia, wrote 252 A.D., to Cyprian, favoring his milder view in opposition to the purism of Novatian:  subsequently Novatian wrote to him, advocating the purist movement and impugning the laxity of Cornelius, bp. of Rome.  To overthrow the effect upon A. of this letter, Cyprian wrote Epistle LV.  In Ep LXX., A. is of the number of those Numidian bishops whom Cyprian addresses.

455:1408

2 Tim. ii. 20.

455:1409

Ps. ii. 9.

455:1410

Cypr. Ep. lv. 25.

455:1411

2 Tim. ii. 17-20.

455:1412

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 15.



Chapter 13.—20.  There is therefore "no fellowship between righteousness and unrighteousness," 1413 not only without, but also within the Church; for "the Lord knoweth them that are His," and "Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity."  There is also "no communion between light and darkness," 1414 not only without, but also within the Church; for "he that hateth his brother is still in darkness." 1415   And they at any rate hated Paul, who, preaching Christ of envy and malicious strife, supposed that they added affliction to his bonds; 1416 and yet the same Cyprian understands these still to have been within the Church.  Since, therefore, "neither darkness can enlighten, nor unrighteousness justify," 1417 as Cyprian again says, I ask, how could those men baptize within the very Church herself?  I ask, how could those vessels which the large house contains not to honor, but to dishonor, administer what is holy for the sanctifying of men within the great house itself, unless because that holiness of the sacrament cannot be polluted even by the unclean, either when it is given at their hands, or when it is received by those who in heart and life are not changed for the better? of whom, as situated within the Church, Cyprian himself says, "Renouncing the world in word only, and not in deed." 1418

21.  There are therefore also within the Church "enemies of God, whose hearts the spirit of Antichrist has possessed;" and yet they, "deal with spiritual and divine things," 1419 which cannot profit for their salvation so long as they remain such as they are; and yet neither can they pollute them by their own uncleanness.  With regard to what he says, therefore, "that they have no part given them in the saving grace of the Church, who, scattering and fighting against the Church of Christ, are called adversaries by Christ Himself, and antichrists by His apostles, 1420 this must be received under the consideration that there are men of this kind both within and without.  But the separation of those that are within from the perfection and unity of the dove is not only known in the case of some men to God, but even in the case of some to their fellow-men; for, by regarding their openly abandoned life and confirmed wickedness, and comparing it with the rules of God’s commandments, they understand to what a multitude of tares and chaff, situated now some within and some without, but destined to be most manifestly separated at the last day, the Lord will then say, "Depart from me, ye that work iniquity," 1421 and "Depart into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels." 1422


Footnotes

455:1413

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 15; 2 Cor. vi. 14.

455:1414

2 Cor. 6.14.

455:1415

1 John ii. 9.

455:1416

Phil. 1:15, 16.

456:1417

Cypr l.c.

456:1418

Cypr Ep. xi. 1.

456:1419

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 15.

456:1420

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 15.

456:1421

Matt. vii. 23.

456:1422

Matt. xxv. 41.



Chapter 14.—22.  But we must not despair of the conversion of any man, whether situated within or without, so long as "the goodness of God leadeth him to repentance," 1423 and "visits their transgressions with the rod, and their inquiry with stripes."  For in this way "He does not utterly take from them His loving-kindness," 1424 if they will themselves sometimes "love their own soul, pleasing God." 1425   But as the good man "that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved," 1426 so the bad man, whether within or without, who shall persevere in his wickedness to the end, shall not be saved.  Nor do we say that "all, wheresoever and howsoever baptized, obtain the grace of baptism," 1427 if by the grace of baptism is understood the actual salvation which is conferred by the celebration of the sacrament; but many fail to obtain this salvation even within the Church, although it is clear that they possess the sacrament, which is holy in itself.  Well, therefore, does the Lord warn us in the gospel that we should not company with ill-advisers, 1428 who walk under the pretence of Christ’s name; but these are found both within and without, as, in fact, they do not proceed without unless they have first been ill-disposed within.  And we know that the apostle said of the vessels placed in the great house, "If a man therefore purge himself from these, he shall be a vessel unto honor, sanctified, and meet for the Master’s use, and prepared unto every good work." 1429   But in what manner each man ought to purge himself from these he shows a little above, saying, "Let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from iniquity," 1430 that he may not in the last day, with the chaff, whether with that which has already been driven from the threshing-floor, or with that which is to be separated at the last, hear the command, "Depart from me, ye that work iniquity." 1431   Whence it appears, indeed, as Cyprian says, that "we are not at once to admit and adopt whatsoever is professed in the name of Christ, but only what is done in the truth of Christ." 1432   But it is not an action done in the truth of Christ that men should "seize on estates by fraudulent pretenses, and increase their gains by accumulated usury," 1433 or that they should "renounce the world in word only;" 1434 and yet, that all this is done within the Church, Cyprian himself bears sufficient testimony.


Footnotes

456:1423

Rom. ii. 4.

456:1424

Ps. 89:32, 33.

456:1425

Ecclus. xxx. 23.  The words, "placentes Deo" are derived from the Latin version only.

456:1426

Matt. xxiv. 13.

456:1427

From a letter of Pope Stephen’s, quoted Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 16.

456:1428

Mark xiii. 21.

456:1429

2 Tim. ii. 21.

456:1430

2 Tim. ii. 19.

456:1431

Matt. vii. 23.

456:1432

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 16.

456:1433

Ib. de Laps. c. vi.

456:1434

Ib. Ep. xi. 1.



Chapter 15.—23.  To go on to the point which he pursues at great length, that "they who blaspheme the Father of Christ cannot be baptized in Christ," 1435 since it is clear that they blaspheme through error (for he who comes to the baptism of Christ will not openly blaspheme the Father of Christ, but he is led to blaspheme by holding a view contrary to the teaching of the truth about the Father of Christ), we have already shown at sufficient length that baptism, consecrated in the words of the gospel, is not affected by the error of any man, whether ministrant or recipient, whether he hold views contrary to the revelation of divine teaching on the subject of the Father, or the Son, or the Holy Ghost.  For many carnal and natural men are baptized even within the Church, as the apostle expressly says:  "The natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God;" 1436 and after they had received baptism, he says that they "are yet carnal." 1437   But according to it carnal sense, a soul given up to fleshly appetites cannot entertain but fleshly wisdom about God.  Wherefore many, progressing after baptism, and especially those who have been baptized in infancy or early youth, in proportion as their intellect becomes clearer and brighter, while "the inward man is renewed day by day," 1438 throw away their former opinions which they held about God while they were mocked with vain imaginings, with scorn and horror and confession of their mistake.  And yet they are not therefore considered not to have received baptism, or to have received baptism of a kind corresponding to their error; but in them both the perfection of the sacrament is honored and the delusion of their mind is corrected, even though it had become inveterate through long confirmation, or been, perhaps, maintained in many controversies.  Wherefore even the heretic, who is manifestly without, if he has there received baptism as ordained in the gospel, has certainly not received baptism of a kind corresponding to the error which blinds him.  And therefore, in returning into the way of wisdom he perceives that he ought to relinquish what he has held amiss, he must not at the same time give up the good which he had received; nor because his error is to be condemned, is the baptism of Christ in him to be therefore extinguished.  For it is already sufficiently clear, from the case of those who happen to be baptized within the Church with false views about God, that the truth of the sacrament is to be distinguished from the error of him who believes amiss, although both may be found in the same man.  And therefore, when any one grounded in any error, even outside the Church, has yet been baptized with the true sacrament, when he is restored to the unity of the Church, a true baptism cannot take the place of a true baptism, as a true faith takes the place of a false one, because a thing cannot take the place of itself, since neither can it give place.  Heretics therefore join the Catholic Church to this end, that what they have evil of themselves may be corrected, not that what they have good of God should be repeated.


Footnotes

456:1435

Ib. Ep. lxxiii. 17.

457:1436

1 Cor. ii. 14.

457:1437

1 Cor. iii. 3.

457:1438

2 Cor. iv. 16.



Chapter 16.—24.  Some one says, Does it then make no difference, if two men, rooted in like error and wickedness, be baptized without change of life or heart, one without, the other within the Church?  I acknowledge that there is a difference.  For he is worse who is baptized without, in addition to his other sin,—not because of his baptism, however, but because he is without; for the evil of division is in itself far from insignificant or trivial.  Yet the difference exists only if he who is baptized within has desired to be within not for the sake of any earthly or temporal advantage, but because he has preferred the unity of the Church spread throughout the world to the divisions of schism; otherwise he too must be considered among those who are without.  Let us therefore put the two cases in this way.  Let us suppose that the one, for the sake of argument, held the same opinions as Photinus  1439 about Christ, and was baptized in his heresy outside the communion of the Catholic Church; and that another held the same opinion but was baptized in the Catholic Church, believing that his view was really the Catholic faith.  I consider him as not yet a heretic, unless, when the doctrine of the Catholic faith is made clear to him, he chooses to resist it, and prefers that which he already holds; and till this is the case, it is clear that he who was baptized outside is the worse.  And so in the one case erroneous opinion alone, in the other the sin of schism also, requires correction; but in neither of them is the truth of the sacrament to be repeated.  But if any one holds the same view as the first, and knows that it is only in heresy severed from the Church that such a view is taught or learned, but yet for the sake of some temporal emolument has desired to be baptized in the Catholic unity, or, having been already baptized in it, is unwilling on account of the said emolument to secede from it, he is not only to be considered as seceding, but his offense is aggravated, in so far as to the error of heresy and the division of unity he adds the deceit of hypocrisy.  Wherefore the depravity of each man, in proportion as it is more dangerous and wanting in straightforwardness, must be corrected with the more earnestness and energy; and yet, if he has anything that is good in him, especially if it be not of himself, but from God, we ought not to think it of no value because of his depravity, or to be blamed like it, or to be ascribed to it, rather than to His bountiful goodness, who even to a soul that plays the harlot, and goes after her lovers, yet gives His bread, and His wine, and His oil, and other food or ornaments, which are neither from herself nor from her lovers, but from Him who in compassion for her is even desirous to warn her to whom she should return. 1440


Footnotes

457:1439

Various Synods from 345 on anathematized Photinus, the bishop of Sirmium.  The two of Sirmium, 351 and 357, accused him of constituting two Gods.

458:1440

Hos. ii. 5-8.



Chapter 17.—25.  "Can the power of baptism," says Cyprian, "be greater or better than confession? than martyrdom? that a man should confess Christ before men, and be baptized in his own blood?  And yet," he goes on to say, "neither does this baptism profit the heretic, even though for confessing Christ he be put to death outside the Church." 1441   This is most true; for, by being put to death outside the Church, he is proved not to have had charity, of which the apostle says, "Though I give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing." 1442   But if martyrdom is of no avail for this reason, because it has not charity, neither does it profit those who, as Paul says, and Cyprian further sets forth, are living within the Church without charity in envy and malice; and yet they can both receive and transmit true baptism.  "Salvation," he says, "is not without the Church." 1443   Who says that it is?  And therefore, whatever men have that belongs to the Church, it profits them nothing towards salvation outside the Church.  But it is one thing not to have, another to have so as to be of no use.  He who has not must be baptized that he may have; but he who has to no avail must be corrected, that what he has may profit him.  Nor is the water in the baptism of heretics "adulterous," 1444 because neither is the creature itself which God made evil, nor is fault to be found with the words of the gospel in the mouths of any who are astray; but the fault is theirs in whom there is an adulterous spirit, even though it may receive the adornment of the sacrament from a lawful spouse.  Baptism therefore can "be common to us, and the heretics," 1445 just as the gospel can be common to us, whatever difference there may be between our faith and their error,—whether they think otherwise than the truth about the Father, or the Son, or the Holy Spirit; or, being cut away from unity, do not gather with Christ, but scatter abroad, 1446 —seeing that the sacrament of baptism can be common to us, if we are the wheat of the Lord, with the covetous within the Church, and with robbers, and drunkards, and other pestilent persons of the same sort, of whom it is said, "They shall not inherit the kingdom of God," 1447 and yet the vices by which they are separated from the kingdom of God are not shared by us.


Footnotes

458:1441

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 21.

458:1442

1 Cor. xiii. 3.

458:1443

Cyp. l.c.

458:1444

Cyp. l.c.

458:1445

Cyp. l.c.

458:1446

Matt. xii. 30.

458:1447

1 Cor. vi. 10.



Chapter 18.—26.  Nor indeed, is it of heresies alone that the apostle says "that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God."  But it may be worth while to look for a moment at the things which he groups together.  "The works of the flesh," he says "are manifest, which are these; fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, heresies, envyings, murders, drunkenness, revellings, and such like:  of the which I tell you before, as I have also told you in time past, that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God." 1448   Let us suppose some one, therefore, chaste, continent, free from covetousness, no idolater, hospitable, charitable to the needy, no man’s enemy, not contentious, patient, quiet, jealous of none, envying none, sober, frugal, but a heretic; it is of course clear to all that for this one fault only, that he is a heretic, he will fail to inherit the kingdom of God.  Let us suppose another, a fornicator, unclean, lascivious, covetous, or even more openly given to idolatry, a student of witchcraft, a lover of strife and contention, envious, hot-tempered, seditious, jealous, drunken, and a reveller, but a Catholic; can it be that for this sole merit, that he is a Catholic, he will inherit the kingdom of God, though his deeds are of the kind of which the apostle thus concludes:  "Of the which I tell you before, as I have also told you in time past, that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God?"  If we say this, we lead ourselves astray.  For the word of God does not lead us astray, which is neither silent, nor lenient, nor deceptive through any flattery.  Indeed, it speaks to the same effect elsewhere:  "For this ye know, that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, which is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God.  Let no man deceive you with vain words." 1449   We have no reason, therefore, to complain of the word of God.  It certainly says, and says openly and freely, that those who live a wicked life have no part in the kingdom of God.


Footnotes

458:1448

Gal. v. 19-21.

458:1449

Eph. 5:5, 6.



Chapter 19.—27.  Let us therefore not flatter the Catholic who is hemmed in with all these vices, nor venture, merely because he is a Catholic Christian, to promise him the impunity which holy Scripture does not promise him; nor, if he has any one of the faults above mentioned, ought we to promise him a partnership in that heavenly land.  For, in writing to the Corinthians, the apostle enumerates the several sins, under each of which it is implicitly understood that it shall not inherit the kingdom of God:  "Be not deceived," he says:  "neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor abusers of themselves with mankind, nor thieves, nor covetous, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor extortioners, shall inherit the kingdom of God." 1450   He does not say, those who possess all these vices together shall not inherit the kingdom of God; but neither these nor those:  so that, as each is named, you may understand that no one of them shall inherit the kingdom of God.  As, therefore, heretics shall not possess the kingdom of God, so the covetous shall not inherit the kingdom of God.  Nor can we indeed doubt that the punishments themselves, with which they shall be tortured who do not inherit the kingdom of God, will vary in proportion to the difference of their offences, and that some will be more severe than others; so that in the eternal fire itself there will be different tortures in the punishments, corresponding to the different weights of guilt.  For indeed it was not idly that the Lord said, "It shall be more tolerable for the land of Sodom in the day of judgment than for thee." 1451   But yet, so far as failing to inherit the kingdom of God is concerned, it is just as certain, if you choose any one of the less heinous of these vices, as if you choose more than one, or some one which you saw was more atrocious; and because those will inherit the kingdom of God whom the Judge shall set on His right hand, and for those who shall not be found worthy to be set at the right hand nothing will remain but to be at the left, no other announcement is left for them to hear like goats from the mouth of the Shepherd, except, "Depart into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels;" 1452 though in that fire, as I said before, it may be that different punishments will be awarded corresponding to the difference of the sins.


Footnotes

459:1450

1 Cor. 6:9, 10.

459:1451

Matt. xi. 24.

459:1452

Matt. xxv. 41.



Chapter 20.—28.  But on the question whether we ought to prefer a Catholic of the most abandoned character to a heretic in whose life, except that he is a heretic, men can find nothing to blame, I do not venture to give a hasty judgment.  But if any one says, because he is a heretic, he cannot be this only without other vices also following,—for he is carnal and natural, and therefore must be also envious, and hot-tempered, and jealous, and hostile to truth itself, and utterly estranged from it,—let him fairly understand, that of those other faults of which he is supposed to have chosen some one less flagrant, a single one cannot exist by itself in any man, because he in turn is carnal and natural; as, to take the case of drunkenness, which people have now become accustomed to talk of not only without horror, but with some degree of merriment, can it possibly exist alone in any one in whom it is found?  For what drunkard is not also contentious, and hot-tempered, and jealous, and at variance with all soundness of counsel, and at grievous enmity with those who rebuke him?  Further, it is not easy for him to avoid being a fornicator and adulterer, though he may be no heretic; just as a heretic may be no drunkard, nor adulterer, nor fornicator, nor lascivious, nor a lover of money, or given to witchcraft, and cannot well be all these together.  Nor indeed is any one vice followed by all the rest.  Supposing, therefore, two men,—one a Catholic with all these vices, the other a heretic free from all from which a heretic can be free,—although they do not both contend against the faith, and yet each lives contrary to the faith, and each is deceived by a vain hope, and each is far removed from charity of spirit, and therefore each is severed from connection with the body of the one dove; why do we recognise in one of them the sacrament of Christ, and not in the other, as though it belonged to this or that man, whilst really it is the same in both, and belongs to God alone, and is good even in the worst of men?  And if of the men who have it, one is worse than another, it does not follow that the sacrament which they have is worse in the one than in the other, seeing that neither in the case of two bad Catholics, if one be worse than the other, does he possess a worse baptism, nor, if one of them be good and another bad, is baptism bad in the bad one and good in the good one; but it is good in both.  Just as the light of the sun, or even of a lamp, is certainly not less brilliant when displayed to bad eyes than when seen by better ones; but it is the same in the case of both, although it either cheers or hurts them differently according to the difference of their powers.



Chapter 21.—29.  With regard to the objection brought against Cyprian, that the catechumens who were seized in martyrdom, and slain for Christ’s name’s sake, received a crown even without baptism, I do not quite see what it has to do with the matter, unless, indeed, they urged that heretics could much more be admitted with baptism to Christ’s kingdom, to which catechumens were admitted without it, since He Himself has said, "Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God." 1453   Now, in this matter I do not hesitate for a moment to place the Catholic catechumen, who is burning with love for God, before the baptized heretic; nor yet do we thereby do dishonor to the sacrament of baptism which the latter has already received, the former not as yet; nor do we consider that the sacrament of the catechumen 1454 is to be preferred to the sacrament of baptism, when we acknowledge that some catechumens are better and more faithful than some baptized persons.  For the centurion Cornelius, before baptism, was better than Simon, who had been baptized.  For Cornelius, even before his baptism, was filled with the Holy Spirit; 1455 Simon, even after baptism, was puffed up with an unclean spirit. 1456   Cornelius, however, would have been convicted of contempt for so holy a sacrament, if, even after he had received the Holy Ghost, he had refused to be baptized.  But when he was baptized, he received in no wise a better sacrament than Simon; but the different merits of the men were made manifest under the equal holiness of the same sacrament—so true is it that the good or ill deserving of the recipient does not increase or diminish the holiness of baptism.  But as baptism is wanting to a good catechumen to his receiving the kingdom of heaven, so true conversion is wanting to a bad man though baptized.  For He who said, "Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God," said also Himself, "except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven." 1457   For that the righteousness of the catechumens might not feel secure, it is written, "Except a man be born again of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God."  And again, that the unrighteousness of the baptized might not feel secure because they had received baptism, it is written, "Except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven."  The one were too little without the other; the two make perfect the heir of that inheritance.  As, then, we ought not to depreciate a man’s righteousness, which begins to exist before he is joined to the Church, as the righteousness of Cornelius began to exist before he was in the body of Christian men,—which righteousness was not thought worthless, or the angel would not have said to him, "Thy prayers and thine alms are come up as a memorial before God;" nor did it yet suffice for his obtaining the kingdom of heaven, or he would not have been told to send to Peter, 1458 —so neither ought we to depreciate the sacrament of baptism, even though it has been received outside the Church.  But since it is of no avail for salvation unless he who has baptism indeed in full perfection be incorporated into the Church, correcting also his own depravity, let us therefore correct the error of the heretics, that we may recognize what in them is not their own but Christ’s.


Footnotes

460:1453

John iii. 5.

460:1454

Another reading, of less authority, is, "Aut catechumeno sacramentum baptismi præferendum putamus."  This does not suit the sense of the passage, and probably sprung from want of knowledge of the meaning of the "catechumen’s sacrament."  It is mentioned in the Council of Carthage, A.D. 397, as "the sacrament of salt" (cap. 5).  Augustin (de Peccat. Meritis, ii. c. 26), says that "what the catechumens receive, though it be not the body of Christ, yet is holy, more holy than the food whereby our bodies are sustained, because it is a sacrament."—Cp. de Catech. Rudibus, c. 26 [Bened.].  It appears to have been only a taste of salt, given them as the emblem of purity and incorruption.  See Bingham, Orig. Eccles. Book x. c. ii. 16.

460:1455

Acts x. 44.

460:1456

Acts 8:13, 18, 19.

460:1457

Matt. v. 20.

460:1458

Acts 10:4, 5.



Chapter 22.—30.  That the place of baptism is sometimes supplied by martyrdom is supported by an argument by no means trivial, which the blessed Cyprian adduces 1459 from the thief, to whom, though he was not baptized, it was yet said, "To-day shall thou be with me in Paradise." 1460   On considering which, again and again, I find that not only martyrdom for the sake of Christ may supply what was wanting of baptism, but also faith and conversion of heart, if recourse may not be had to the celebration of the mystery of baptism for want of time. 1461   For neither was that thief crucified for the name of Christ, but as the reward of his own deeds; nor did he suffer because he believed, but he believed while suffering.  It was shown, therefore, in the case of that thief, how great is the power, even without the visible sacrament of baptism, of what the apostle says, "With the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation." 1462   But the want is supplied invisibly only when the administration of baptism is prevented, not by contempt for religion, but by the necessity of the moment.  For much more in the case of Cornelius and his friends, than in the case of that robber, might it seem superfluous that they should also be baptized with water, seeing that in them the gift of the Holy Spirit, which, according to the testimony of holy Scripture, was received by other men only after baptism, had made itself manifest by every unmistakable sign appropriate to those times when they spoke with tongues.  Yet they were baptized, and for this action we have the authority of an apostle as the warrant.  So far ought all of us to be from being induced by any imperfection in the inner man, if it so happen that before baptism a person has advanced, through the workings of a pious heart, to spiritual understanding, to despise a sacrament which is applied to the body by the hands of the minister, but which is God’s own means for working spiritually a man’s dedication to Himself.  Nor do I conceive that the function of baptizing was assigned to John, so that it should be called John’s baptism, for any other reason except that the Lord Himself, who had appointed it, in not disdaining to receive the baptism of His servant, 1463 might consecrate the path of humility, and show most plainly by such an action how high a value was to be placed on His own baptism, with which He Himself was afterwards to baptize.  For He saw, like an excellent physician of eternal salvation, that overweening pride would be found in some, who, having made such progress in the understanding of the truth and in uprightness of character that they would not hesitate to place themselves, both in life and knowledge, above many that were baptized, would think it was unnecessary for them to be baptized, since they felt that they had attained a frame of mind to which many that were baptized were still only endeavoring to raise themselves.


Footnotes

460:1459

Cypr. Ep. lxxiii. 22.

460:1460

Luke xxiii. 43.

460:1461

In Retract. ii. 18, Augustin expresses a doubt whether the thief may not have been baptized.

460:1462

Rom. x. 10.

461:1463

Matt. 3:6, 13.



Chapter 23.—31.  But what is the precise value of the sanctification of the sacrament (which that thief did not receive, not from any want of will on his part, but because it was unavoidably omitted) and what is the effect on a man of its material application, it is not easy to say.  Still, had it not been of the greatest value, the Lord would not have received the baptism of a servant.  But since we must look at it in itself, without entering upon the question of the salvation of the recipient, which it is intended to work, it shows clearly enough that both in the bad, and in those who renounce the world in word and not in deed, it is itself complete, though they cannot receive salvation unless they amend their lives.  But as in the thief, to whom the material administration of the sacrament was necessarily wanting, the salvation was complete, because it was spiritually present through his piety, so, when the sacrament itself is present, salvation is complete, if what the thief possessed be unavoidably wanting.  And this is the firm tradition of the universal Church, in respect of the baptism of infants, who certainly are as yet unable "with the heart to believe unto righteousness, and with the mouth to make confession unto salvation," as the thief could do; nay, who even, by crying and moaning when the mystery is performed upon them, raise their voices in opposition to the mysterious words, and yet no Christian will say that they are baptized to no purpose.



Chapter 24.—32.  And if any one seek for divine authority in this matter, though what is held by the whole Church, and that not as instituted by Councils, but as a matter of invariable custom, is rightly held to have been handed down by apostolical authority, still we can form a true conjecture of the value of the sacrament of baptism in the case of infants, from the parallel of circumcision, which was received by God’s earlier people, and before receiving which Abraham was justified, as Cornelius also was enriched with the gift of the Holy Spirit before he was baptized.  Yet the apostle says of Abraham himself, that "he received the sign of circumcision, a seal of the righteousness of the faith," having already believed in his heart, so that "it was counted unto him for righteousness." 1464   Why, therefore, was it commanded him that he should circumcise every male child in order on the eighth day, 1465 though it could not yet believe with the heart, that it should be counted unto it for righteousness, because the sacrament in itself was of great avail?  And this was made manifest by the message of an angel in the case of Moses’ son; for when he was carried by his mother, being yet uncircumcised, it was required, by manifest present peril, that he should be circumcised, 1466 and when this was done, the danger of death was removed.  As therefore in Abraham the justification of faith came first, and circumcision was added afterwards as the seal of faith; so in Cornelius the spiritual sanctification came first in the gift of the Holy Spirit, and the sacrament of regeneration was added afterwards in the laver of baptism.  And as in Isaac, who was circumcised on the eighth day after his birth, the seal of this righteousness of faith was given first, and afterwards, as he imitated the faith of his father, the righteousness itself followed as he grew up, of which the seal had been given before when he was an infant; so in infants, who are baptized, the sacrament of regeneration is given first, and if they maintain a Christian piety, conversion also in the heart will follow, of which the mysterious sign had gone before in the outward body.  And as in the thief the gracious goodness of the Almighty supplied what had been wanting in the sacrament of baptism, because it had been missing not from pride or contempt, but from want of opportunity; so in infants who die baptized, we must believe that the same grace of the Almighty supplies the want, that, not from perversity of will, but from insufficiency of age, they can neither believe with the heart unto righteousness, nor make confession with the mouth unto salvation.  Therefore, when others take the vows for them, that the celebration of the sacrament may be complete in their behalf, it is unquestionably of avail for their dedication to God, because they cannot answer for themselves.  But if another were to answer for one who could answer for himself, it would not be of the same avail.  In accordance with which rule, we find in the gospel what strikes every one as natural when he reads it, "He is of age, he shall speak for himself." 1467


Footnotes

461:1464

Rom. 4:11, 3.

461:1465

Gen. xvii. 9-14.

461:1466

Ex. iv. 24-26.

462:1467

John ix. 21.



Chapter 25.—33.  By all these considerations it is proved that the sacrament of baptism is one thing, the conversion of the heart another; but that man’s salvation is made complete through the two together.  Nor are we to suppose that, if one of these be wanting, it necessarily follows that the other is wanting also; because the sacrament may exist in the infant without the conversion of the heart; and this was found to be possible without the sacrament in the case of the thief, God in either case filling up what was involuntarily wanting.  But when either of these requisites is wanting intentionally, then the man is responsible for the omission.  And baptism may exist when the conversion of the heart is wanting; but, with respect to such conversion, it may indeed be found when baptism has not been received, but never when it has been despised.  Nor can there be said in any way to be a turning of the heart to God when the sacrament of God is treated with contempt.  Therefore we are right in censuring, anathematizing, abhorring, and abominating the perversity of heart shown by heretics; yet it does not follow that they have not the sacrament of the gospel, because they have not what makes it of avail.  Wherefore, when they come to the true faith, and by penitence seek remission of their sins, we are not flattering or deceiving them, when we instruct them by heavenly discipline for the kingdom of heaven, correcting and reforming in them their errors and perverseness, to the intent that we may by no means do violence to what is sound in them, nor, because of man’s fault, declare that anything which he may have in him from God is either valueless or faulty.



Chapter 26.—34.  A few things still remain to be noticed in the epistle to Jubaianus; but since these will raise the question both of the past custom of the Church and of the baptism of John, which is wont to excite no small doubt in those who pay slight attention to a matter which is sufficiently obvious, seeing that those who had received the baptism of John were commanded by the apostle to be baptized again  1468 they are not to be treated in a hasty manner, and had better be reserved for another book, that the dimensions of this may not be inconveniently large.


Footnotes

462:1468

Acts xix. 3-5.



Book V.

He examines the last part of the epistle of Cyprian to Jubaianus, together with his epistle to Quintus, the letter of the African synod to the Numidian bishops, and Cyprian’s epistle to Pompeius.



Chapter 1.—1.  We have the testimony of the blessed Cyprian, that the custom of the Catholic Church is at present retained, when men coming from the side of heretics or schismatics, if they have received baptism as consecrated in the words of the gospel, are not baptized afresh.  For he himself proposed to himself the question, and that as coming from the mouth of brethren either seeking the truth or contending for the truth.  For in the course of the arguments by which he wished to show that heretics should be baptized again, which we have sufficiently considered for our present purpose in the former books, he says:  "But some will say, What then will become of those who in times past, coming to the Church from heresy, were admitted without baptism?" 1469   In this question is involved the shipwreck of the whole cause of the Donatists, with whom our contest is on this point.  For if those had not really baptism who were thus received on coming from heretics, and their sins were still upon them, then, when such men were admitted to communion, either by those who came before Cyprian or by Cyprian himself, we must acknowledge that one of two things occurred,—either that the Church perished then and there from the pollution of communion with such men, or that any one abiding in unity is not injured by even the notorious sins of other men.  But since they cannot say that the Church then perished through the contamination arising from communion with those who, as Cyprian says, were admitted into it without baptism—for otherwise they cannot maintain the validity of their own origin if the Church then perished, seeing that the list of consuls proves that more than forty years elapsed between the martyrdom of Cyprian and the burning of the sacred books, 1470 from which they took occasion to make a schism, spreading abroad the smoke of their calumnies,—it therefore is left for them to acknowledge that the unity of Christ is not polluted by any such communion, even with known offenders.  And, after this confession, they will be unable to discover any reason which will justify them in maintaining that they were bound to separate from the churches of the whole world, which, as we read, were equally founded by the apostles, seeing that, while the others could not have perished from any admixture of offenders, of whatsoever kind, they, though they would not have perished if they had remained in unity with them, brought destruction on themselves in schism, by separating themselves from their brethren, and breaking the bond of peace.  For the sacrilege of schism is most clearly evident in them, if they had no sufficient cause for separation.  And it is clear that there was no sufficient cause for separation, if even the presence of notorious offenders cannot pollute the good while they abide in unity.  But that the good, abiding in unity, are not polluted even by notorious offenders, we teach on the testimony of Cyprian, who says that "men in past times, coming to the Church from heresy, were admitted without baptism;" and yet, if the wickedness of their sacrilege, which was still upon them, seeing it had not been purged away by baptism, could not pollute and destroy the holiness of the Church, it cannot perish by any infection from wicked men.  Wherefore, if they allow that Cyprian spoke the truth, they are convicted of schism on his testimony; if they maintain that he does not speak truth, let them not use his testimony on the question of baptism.


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Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4, part 2 of 3. . Hermetic Cloud, https://hermeticcloud.com/library/nicene-and-post-nicene-fathers-vol-4-part-2/. Public-domain text reproduced in full; markup only.