Table of Zuñi Sounds
The following symbols have been used in the texts and recording of native names in Bunzel's Zuñi papers.
Vowels
a, e, i, o, u have their continental values. As in English, long vowels tend to be closed, short vowels to be open, but the quality is variable and not significant. o is always closed, and is distinguished from O which is open.
|
ä |
English hat. |
|
ai |
English i. |
|
w |
English w. |
|
y |
English y. |
Consonants
|
p |
French père |
|
p? |
glottalized p; the glottalization is very slight and the sound is frequently confused with the medial. |
|
t |
French té. |
|
t? |
Glottalized; glottalization very slight, as in the labial. |
|
k^ |
Platalized k, unaspirated. |
|
k^? |
Palatalized k, glottalized. |
|
k |
Spanish boca. |
|
m |
English m. |
|
n |
English n. |
|
ng |
English ng (before k only). |
|
l |
English l |
|
lh |
Voiceless l. |
|
s |
English s. |
|
c |
English sh. |
|
ts |
German Zeit, but without aspiration. |
|
ts? |
Glottalized with slight force of articulation almost like dz. |
|
tc |
English church. |
|
tc? |
Glottalized with slight force of articulation. |
|
h |
More affricative than English h. |
|
? or ! |
Glottal stop (! if following p, t, or k) |
Length is indicated by a colon following the letter; both vowels and consonants may be long. All accented syllables are lengthened, some of the length being accorded to the terminating consonant. Where not indicated the primary accent is on the first syllable; the secondary accent, in words of four or more syllables, on the penult. Compound words retain their original accents.
INTRODUCTION TO ZUÑI CEREMONIALISM
By RUTH L. BUNZEL
From the Forty-seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Americam Ethnology, 1929-1930, Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C. All page references are to the original.
CONDITIONS OF LIFE
The Zuñi tribe numbered in 1928 approximately 1,900 individuals, settled in the desert of western New Mexico on land which the nation had already inhabited for many centuries prior to the advent of the Spaniards in 1540. The reservation which they now hold under Government protection is a strip of land roughly following the course of the Zuñi River from its headwaters near the Continental Divide southwest to a point some miles east of the Arizona border. The general conformation of the land is a high, broad valley dropping sharply from northeast to southwest. The upper end of the valley is hemmed in by rugged mountains of red and white sandstone, cut by deep canyons densely forested. Toward the west the country lies open. The average altitude of the valley is about 6,000 feet.
The Zuñi River which drains this country is a permanent stream, which, however, varies greatly in volume of water. For the greater part of the year it is a thin trickle threading its devious way through broad, glistening mud flats. During the summer season this trickle may be transformed within a few moments into a raging torrent that inundates the mud flats and frequently overflows the containing banks. These sudden floods, caused by cloud-bursts in the eastern mountains, generally subside within a few hours, although the stream frequently runs high for two or three days during the spring freshets, when the river is said to be impassable for days at a time. The valley is traversed also by numerous arroyos filled with rushing water in times of flood, but otherwise quite dry. In all the surrounding mountains are numerous permanent springs of sweet water.
The mountains and canyons of the east, well watered by virtue of their nearness to the divide, are covered with thick forests of conifers. The and plains of the west sustain only a meager covering of sage, greasewood, yucca, and small cacti, with occasional poplar and cottonwood trees near springs and along watercourses.
The high altitude and excessive aridity produce a healthy and invigorating climate. There are great seasonal and daily fluctuations in temperature. There are summers of blazing noons (110° F. is by no
means unusual) and cool, almost, chilly, nights. In winter, especially in December, the nights are bitter cold, the days, for the most part, mild and sunny.
There are two periods of precipitation--in summer from July to September, and in winter from December to March. The summer rains begin early in July, increasing in intensity as the season advances. The rainy season ends about September 15. In summer the sun rises every day in an unclouded sky of brilliant blue. By noon this blue dome begins to fill with great puffs of white cumulus clouds, increasing in density, with heavy black clouds along the southern horizon. The late afternoon is generally marked by sudden and violent showers of short duration. These showers, which are very local, can literally be seen stalking out of the southeast just before sunset. The storms increase in frequency, intensity, and duration toward the close of the rainy season. The most destructive rains occur in September.
The winter precipitation starts with light snowfalls early in December. December is a month of low temperatures and frequent snow falls. After the New Year the temperature moderates, but the weather continues very inclement, snow and rain alternating. There is a great deal of fog and continuous downpours of cold rain.
The spring months are marked by high winds of prevailing westerly direction. These winds from the open desert are laden with fine sand and cause untold discomfort. The sand storms of May, striking the young corn, are especially destructive.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL LIFE
The Zuñis have been agriculturists for many centuries. Since very early prehistoric time they have raised maize, beans, and squash by a system of dry cultivation.[1] From the first Spanish settlers they obtained the seeds of wheat. This, however, could be grown only specially favored localities which could be irrigated by hand from large, permanently flowing springs. Recently, in 1909, the waters one fork of the Zuñi River have been impounded behind a dam built by the United States Government. From this reservoir sufficient water is drawn to irrigate a strip of land on the north bank of river, immediately adjacent to the village. This strip, approximately 1 mile wide and 6 miles long, is well suited for the cultivation of wheat and alfalfa. Maize is still raised by old methods of dry farming on sandy fields lying at a considerable distance from the village, mainly situated on the south bank.
From the Spaniards, also, the Zuñis got their first sheep. They now own large and profitable herds. These are kept in remote parts
[1. Zuñi agricultural methods are admirably described in Cushing's Zuñi Breadstuffs, Indian Notes Monographs, Museum of the American Indian, vol. Viii, pp. 157 ff.]
of the reservation. The wealthiest herders even rent land in surrounding townships. Rabbits are still hunted, primarily for sport, but the deer and antelope, once important items in Zuñi economy, have vanished from the mountains. Sheep, furthermore, are the chief source of negotiable wealth. The sale of wool in June and of lambs in October provides the herders with a considerable cash income for the purchase of luxuries of white manufacture. They have, also, horses derived from the same source and a few cattle, but the land is not suitable for cattle breeding. Cattle are not milked and are used for meat only. Some women have a few pigs and chickens. The labor of agriculture and herding is done entirely by the men.
Herding, of course, is an all-year-round occupation, at which men take turns, groups of brothers herding their sheep together and taking turns in watching them. A man with his own herd usually goes three times a year, for a month at a time, unless he is wealthy enough to pay some one to do this for him. All men who own sheep spend lambing time with their herds to see that all lambs are properly earmarked. At this time the sheep are herded at permanent camps, and the women also go out there. Lambing occurs in April and is followed immediately by shearing. Sheep dipping takes a few weeks for everyone in midsummer.
The first agricultural work of the season is early plowing and the planting of wheat in February or March. In March the irrigation ditches are cleaned. Corn must not be planted until after certain ceremonies held about the time of the vernal equinox, and frequently it is delayed until after wool-sell. The cornfields are plowed over, but the actual planting is done with the digging stick. The early summer, after the return from sheep camp and after the summer solstice ceremonies, is spent hoeing and irrigating. There is an alfalfa crop in June and another in August. There may be another in November, but this is not usually harvested. The horses are turned into the unharvested field for winter pasture. The wheat harvest begins in August and continues until all is in, which may not be until November. The wheat is cut with a sickle, threshed by horses, and winnowed by hand on primitive outdoor threshing floors.
Peaches, squash, and melons ripen in August and must be harvested before the frosts, which may occur at this altitude any time after the end of August. There is a spell of heavy rain in September which interrupts outdoor work. The first green corn is ready for eating in August, but the general corn harvest does not take place until November. This is the last agricultural work, except for a few people who do a little fall plowing. The months from November
until March, free of agricultural work, are given over to the great ceremonies--the Ca?lako, the winter solstice ceremonies, society initiations, the winter katcinas, and sometimes the general tribal initiation.
The 1,900 inhabitants live, for the most part, in Zuñi proper and its immediate vicinity. There are, however, three large farming villages and one small one, which are occupied for varying periods during the summer months. Even those families that make homes there permanently return to Zuñi after harvest time for the period of the great ceremonies in December and January.
None of the farming villages have any civil or religious organization of their own, nor are any religious ceremonies performed a of them, except when a dance set from one of the kivas is invited to dance there during the summer.
Despite modern expansion[2] the main village still remains a whose physical compactness is reflected in an intricate and closely knit social organization.
There are households, kinship groups, clans, tribal and special secret societies, and cult groups. A man must belong to serve these groups, and the number to which he may potentially belong almost unlimited. There is no exclusive membership. He is born into a certain household, and his kinship and clan affiliations are thus fixed, unless altered by adoption. At puberty he is initiated into one of the six dance groups that comprise the male tribal society. He may, through sickness, be conscripted into one of the medicine societies; if he takes a scalp he must join the warriors society; and if connected with a sacerdotal household he may be called upon to join one of the priesthoods.
These groups all have their joint activities and a great part of a man's time is spent in participation in these activities. His economic activities are all bound up with the household, a communal unit to which he has certain obligations. His ordinary social contacts are all predetermined by his family and clan affiliations. Religious participation is confined to attendance at the ceremonies of those groups with which he is identified. In fact, the only sphere in which he acts as an individual rather than as a member of a group is that of sex. A man's courtship and marriage are matters of individual choice. In the bid for attention they suffer from being entirely divorced from group activity. At Zuñi no action that is entirely personal and individual receives more than passing interest. Births, deaths, and initiations figure largely in local gossip-marriages do not. It is curious to note that among the culturally related Hopi, where a marriage is the occasion for elaborate gift exchanges between the
[2 Population movements in and out of the town are analyzed by Kroeber in his 'Zuñi Kin and Clan, pp. 120, 198.]
clans of the bride and groom, weddings are one of the most frequent topics of conversation.
The economic unit is the household, whose nature and methods of function illustrate admirably certain very fundamental Zuñi attitudes. The household is a group of variable composition, consisting theoretically of a maternal family; that is, a woman and her husband, her daughters with their husbands and children. To this permanent population is added a fluctuating group of miscellaneous male relatives of the maternal line-the unmarried, widowed, divorced, and those rendered homeless by passing domestic storms. This group occupies a single house consisting of several connecting rooms. There is a single kitchen drawing upon a common storehouse. The household owns certain cultivated fields which can not be alienated. In addition, the various male members individually own certain fields--generally fields recently brought under cultivation--which remain their own after they have severed connection with the household. However, all fields, whether collectively or individually owned, are cultivated by the cooperative labor of the entire male population of the household. The products go into the common storeroom to become the collective property of the women of the household. The women draw on the common stores for daily food and trade the surplus for other commodities. Sheep are owned individually by men but are herded cooperatively by groups of male kindred. When the profits of the shearing are divided a man is expected out of these to provide clothing for himself, his wife and children, including children by previous marriages, and his mother and unmarried sisters, in case they are not otherwise provided for.
Personal relations within the household are characterized by the same lack of individual authority and responsibility that marks the economic arrangements. The household has no authoritative head to enforce any kind of discipline. There is no final arbiter in disputes; no open conflict. Ordinarily the female contingent of blood relatives presents a united front. A man finding himself out of harmony with the group may withdraw quietly whenever he chooses and ally himself with another group. With his departure obligations cease, and his successor fathers his children. Diffusion of authority and responsibility is especially marked in the treatment of children.
The tribe is divided into 13 matrilineal exogamous clans, varying greatly in size from the Yellowwood, consisting of two male members, and which will therefore become extinct with the present generation, to the large so-called Dogwood (Pi?tcikwe) clan, which comprises several hundreds of individuals. The kinship system follows, in the main, the Crow multiple clan system, all members of one's own clan being designated by classificatory terms. There are different terms for classificatory relatives of the father's clan, Adoption is frequent,
and the usual terms are applied to adoptive relatives. The terms are stretched to include also all affinal relatives. There is no avoidance and no joking relations. There is some indication of a joking relationship between a man and women of his father's clan, especially his father's blood sister, who is also his most important ceremonial relative. A woman has important ceremonial obligations to her brother's children, especially his male children, and in most cases she is compensated for her services. The clan as such has no social or political functions, although each individual feels his closest ties to be with members of his clan, upon whom he calls for assistance in any large enterprise, such as harvest, housebuilding, initiations, etc. His closest ties, naturally, are with blood kin, especially the maternal household in which he was born.
Each male is initiated at puberty into the katcina or mask dance society, which thereby assumes the rôle of a tribal cult, in distinction to other ceremonial groups of more restricted membership. Other ceremonial groups are the 12 medicine societies composed of medicine men and those whom they have cured, the war society, the rain priesthoods, and innumerable minor cults, consisting in the main of members of maternal households to whom are intrusted the care of various objects of fetishistic power. Most men of advanced age are affiliated with several of these groups.
The real political authority of the tribe is vested in the council of priests, consisting of three members of the chief priesthood and the heads of the three other priesthoods. The head of the hierarchy is the head of the chief priesthood--the house chief (k^?a'kwemosi), p?ekwin, who is priest of the sun and keeper of the calendar, is, as his name indicates, a sort of talking chief for the priesthood. Two bow priests, members of the war society, act as messengers and the executive arm of the priesthood. The heads of the katcina society are called on in an advisory capacity in matters relating to their province. The principal matters to come before the council for decision are the appointment of civil officers, choice of the impersonators of the gods at the annual festival, the insertion of important ceremonies, such as the tribal initiation, into the regular calendar, the discussion of what action should be taken in cases of calamity, such as earthquakes and drought, the determination of tribal policy in new contingencies such questions as whether automobiles are fire, and should therefore be taboo during the winter solstice. The maintenance of these policies is the duty of the bow priests and the secular officers.
The priests do not act in secular affairs, being too sacred to contaminate themselves with dispute or wrangling. Crime and warfare are the concerns of the bow priests. Civil law and relations with aliens, especially the United States Government, are delegated to the secular officers appointed by the council.
The only crime that is recognized is witchcraft. An accusation of having caused death by sorcery may be brought by the relatives of the deceased. The bow priests examine the accused and review the evidence. If found guilty in former days the accused was hung by his wrists and subjected to other forms of torture until he confessed. If the confession was of such a nature as to vitiate his power by revealing its source, a common Zuñi idea, he might be released at the discretion of the bow priests, or he might be executed. Public torture and execution of witches has been stopped by Government authorities but convicted witches may be done away with secretly unless they escape to other villages.
Revelation of the secrets of the katcina cult to the uninitiated is a crime against the gods and is punishable by death by decapitation. Punishment is meted out by masked impersonators of the gods, appointed by the heads of the katcina society. No such executions have taken place within the memory of living men, but they figure prominently in folklore, and the authority and readiness of the priests so to act is never questioned in Zuñi. Flogging by masked impersonators has recently been substituted for execution. During one of the writer's visits katcinas were summoned to administer punishment to a youth found guilty of selling a mask. The accused escaped so the katcinas whipped all men in the kivas for purification.
Crimes of personal violence are rare, but such as do occur are considered matters for private adjustment, either with or without the help of the civil officers. Murder by overt means, not sorcery, bodily injury, rape, and theft axe settled by property payments by the family of the guilty man to the family of the one who has been wronged. These payments are made promptly and quietly by the guilty man's relatives, since they are likely to fare worse in the hands of the officers than in those of private individuals. Adultery is not a crime. Along with stinginess and ill temper it is a frequent source of domestic infelicity and divorce, but is never regarded as a violation of rights. Sexual jealousy is no justification for violence.
The chief duties of the officers (governor, lieutenant governor, and eight tenientes) are the adjudication of civil suits, such as boundaries, water rights, inheritance, restitution for loss or injury to livestock, management of cooperative enterprises of a nonreligious character, such as road building, cleaning of irrigation ditches, execution of Government ordinances regarding registration, schooling, etc., and all manner of negotiation with outside powers. Because of the increasingly diversified contacts with whites, the office of governor is becoming more and more exacting and influential, although it still lacks prestige in native opinion. The civil officers hold office at the pleasure of the priests and may be removed by them at any time and for any cause. The office is not one that is sought, since the
settlement of disputes must inevitably be a source of grievance to someone, and the thing that a Zuñi will avoid above anything else is giving offense.
In all social relations, whether within the family group or outside, the most honored personality traits are a pleasing address, a yielding disposition, and a generous heart. All the sterner virtues--initiative, ambition, an uncompromising sense of honor and justice, intense personal loyalties--not only are not admired but are heartily deplored. The woman who cleaves to her husband through misfortune and family quarrels, the man who speaks his mind where flattery would be much more comfortable, the man, above all, who thirsts for power or knowledge, who wishes to be, as they scornfully phrase it, "a leader of his people," receives nothing but censure and will very likely be persecuted for sorcery.
A characterization intended to convey the highest praise was the following: "Yes, ------ is a nice polite man. No one ever hears anything from him. He never gets into trouble. He's Badger clan and Muhekwe kiva and be always dances in the summer dances." The informant could be eloquent enough when she wished to detract.
No single fact gives a better index to Zuñi temperament than that suicide is absolutely unknown among them, and the very idea is so remote from their habits of thought that it arouses only laughter.
RELIGIOUS LIFE
In so far as the culture of any people is an integrated and harmonious whole, it shows in all its phases the same character and individuality. At Zuñi the same ceremonious collectivism that characterizes social activities is the essence also of all religious participation. The relation between man and the supernatural is as free of tragic intensity as the relation of man to man. The supernatural, conceived always as a collectivity, a multiple manifestation of the divine essence, is approached by the collective force of the people in a series of great public and esoteric rituals whose richness, variety, and beauty have attracted the attention of poets and artists of all countries. Nowhere in the New World, except in the ancient civilizations of Mexico and Yucatan, has ceremonialism been more highly developed, and nowhere, including these civilizations, has it gone so far toward taming man's frenzy. In Zuñi, as in all the pueblos, religion spreads wide. It pervades all activities, and its very pervasiveness and the rich and harmonious forms in which it is externalized compensate the student of religion for the lack of intensity of that feeling. For although the Zuñi may be called one of the most thoroughly religious peoples of the world, in all the enormous mass of rituals there is no single bit of religious feeling equal in intensity and exaltation to the usual vision quest of the North American Indian.
MAN AND THE UNIVERSE
THE SOUL
According to Zuñi belief, man has a spiritual substance, a soul (tse?makwin, thoughts, from tse?ma, to think, ponder). This is associated with the head, the heart, and the breath. The head is the seat of skill and intelligence, but the heart is the seat of the emotions and of profound thought. "I shall take it to my heart" means I shall ponder it carefully, and remember it long. The word for life is t?ek?ohanan:e, literally daylight. The breath is the symbol of life. It also is the means by which spiritual substances communicate and the seat of power or mana. Inhaling is an act of ritual blessing. One inhales from all sacred objects to derive benefit from their mana. At the end of any prayer or chant all present inhale; holding their folded hand before their nostrils, in order to partake of the sacred essence of prayer.[3] The feather is the pictorial representation of the breath. Death occurs when "the heart wears out." When a person is very sick his heart is wearing out. "Medicine men can fix it up when they come to cure, and it will go for a while, but sooner or later you will have to get a new one." Getting a new heart is the first rite in society initiations.[4]
Dreams are believed to be of supernatural causation, and foretell the future if one can properly interpret them. Certain persons in particular are believed to "dream true." Dreams of the dead are believed to be visitations of the dead, and are always portents of death. Visual and auditory hallucinations are believed to be similarly caused. "Bad dreams," a term which includes hallucinations, is a disease of supernatural origin, as opposed to bodily disease, which is caused by witchcraft. There are special rituals for curing "bad dreams," to which we shall allude frequently in the following pages.
In rare instances the soul can leave the body and return to it again. This occurs during sickness and is a matter of great seriousness. A friend has reported such an experience as follows:
"When I was sick of the measles I was very sick. On the third day I didn't know anything. Maybe I fainted or maybe I really died[5] and came back. I never believed that could happen, but it really did, because when I came back the room was going round and round and there was a little light coming through the window, although there was a bright light in the room. While I was dead I dreamed I was going toward the west." The narrative goes on to describe her encounter with her dead grandfather and unknown dead women, her "aunts."
[3 See texts for symbolism of breath as the seat of sacred power.
4 Texts, p. 802.
3 The two words are the same in Zuñi (acek^ä).]
"I was so happy to see my grandfather. Since then I've never worried about dying, even when I was very sick, because I saw all these dead people and saw that they were still living the way we do." After this experience the girl was initiated into a medicine society,[6] to "save her life," because her people (i. e., the dead) had asked her for feathers.
Visual and auditory hallucinations are caused by supernaturals. They are regarded as omens of death. The most common hallucinations of this type are the apparent movement of sacred objects on an altar--especially masks.
Death is usually caused by witchcraft. The usual method of the sorcerer is to shoot foreign bodies into his victim. But other more indirect methods may be used. Sorcery, however, is never practiced openly as in Oceania. No one admits having sorcery, and everyone suspects others very vaguely. Suspicion of sorcery subjects a person to social ostracism, but a death caused by sorcery is an occasion for formal interference on the part of the authorities. There is considerable internal and comparative evidence in the body of witchcraft belief and practice to indicate that their present great development is post-Hispanic, and that the belief in less specific supernatural causation is earlier and more aboriginal.
Considerable confusion exists in the Zuñi mind concerning the fate of the soul after death. General folk belief has it that for four days after death it remains in Zuñi, causing great inconvenience, and, indeed, danger, to survivors, and on the fourth day departs for Katcina Village (kolhuwala:wa)[7] in the west. However, various cult groups hold beliefs at variance with this. Dead medicine men, probably not all members of medicine societies, but those who possess the ultimate powers of "calling the bear," join the beast priests at Cipapolima in the east.[8] The name Cipapolima is undoubtedly related to the Keresan shipapu, the place of emergence and the destination of the dead. The word shipapu is not known at Zuñi, but wenima (Keresan wenimatse) is sometimes used esoterically in songs for Kolhuwala:wa. When the priests invoke the uwanami in prayer they also call by name deceased members of their order,[9] indicating that deceased priests join the uwanami at the four oceans of the world.
Corpses are prepared for burial according to the ceremonial affiliations of the deceased. All are clothed in everyday clothing, men in white cotton shirts and trousers, women in calico dresses and black woolen blanket dresses. In addition, each wears the characteristic garment of his group: male members of societies the hand-woven
[6 See pp. 528, 791.
7 See text of origin myth, p. 574.
8 See prayer of medicine man, pp. 804, 829, 831.
9 Stevenson, p. 175, substantiated by further information.]
loin cloth which constitutes their ceremonial costume, officers of the Katcina society the white embroidered kilt and embroidered blanket of the katcinas and, possibly, masks.[10] Priests, curiously enough, are adorned for burial with the face paint and headdress of warriors.[11]
Infants were formerly buried within the houses, as was common in almost all prehistoric villages; because "they thought they would have no place to go," and so they "wanted them around the house." Most people admitted that there was some doubt whether the uninitiated, for example women, are admitted to Kolhuwala:wa, although folk tales frequently allude to their going there to join their husbands.
The rôle of the dead in the religious life is described below (p. 509). At this point it need only be said that they are the bestowers of all blessings, and are identified especially with rain. If rain falls the fourth day following the death of a noted man it is usually thought of as his rain, and is a source of consolation to the bereaved. The worship of the dead is the foundation of all Zuñi ritual. The dead form part of the great spiritual essence of the universe, but they are the part which is nearest and most intimate.
THE EXTERNAL WORLD
To the Zuñi the whole world appears animate. Not only are night and day, wind, clouds, and trees possessed of personality, but even articles of human manufacture, such as houses, pots, and clothing, are alive and sentient. All matter has its inseparable spiritual essence. For the most part this spiritual aspect of things is vague and impersonal. Although all objects are called ho?i, "living person, " in a figurative sense, they are not definitely anthropomorphic; they have consciousness but they do not possess human faculties. To all these beings is applied the term k^?äpin ho?i "raw person"; man, on the other hand, is a "cooked" person.
Prayers are full of description of natural phenomena in anthropomorphic guise. I quote some of the most striking:
When our sun father
Goes in to sit down at his ancient place,
And our night fathers,
Our mothers,
Night priests,
Raise their dark curtain over their ancient place......
That our earth mother may wrap herself
In a fourfold robe of white meal;
That she may be covered with frost flowers;
That yonder on all the mossy mountains,
The forests may huddle together with the cold;
[10. Hodge is the authority for this statement.
11. Stevenson describes, pp. 315-317, the burial of Naiuchi, priest of the Bow and also head of Eagle clan priesthood. However, the Onawa priesthood use the same face paint and headdress in interring their dead.]
That their arms may be broken by the snow,
In order that the land may be thus,
I have made my prayer sticks into living beings.
Following wherever the roads of the rain makers come out,
May the ice blanket spread out,
May the ice blanket cover the country;
All over the land
May the flesh of our earth mother
Crack open from the cold;
That your thoughts may bend to this,
That your words may be to this end;
For this with prayers I send you forth.
When our earth mother is replete with living waters,
When spring comes,
The source of our flesh,
All the different hinds of corn,
We shall lay to rest in the ground.
With their earth mother's living waters,
They will be made into new beings.
Coming out standing into the daylight
Of their sun father,
Calling for rain,
To all sides they will stretch out their hands.
Then from wherever the rain makers stay quietly
They will send forth their misty breath;
Their massed clouds filled with water will come out to sit down with us;
Far from their homes,
With outstretched hands of water they will embrace the corn,
Stepping down to caress them with their fresh waters,
With their fine rain caressing the earth,
With their heavy rain caressing the earth,
And yonder, wherever the roads of the rain makers come forth,
Torrents will rush forth,
Silt will rush forth,
Mountains will be washed out,
Logs will be washed down,
Yonder all the mossy mountains
Will drip with water.
The clay-lined hollows of our earth mother
Will overflow with water,
From all the lakes
Will rise the cries of the children of the rain makers,
In all the lakes
There will be joyous dancing
Desiring that it should be thus,
I send forth my prayers.
That our earth mother
May wear a fourfold green robe,
Full of moss,
Full of flowers,
Full of pollen,
That the land may be thus
I have made you into living beings.
That yonder in all our water-filled fields
The source of our flesh,
All the different kinds of corn
May stand up all about,
That, nourishing themselves with fresh water,
Clasping their children in their arms,
They may rear their young,
So that we may bring them into our houses,
Thinking of them toward whom our thoughts bend--
Desiring this, I send you forth with prayers.
Yonder on all sides coming to the forests,
And to some fortunate one
Offering prayer meal,
Crushed shell,
Corn pollen,
We broke off the straight young shoots.
From where they had stood quietly
Holding their long life;
Holding their old age,
Holding their waters,
We made them come forth,
We brought them hither.
This many days
Yonder in our houses
With us, their children,
They stayed.
And now this day,
With our warm human hands
We took hold of them.
With eagle's wing,
And with the striped cloud wings of all the birds of summer,
With these four times wrapping our plume wands
(We make them into living beings)
With our mother, cotton woman,
Even a roughly spun cotton thread,
A soiled cotton thread,
With this four times encircling them
And tying it about their bodies
And with a water bringing hair feather,
We made our plume wands into living beings.
With the flesh of our mother,
Clay woman,
Four times clothing our plume wands with flesh,
We made them into living beings.
Holding them fast,
We made them our representatives in prayer.
From wherever my children have built their shelters,
May their roads come in safety.
May the forests
And the brush
Stretch out their water-filled arms
And shield their hearts;
May their roads come in safety,
May their roads be fulfilled.
Of this animate universe man is an integral part. The beings about him are neither friendly nor hostile. In so far as all are harmonious parts of the whole, the surrounding forces sustain and preserve humanity in the status quo.
Among these vague impersonal forces are certain clearly defined individuals and classes of beings who definitely influence human affairs. These are such beings as the sun, the earth, the corn, prey animals, and the gods of war. These are called a:'wona:wi'lona[12] "the ones who hold our roads." They, too, belong to man's world, and have no animus against man. But in as much as they may withhold their gifts, their assistance must be secured by offerings, prayers, and magical practices.
The sense of conflict as the basic principle of life does not dominate, man's relation to the universe any more than it dominates man's relation to man. The Promethean theme--man's tragic and heroic struggle against the gods--has no place in Zuñi philosophic speculation. Nor have any of the other concepts of cosmic conflicts which have always absorbed the interest of Asiatic and European philosophers and mystics, the antithesis between good and evil, or between matter and spirit. There is no Satan in Zuñi ideology, and no Christ.
The world, then, is as it is, and man's plan in it is what it is. Day follows night and the cycles of the years complete themselves. In the spring the corn is planted, and if all goes well the young stalks grow to maturity and fulfill themselves. They are cut down to serve man for food, but their seeds remain against another planting. So man, too, has his days and his destined place in life. His road may be long or short, but in time it is fulfilled and be passes on to fill another rôle in the cosmic scheme. He, too, leaves his seed behind him. Man dies but mankind remains. This is the way of life; the whole literature of prayer shows no questioning of these fundamental premises. This is not resignation, the subordination of desire to a stronger force, but the sense of man's oneness with the universe. The conditions controlling human affairs are no more moral issues than those, like the blueness of the sky, to which we may well be indifferent. It is a remarkably realistic view of the universe. It is an attitude singularly free from terror, guilt, and mystery. The
[12. This term Mrs. Stevenson erroneously interprets as referring to a bisexual deity; creator and ruler of the universe. The term is never used in this sense, nor was I able to find any trace of such a concept among them. The confusion seems to be due to the fact that the missionaries have hit upon this term as the nearest equivalent to "God." The Zuñis, accordingly, always translate the term "God." When asked if a:wonawi'lona is man or woman they say, "Both, of course," since it refers to a great class of supernaturals. The following texts show that the term is applied to any being addressed in prayer.]
Zuñi feels great awe of the supernatural, and definitely fears certain beings in his pantheon-the recently dead, the Koyemci, certain "dangerous" katcinas, but this is quite different from the cosmic terror that crushes many primitive and civilized peoples.
COSMOLOGICAL BELIEFS
The cosmology of the Zuñis is extremely fragmentary. The earth is circular in shape and is surrounded on all sides by ocean. Under the earth is a system of covered waterways all connecting ultimately with the surrounding oceans. Springs and lakes, which are always regarded as sacred, are the openings to this system. On the shores of the encircling ocean live the Uwanami or rain makers.[13] They have villages in the four world quarters. The underground waters are the home of Kolowisi, the horned serpent.
Within the earth are the four enclosed caves which the people occupied before coming out into this world-the four wombs of earth mother. The sky (a?po?yan:e, stone cover), solid in substance, rests upon the earth like an inverted bowl. The sun has two houses, in the earth and in the sky. In the morning he "comes out standing to his sacred place"; in the evening he "goes in to sit down at his other sacred place." The sun also travels north and south, reaching his "left hand" (i.e., southernmost) sacred place at the winter solsticial rising. The change in the length of days passes unnoticed.[14]
The moon is reborn each month and in 14 days reaches maturity; after that her life wanes. These are, in general, inauspicious days. Children born while the moon is waning are unlikely to live long.
The stars are fixed in the sky cover. The most prominent feature of the night heavens is the milky way, frequently mentioned in myth and song and figuring prominently in religious art. Some of the stars and constellations are named and recognized--the morning star (Venus or Jupiter) (moyatcunlhana, great star), Ursa Major (kwililekä, the seven), Orion's belt (ipi?lakä, the row), the Pleiades (k?upa:kwe, seed stars). No observations are made of the positions of the stars and movements of the planets. All calendrical computations are made on the basis of the movements of the sun and the moon.
Clouds and rain are the attributes of all the supernaturals, especially the Uwanami and the katcinas. Wind and snow are associated with the War Gods. Windstorms during ceremonies are due to incontinence or other malfeasance on the part of participants or to sorcery on the part of some jealous or envious outsider. The whirlwind appears in folklore, but not in ritual. All natural phenomena are personalized, and tales are told of them. But they are not therefore necessarily a:wona:wi'lona.
[13. See P. 513.
14. See p. 534 for more detailed account of the calendrical system.]
There is little speculative interest in the origin and early history of the world, animate and inanimate, although there is great interest in the early history of mankind, and the origin of laws, customs, and rituals. Zuñi myth and ritual contain innumerable expressions of what Haeberlin calls the "idea of fertilization," [15] but to the Zuñis these are unrelated episodes--they do not view them as parts of a great cosmological concept. There are many tales of a maiden being impregnated by the sun or the rain; the sun is called "father," the earth "mother"; and the people are believed to have originated within the earth in the fourth "womb."[16] Yet the general concept of the sexuality of the universe as the source of life, which is found all about them, most fully developed among the Omaha and the Yuman tribes, and in attenuated form among the Hopi, is not known at Zuñi. Cushing records the myth of the sky cohabiting with the earth to produce life, indicating that the notion was current in that day. It has completely vanished at the present time. I have recorded Zuñi creation myths from priests and laymen, in secular and ritualistic form, and all commence the same way, nor do the Zuñis recognize in these myths the implications of profounder cosmological concepts.[17] They are not interested in cosmology or metaphysics. It is interesting in this connection to note the extreme paucity of etiological tales as compared with other North American mythologies.
There was, however, a mythic age, "when the earth was soft," during which things now impossible took place. During this time animals could become human, and humans could change into animals. During this period also the katcinas came in person to the villages. It was at this time that customs originated and took form. Then the earth hardened; things assumed their permanent form and have since remained unchanged.[18]
RITUAL: THE CONTROL OF THE SUPERNATURAL
TECHNIQUES OF CONTROL
Man is not lord of the universe. The forests and fields have not been given him to despoil. He is equal in the world with the rabbit and the deer and the young corn plant. They must be approached circumspectly if they are to be persuaded to lay down their lives for man's pleasure or necessity. Therefore the deer is stalked ritualistically; he is enticed with sacred esoteric songs, he is killed in a prescribed manner, and when brought to the house is received as an
[15. Haeberlin, The idea of fertilization in the culture of the Pueblo Indians. M.A.A.A., vol. III, no. l.
16 .The word t?ehulikwin is used for womb, but also for any dark enclosed place. It means literally "inside space."
17. Text in ritualistic form, p. 549.
18. Many tales open, "Long ago when the earth was soft."]
honored guest and sent away with rich gifts to tell others of his tribe that he was well treated in his father's house.
So, too, the great divinity, the sun, and all the lesser divinities, the katcinas, the rain makers, the beast gods, the war gods, and the ancients, must be reminded that man is dependent upon their generosity; and that they, in turn, derive sustenance and joy from man's companionship. The myth of man's beginnings opens as follows: "Indeed, it has come to pass. In this world was no one. Each day the sun came out. Each day he went in. In the morning no one gave him prayer meal. No one gave him prayer sticks. It was a lonely place. He said to his two children, 'You will go into the fourth womb. Your fathers, your mothers... you will bring out into the daylight of your sun father. . . .'"
For all techniques for coping with the spiritual essence of things the Zuñi have the general term t?ewusu, "religion." This concept embraces all rituals from the casual gesture of offering meal to a dead bird to the most highly elaborated ceremony, any sanctified custom, any urgent request. The basic element seems to be a request, explicitly stated or merely implied, for aid or succor, bolstered by an action or complex of actions that is automatically effectual. Practically all the techniques employed by primitive or civilized man to influence the supernatural are known at Zuñi--fetishism imitative magic, incantation, and formulæ figure largely in ritual while the more personal approaches of prayer (which in Zuñi, however, is largely formulistic), purification, abstinence, and sacrifice are also conspicuous. The weighting is on the side of the mechanistic techniques which are highly developed. The personal techniques appear always in their milder and more ritualized forms. Prayer is but slightly removed from formula and incantation, only very moderate forms of abstinence are practiced, and these are rigidly circumscribed; sacrifice is never more than the offering of a pinch of corn meal and a prayer stick. One of the important means of achieving rapport with the spirit world, intoxication, is unknown in Zuñi or the other pueblos. Intoxication has been important in the religions of Mexico, and the peyote cult has recently spread to all tribes of the plains and the plateau, but it has never been adopted in the pueblos, except at Taos. On the plains early Indian tribes without drugs produced the same sense of heightened and unearthly experience by means of self-torture and the most rigorous abstinence. The Zuñis use narcotic and vision-producing drugs, the Jamestown weed (datura) and the mysterious tenatsali, but for such prosaic purposes as to discover lost property or the author of sorcery. Although they employ many of the ritualistic forms used throughout North America, such as fasting and purging
before ceremonies, these are used for an entirely different purpose and with different effects.
FETISHISM
A large part of Zuñi ceremony centers about the veneration of sacred objects. Some of these, like the fetishes of the rain priests, are of indescribable sanctity, and in them rests the whole welfare of the people. At the other end of the scale are little pebbles, of which almost every man possesses several, which he may have found in the mountains and to which, because of their peculiar form and color, he imputes magical properties. To all such objects are made periodic offerings of corn meal, and at stated times they are removed from their usual resting places and honored. Zuñi fetishes are themselves powerful, and offerings are made to them directly, but they are also the means of reaching still more powerful supernaturals. The important objects of this type are the fetishes (eto:we) of the priests, and their accompanying objects; masks, both tribal and personal; the altars of the medicine societies; stone images of the Beast Gods, whether owned by groups or individuals; the feathered ears of corn (mi:we) given to members of higher orders of societies at their initiation; personal fetishes or amulets of all sorts. Medicine, paint, feathers, and all other items in the regalia of the katcinas, are more or less sacred.
The eto:we of the priests correspond to the medicine bundles of other North American tribes. They consist of the eto:we proper, bundles of plugged reeds filled with seeds or water containing miniature frogs, according to Stevenson (Zuñi Indians, p. 163), pots of sacred black paint, and a miscellaneous assortment of obsidian knives and arrow points, "thunder stones," polished round stones that are rolled over the floor during their ceremonies, rattles of olivella shells and sometimes mi:we like those of society members. These objects are believed to have been brought by the Zuñi from the lowest of the four worlds where they had their origin and are called tcimi-k^?äpkoa, "the ones that were at the first beginning." They are kept in sealed jars in houses where they are believed to have rested since the settlement of the village. They are "fed" regularly at each meal by some woman of the house where they are kept, and are removed only for the retreats held in their honor. (See below, cult of the Unawami, for brief account of these ceremonies. For the location of these eto:we, the membership of the priesthoods and the order of retreats, see Stevenson, Zuñi Indians, p. 163 ff., and Kroeber, Zuñi Kin and Clan, p. 165 ff.) All altars are called teckwin:e, a name derived from the stem teckwi- meaning sacred or taboo.
Masks are with few exceptions connected with the katcina cult. Some are, like the fetishes of the rain priests, "from the beginning"
and are tribal property administered in trust by self-perpetuating cult groups. Other masks are individual property which are destroyed at the death of the owner. Like eto:we, masks are regularly fed.
The altars of the medicine societies consist of painted slat altars, a sort of reredos erected at certain of their ceremonies, stone images of the Beast Priests, tutelary gods of the medicine societies, and the same sort of miscellaneous collection of objects as are used on priests' altars. Furthermore, each member of the higher or curing orders of the medicine societies possesses a mi?le (plural miwe), an ear of corn wrapped in feathers which is his personal amulet, and is destroyed at his death. The miwe of members are placed on society altars during all ceremonies.
Some men always carry with them pieces of medicine roots or packages of red paint as amulets. Others possess collections of pebbles and sticks of black paint, from which they seek help in special emergencies, and which are honored with prayers and songs. Perfect ears of corn and ears with flattened ends are believed to have protective powers. One man sold to the writer a personal fetish, a "teckwin:e," together with the ritual and prayers connected with its use. The fetish consisted of four stones, two slender uprights about 2 inches long, one brown and one white, male and female, respectively, a curiously colored triangular stone about an inch long called the "heart" and another round stone called the "head." There was a ritual for setting them up, and prayers. The ritual was used at the winter solstice "or any time."
There also is the "Santu," a small St. Francis, inherited from early Franciscan padres, whom the Zuñis consider a Virgin, and who is besought at a special festival held in her honor, for the blessing of fertility.
The possession of a major fetish, such as eto:we or a mask, protects the house where it is kept; "it gives you something to pray for and makes the house valuable." But its possession may also be a source of danger, for if neglected or desecrated it may cause harm to its keeper. That is one of the reasons why priests endeavor to be exemplary in their conduct.
COMPULSIVE MAGIC
About each sacred object clusters a body of fixed ritual of magical purport. A large number of these magical practices might be classed as imitative magic. During the retreats of priests polished round stones are rolled across the floor to "call the thunder," for thunder is caused by the rain makers rolling the thunderstone in their ceremonial room. At many points in ceremonies tobacco smoke is blown to the six cardinal points "that the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath." There are innumerable rites of this kind. Among the most conspicuous are the presence on every altar of water
from a sacred spring, "that the springs may always be full"; the sprinkling of water to induce rainfall; the blowing of smoke to produce clouds; the mixing of great bowls of yucca seeds to produce clouds; the rolling of the thunderstones (the Hopi device of stamping on boards, and the use of the "lightning stick" seem not to be employed at Zuñi); the planting of seeds in the floor of new houses to produce fertility; the conservation of ashes and sweepings in the house during the winter solstice ceremony and finally throwing them out with the prayer, "May you return as corn; may you return as meal"; the placing on winter solstice altars of ears of corn for plentiful crops; and of clay images of peaches, domestic animals, jewelry, and even money to secure increase; the presentation of dolls to pregnant women for safe delivery; the use of bear paws in medicine ceremonies "to call the bear"; and finally, the whole practice of masking in order to compel the presence of the supernaturals in their other bodies, i. e., as rain. The list might be greatly amplified. Many of these practices have been analyzed by Doctor Parsons, Increase by Magic, American Anthropologist, vol. 21, p. 203. There is a certain elasticity in these practices and new ones based on this principle may be readily introduced.
These techniques, despite their mechanistic character, belong distinctly to the realm of religion, since they require a special setting to be effective. The Zuñis use yucca root for washing the hair, and great bowls of the suds are mixed in much the same way they are on the priests' altars. But a woman does not bring rain every time she washes her hair, nor a man every time he smokes a cigarette. These everyday arts become magical techniques only when performed by special persons at stated times and places, in the presence of certain powerful fetishes and to the accompaniment of set prayers, songs, and other ritual acts. Sorcery consists largely in using these and other magical techniques outside of their legitimate settings.[19]
This brings us to another type of magical compulsion which is less apparent but perhaps more fundamental in the development of Pueblo ritual, which might be called, for lack of a better term, formulistic magic. This is the use of apparently irrelevant formulæ or actions to produce a desired result. The efficacy of the formula depends upon its absolutely correct repetition. Every word, gesture, bit of regalia is part of the charm. Hence, the great perturbation in Zuñi if a dancer appears wearing a feather from the shoulders instead of the breast of the eagle, if a single gesture before an altar is omitted, or if the words of a prayer are inverted. A very large part of Zuñi ritual is of this type; in fact all imitative magic has its secret formula
[19. A common type of love sorcery, practiced by men, is to get control of a woman's person by possessing oneself of a fragment of her clothing, a bit of the fringe of her shawl or belt, and carry it about constantly in the pocket or tied to the headband. Should this fail as a love charm, the sickness or death of the victim can be caused by exposing the fragments in a high windy place. Prayer sticks may also be used for sorcery.]
to give it validity. These formulæ comprise the great mass of esoteric practice. To this category belong rituals for setting up and removing altars, prayer-stick making, all songs and dances, and most important of all, practically all of the so-called prayers.
PRAYER
Prayer in Zuñi is not a spontaneous outpouring of the heart. It is rather the repetition of a fixed formula. Only in such prayers as those accompanying individual offerings of corn meal and food is a certain amount of individual variation possible, and even here variation is restricted to the matter of abridgment or inclusiveness. The general form of the prayer, the phraseology and the nature of the request, conform strictly to types for other prayers. All more important prayers are fixed in content and form, and great importance is attached to their correct rendition. The rigidity increases in proportion to the importance of the occasion. The words of these prayers, like the fetishes themselves, are tcimik?^änapkoa, "according to the first beginning." That the desired undeviating repetition claimed for prayers is not always achieved is illustrated by a study of variants to be published in the Journal of American Folklore, which shows also the very narrow margin of variability. That a long prayer should have changed so little in the 50 agitated years since Cushing's time is really remarkable.
There are definite fixed rituals and prayers for every ceremonial occasion, and any moderately well-informed Zuñi can identify any of them even when removed from its proper setting. As a check upon informants I read all the prayers I had collected to another informant, a young woman who herself was not actively associated with any major cult, but who was generally well informed through her family connections. In every case she could identify the prayer after about five lines had been read. "It belongs to A:'ciwani--to P?ekwin. This is what he says when he first goes in in summer"; or "It is the prayer for planting prayer sticks. Anyone can use it." The same woman, however, asked me to copy down for her the prayers for offering the monthly prayer sticks, and for offering corn meal, so that she could learn them, for she knew no prayers for these occasions: "I never learned any prayer for the prayer sticks, and so I just put them down and sprinkle corn meal without saying anything. My husband belongs to a society and knows these prayers but he would not teach me his prayers. I would have to go to my 'father' (the man who initiated her) to learn them and I would have to give him a present for teaching me." This same woman could repeat long prayers when they occurred in tales, so it was not lack of knowledge.
This brings us to another important point, namely, that not only must a prayer be repeated verbatim to be effectual, but it must have
been acquired by legitimate means. It must be learned according to definite technique from someone who has the right to use it, and it must be paid for. Otherwise "maybe you can say it but it won't mean anything, or maybe you'll forget it when the time comes to say it." Hence the confusion concerning just what is and what is not "esoteric" in Pueblo ritual. Knowledge of the details of "esoteric" ceremonies is widely diffused, but the power to perform any ceremony effectively is restricted. And since there is an indefined feeling that in teaching prayers, "giving them away," as the Zuñis say, the teacher loses some of the power over them, men are "stingy" with their religion.[20] Therefore a man who win tell readily enough a long difficult prayer that he has learned out of curiosity, or as an investment against the time when the present owner dies, will balk at telling a simple common little prayer for offering corn meal to the sun, which everyone knows, but which nevertheless "belongs" to him in a way that the other does not. Hence the paradoxical situation that the very last person to ask for an a:ciwani prayer is one of that group. This, incidentally, is one of the reasons why Christian missionaries are ludicrous in the eyes of Zuñis. "They throwaway their religion as if it weren't worth anything and expect us to believe it." Such conduct is not only ridiculous but irreverent.
There are other formulæ at Zuñi besides prayers and songs. Many ritualistic acts, such as offering corn meal or prayer sticks, are of this character. Once the writer caused considerable perturbation by sprinkling corn meal upon a Zuñi altar. "Because sprinkling corn meal is like a prayer; even if you don't say anything you are asking for good luck, and because you are strong when you go away you will take all our good luck with you to your country." Similarly no one at Zuñi would make me a prayer stick to offer with the offerings of my family at the solstice, although many connived at my acquiring prayer sticks for scientific purposes.
SINGING AND DANCING
Singing and dancing by large groups hold an important place in public and secret rituals. Many ritual acts are accompanied by song. There are special song sequences for setting up and taking down altars, for mixing medicine water or soapsuds, for bathing the head at initiations, to accompany various acts of curing. These are all special songs of the curing societies. like prayers, they must be
[20. This was made painfully evident to the writer in the death of one of her best informants who, among other things, told her many prayers in text. During his last illness he related a dream which he believed portended death and remarked, " Yes, now I must die. I have given you all my religion and I have no way to protect myself." He died two days later. He was suspected of sorcery and his death was a source of general satisfaction. Another friend of the writer, a rain priest, who had always withheld esoteric information, remarked," Now your friend is dead. He gave away his religion as if it were of no value, and now he is dead." He was voicing public opinion.]
learned ritualistically. They are in the nature of incantations; many of them are in foreign languages or have no intelligible words. In addition to these songs of the medicine societies, there are many individually owned songs of magical power, especially songs for planting, for "dancing the corn":[21] individual medicine songs, or songs associated with personal amulets. Certain women also have grinding songs in addition to the well-known songs of the men. These esoteric songs, especially those connected with curing, are very valuable. One man paid a pair of moccasins, a blanket, and a saddle for a song to be used as a love charm. The Great Fire Society has a song for delayed parturition but only two old men of the society know it and they are "stingy" with it. It is the knowledge of songs of this kind which makes the great medicine men of the tribe.
The more patent musical literature of the tribe is the large body of dance songs. These are of many kinds, the songs of the katcinas, the songs sung by the medicine societies for such katcinas as do not sing for themselves, the songs of the medicine societies for the general winter curing ceremonies, for initiations, and for special dances. Katcina songs differ rhythmically and melodically among themselves, those, say, of Kok?Okci are quite different from those of Hemucikwe, or the still more divergent Kumance, and all katcina songs are sharply differentiated from medicine songs. The songs of the various societies differ, and a man can usually classify any song he hears. With the exception of a few secret songs, all songs are songs of sequence, sung by groups, the leader holding the sequence.
Katcina songs are made new for each dance. Song making probably is usually the setting of new words to traditional melodies, according to fairly fixed patterns of structure. The dance step is a simple beating of time with the foot, the body movements being synchronized with the song rhythm. Rhythms are simple, but the melodic structure is subtle and complex. A fuller account of katcina dancing is given on page 896. Most katcinas use only rattles to accompany the song. One group uses a bundle drum, the Koyemci use a barrel drum, and one set uses the pottery drum of the medicine societies.
The dance songs of the societies are more vigorous in rhythm than those of the katcinas, and almost always employ the drum in addition to rattles. A chorus surrounding the drum sings for the dancers. The dance step also is more energetic. Sometimes choirs from the medicine societies sing for certain katcinas, and in that case the rhythm and dance step are those associated with society rather than katcina songs. The societies have song sequences for each of their ceremonies. Most of these are traditional in tune and words, but
[21. A ceremony performed by the women of each household at the winter solstice when the corn is taken out and "danced" so that it will not feel neglected during the ceremonial season.]
innovations in words are introduced in specified places. These innovations, as well as those of the katcina songs, are frequently social comment. The society choirs are led by the drummer who holds the sequence. He is a permanent officer of the society, although his office is not sacred like that of the medicine chief or fire maker.
The following partial list of the song cycles of the Great Fire Society is some index of the wealth of musical endowment at Zuñi:
Chief song cycle.[22] Dance songs used in general curing ceremonies in December. This contains 6 sequences containing, respectively, 29, 15, 16, 17, 14, and 31 songs.
Thunder songs. Twenty songs for the first dancing of katcinas at New Year.
Dancing songs (for the dancing of katcinas at the New Year). Seven sequences, the number of songs not known.
Katcina songs. For dancing of katcinas at winter dance series and at Ca?lako. Number of songs not known.
Medicine water songs. Eight songs for making medicine water; no drum.
Fire-making songs. Four songs used for making New Year fire; no drum.
Purificatory songs. Four songs for purification sung at the conclusion of dancing; no drum.
Storm-cloud songs. Twenty-two songs without drum sung for rain on first night of winter solstice. Very esoteric.
Songs of blessing. Sung for increase on eleventh night of winter solstice. Number not known, "a big bunch." Esoteric.
Dawn songs. "Two big bunches" sung at closing of meetings during solstice. Very esoteric. No drum; slow rhythm.
Prayer-stick songs. Four songs for blessing prayer stick bundle before planting. Very esoteric.
A number of special songs sung at the new year meeting: a "going out song, " a "coming-in song," a song calling by name the appointees to sacred offices, a song welcoming the New Year.
This does not include the songs of the special meetings of the society used at their public dance in January and February, individual curing ceremonies, and initiations. The informant died before the list was completed. Some of these songs are used only once a year or, like initiation songs, at intervals of several years, and their content and sequence must be kept by the drummer.
With the exception of a few lullabies and children's play songs, there is no secular music at Zuñi. The only work songs, those for the grinding of corn, are sacred, since everything connected with the handling of corn is sacred activity. There are two sequences of songs for ceremonial grinding; the most popular are the Flute songs,
[22. The sequences are all named.]
taken out of the dance songs of the Corn dance and retaining the characteristic ritard at the close which is found in all dance songs. These songs are sung by men accompanied by drum. Women have songs which they use during summer when drumming is taboo.
Group dancing is regarded as a pleasurable activity, pleasing alike to gods and man. Joy is pleasing to the gods and sadness is a sin against them; therefore, for the common man dancing is the most readily accessible and effective form of worship. Usually it is a boy's first voluntary participation in ritual. He dances in mask before he learns the simplest prayer--some people never learn prayers--and long before he learns to make his own prayer sticks. The dance, particularly the masked dance, is preeminently the province of the young, although many men continue to dance in old age. The origin myth of katcina dancing stresses its pleasurable side. It relates that when the people first settled in villages and increased in number they did not know how to enjoy themselves.[23] So their priests made prayer sticks and sent them to their lost children who had been transformed into katcinas, and the katcinas came and danced for their people. But they were the dead, and so when they came someone died. Therefore the people were instructed to copy their masks and dance with them. "When you dance with them we shall come and stand before you," the katcinas promised, and also promised that it would not fail to rain. Katcina folklore abounds in tales of the devices used by katcinas to enable them to come to Itiwana to dance. There is no myth to explain the origin of unmasked dancing, but the same ideology of summoning the supernaturals in this manner is current. And during the winter solstice, when all the ritual groups are holding their ceremonies, the heads of households take six perfect ears of corn and hold them in a basket while they sing for them. This is called "dancing the corn," and is performed that the corn may not feel neglected during the ceremonial season.
The principal occasions for dancing are the series of summer and winter katcinas, the culminating ceremonies of the Ca?lako, the retreats of the medicine societies during the solstices, initiations, and the Scalp dance. Certain societies hold special ceremonies in which dancing by members and outsiders figures prominently, the winter ceremonies of the Wood Society and Big Fire Society; the Yaya, the dance of the Shuma?akwe. The so-called Corn dance and the Santu dance are other ceremonies in which dancing is conspicuous. In all these cases dancing accompanies less spectacular rites, usually extending over a longer period than the dance itself. Frequently the dance is subsidiary to these secret and potent rites. Usually it is the younger and less responsible members of the group who dance, the priests and leaders meanwhile remaining in retreat or sitting quietly behind
[23. See origin tale, p. 605.]
their altars. Even in katcina dances, where the dance itself is the essential rite, the pattern of dancing for the priests is preserved. In summer the katcina dances are held during the season when the priesthoods are in retreat, and the katcina group always dances in front of the house where the priests are "in."
In order for any rite to be efficacious the protagonist must "have a good heart," or, to use more familiar phraseology, he must be in a state of grace. Joy and freedom from care are the chief requirements of a state of grace, second only to physical purity. Therefore the custom of dancing for the priests while they are in retreat, and of various groups visiting to dance in one another's house during synchronous periods of retreat. During a katcina dance that lasted for several days a group of "little dancers"[24] came one night to dance in the kiva. "Because the dancers could not go home to their wives, and were lonely in the kiva. Therefore these others came to dance for them so that they should not be sad."
Connected psychologically as well as ceremonially with public dancing is the practice of clowning. There are organized groups of clowns who assist at all katcina dances and amuse the populace by obscene or satirical or childish pranks. There are masked and unmasked clowns; the masked clowns, the Koyemci,[25] are the most feared of all the katcinas. The Ne?we:kwe society also are clowns, and are regarded as the most powerful medicine men, and potential witches. They are famous for love magic.
OFFERINGS
Offerings of various kinds are included in all Zuñi rituals. The principal offerings to the supernaturals are food, tobacco, prayer meal (coarse cornmeal containing ground white shell and turquoise), and prayer sticks. The usual food offering consists of a bit of food from each dish that is set out, thrown into the fire or merely dropped on the floor with a brief, perfunctory prayer. The supernaturals nourish themselves on the spiritual essence of the food. All priests and the wives of priests make such an offering before eating of any dish. Also women in houses where fetishes are kept offer food in the fire before serving a meal. These offerings are more formal at quasi-ceremonial feasts, such as the feasts accompanying house building, harvest, etc. Men during participation in ceremonies also make offerings of food in the river, where it is readily accessible to the gods. Food offerings are made especially to the ancestors (a:lhacina:we) and the katcinas. On the day of the dead large quantities of food are sacrificed in the river and the fire (see p. 621).
[24. The "little dancers" are the children of the katcinas. One or a group may come to play pranks in connection with any katcina dance. They are impersonated by young boys.
25 For fuller accounts see p. 946, and Parsons, p. 229.]
Meal is offered to the sun each morning by all men who hold any permanent or temporary sacerdotal position and by many other individuals, both men and women. Meal is sprinkled on prayer sticks when they are planted, and on masks, fetishes, and other sacred objects when they are taken out for use and when they are returned to their places. It is sprinkled upon katcinas by onlookers, and their leader sprinkles meal before them "to make their road." Handfuls of meal are thrown into the air through the kiva hatchway to welcome the new year. A bowl of corn meal stands on every society altar and everyone who enters the room to participate in the ceremony sprinkles corn meal on the altar before taking his place. In addition to the use of meal as an offering it is also used for delineation of sacred symbols. Every altar is set up upon a painting of white meal representing clouds, and from the center of this a line runs out toward the door of the room, or the foot of the ladder. This is the road of life and along it persons entering the room walk up to the altar. It is also the road by which the supernaturals enter. Colored sand paintings, similar in technique to those of the Navaho, are used in initiation ceremonies. A cross of corn meal marks the place prepared to receive a sacred object, corn meal is used to mark the walls of a house at its dedication, and marks of corn meal are made on the hatchway of the kivas to indicate the duration of a ceremony. Corn meal is rubbed on the head and face of the newborn and on the body of the dead. In short, there is no ceremonial occasion on which it is not used.
The most important and valuable gift to the gods is the prayer stick. This is a small stick, carefully smoothed and painted, to which various feathers are attached with cotton cord. The length and form of the stick, the wood of which it is made, the color of the pigment, and the feathers are all definitive of the character of the offering, and vary according to the beings to whom it is offered, the sacerdotal position of the giver, and the occasion upon which it is given.
The whole matter of the varieties and manufacture of prayer sticks is too complex to go into here. A few outstanding points can be mentioned. The wood most commonly used is the red willow. For certain occasions other shrubs are required. When wood for prayer sticks is gathered corn meal is offered to the shrub from which the twigs are cut. Only perfectly straight shoots are taken. Generally the bark is removed. There are four common prayer stick measures; from the tip of the middle finger to the base of the finger, to the center of the palm, to the wrist, to the inside of the elbow. Frequently faces are indicated by notching one side of the stick. The feathers are attached to the back of the stick and are thought of as constituting its clothing. The two upper feathers are the most
important and characteristic. Usually they are from the turkey and eagle, respectively; or they may both be from the eagle. Feathers from the breast or back of the turkey are used on sticks for the ancestors and the katcinas, tail feathers of the turkey on certain sticks made by the a`ciwanii. Sticks for the sun, moon, and the Uwanami have a downy eagle feather in this position and the use of this feather entails particularly stringent taboos upon the giver. Sticks for the war gods, and for the katcina priests (the Ca?lako sticks) have an eagle tail feather in this position. The second feather is almost always one from the shoulders or back of the eagle. After this comes a duck feather, and feathers of the "summer birds," all the brightly colored birds: jay, red hawk, oriole, bluebird, humming bird, road runner, etc. Birds are snared or shot for their feathers, and the feathers are carefully kept, wrapped separately in paper and laid away in native wooden boxes with sliding covers. The feathers are attached with commercial cotton cord. The sticks are painted after the feathers are attached. The character and manufacture of the pigments are described in another place (p. 859). Most sticks are painted black, but those for the sun and moon are painted blue and yellow, respectively, and these colors have sex associations. Paired blue and yellow sticks are symbolic of fecundity.
The principal occasions upon which prayer sticks are offered by large groups of people are at the solstices. On these occasions persons of both sexes and all ages offer to the ancestors and to the sun (if male), or to the moon (if female). Furthermore, at the winter solstice all members of the katcina society make a second offering to the katcina and members of the medicine societies to the tutelary gods of their societies. At each full moon all members of societies offer to the ancestors, to the katcinas (if males) and to the tutelary gods of their societies. At the winter dances and at the end of Ca?lako each man makes a prayer stick for the katcinas, but does not himself plant it. Furthermore, a large part of the ritual of every ceremony concerns the making and offering of special types of prayer sticks by those participating. Prayer sticks are sometimes offered individually and sometimes the offerings of many persons are bundled together into a k^?ä-atcin:e which is deposited by someone delegated to plant it. Prayer sticks axe buried or deposited in corn fields, in the river mud, in shrines in the mountains, in springs, in excavations in or near the village.
Prayer sticks provide the clothing of the supernaturals. Just as the supernaturals nourish themselves on the spiritual essence of food offered in the fire or the river, they clothe themselves in the feathers of prayer sticks. This is especially true of the katcinas, whose beautiful feathers form their most conspicuous ornaments. (For a treatment of this idea in folklore, see the tale of Hetsitulu, p. 1048.)
The offering of prayer sticks is one of the most important acts of Zuñi ritual and four days after making any offering of prayer sticks the giver must refrain from sexual intercourse, and from quarreling. There are additional restrictions connected with special offerings after the offering to the sun at the winter solstice one must eat no meat or anything cooked with grease for four days.[26] The same restriction applies to the a:ciwan:i after offerings to the uwanam:i, and to p?ekwin after his various offerings to the sun. Also to all novices, including boys initiated into the katcina society, after their initiation. (They plant prayer sticks as the final rite in the initiation.) [27] After the plantings of the Ca?lako party the members and their households must refrain from trade for four days. There is no restriction on work for wages. No one trades during the first four days of the winter solstice--many people do not trade for 10 days--and the households of priests do not trade while these priests are in retreat. The feeling about trading at these seasons seems to be that since these are periods of magical power, during which forthcoming events are preordained, if property passed out of one's hands during this time all one's wealth would soon melt away. Therefore, during these periods, necessities are purchased at the store on credit, but no payments are made.
Prayer sticks are especially male offerings. Although women frequently offer prayer sticks they never make them. Their male relatives (actual or ceremonial) make them for them. So also, although men offer food and corn meal, it is always prepared for them by the women. This division in ritual is a reflection of the general economic pattern, in which the females supply food and the males the clothing of the household. So also women furnish the food of the gods and men their clothing.
TABOO AND ABSTINENCE
The special restrictions which follow the planting of prayer sticks is part of a general feeling of taboo directed toward all things sacred. The Zuñi word for taboo is teckwi. An altar is called teckwin:e (sacred thing); a person upon whom there is any ceremonial restraint also is teckwi. It is almost impossible to reduce the list of Zuñi taboos to any sort of system. Some of them seem even more fortuitous than their magical formulæ. Some prohibitions are dictated by fear or repulsion, some are designed to preserve the power and sanctity of rituals and objects, others are rites of purification, one at least is designed to provoke the pity of the gods, the vigil of the priests
[26. Except members of the ci?wana:kwe.
27. The restrictions on meat and grease, as well as salt and sugar, are observed after all prayer-stick plantings in other pueblos.]
before the coming of the corn maids (see myth, p. 914). The following activities are all "teckwi" in Zuñi terminology:
Foods.--Members of the ci:wana:kwe society must not eat jack rabbit, nor a common purple-flowered herb. This is felt so strongly that a member of this society will not even touch a jack rabbit nor permit it to be brought into the house in which he lives. No Zuñi eats or touches meat or grease during the first four days of the winter Solstice;[28] priests refrain from eating meat and grease for 10 days, find during the periods of their retreat; p?ekwin does not eat meat and grease after offering prayer sticks to the sun; initiates do not eat meat for four days after their initiation; warriors who have taken a scalp do not eat meat, grease, salt, or any hot food for one year; mourners (especially widows and widowers) do not eat meat, salt, or hot foods for four days following a death.
Objects.--All sacred objects are taboo to all people who do not "belong" to them. The strength of this feeling varies according to the power of the fetish. No one would dare to touch one of the priest's fetishes except the chief of the priesthood, and no one will enter the room where it is kept except the chief priest and the female head of the house. This is true also of the permanent masks and society altars. When the people who keep one of the Ca?lako masks moved to a now house they called the head of the kiva whose mask they kept to transfer it, "because they were afraid to touch it." Corn fetishes, prayer sticks, ceremonial garments are all handled with great respect, and no more than necessary.[29]
Places.--The rooms where sacred things are kept are taboo to outsiders. All shrines are taboo except when visited officially. There is one War God shrine (co?lhuwayällakwi) which may be visited by those who wish to pray for good luck in war or gambling. Otherwise it is not permitted for individuals to visit shrines even for purposes of prayer.[30] Rooms where retreats or ceremonies are being hold, unless the ceremony is specifically public, are taboo to those not belonging to the ceremony. If any one crosses the threshold he is "caught," and must be initiated into the group, or where this is impossible (like meetings of the katcina priests), must be ceremonially whipped and make certain payments to his "father." Altars are always erected on the side of the room away from the door, "the valuable place." Strangers are always seated near the door, by the fireplace and away from the "valuable place." Mourners and warriors who have taken scalps sit "away from the fire."
[28. Certain exceptions to this rule are discussed on p. 623.
29. A good friend would not unwrap her mi?le for me to look at, although she permitted me to examine it when it had been taken out for a ceremony.
30. Mrs. Stevenson (Zuñi Indians, p. 154) gives a graphic description of the reluctance of her Zuñi guides to accompany her to k?olhuwala:wa:. The writer has had similar experiences with guides who showed her the location of shrines but themselves refused to approach them.]
Sex taboos.--Sex relations are forbidden between members of the same clan or the same medicine society. Relations with members of the father's clan are frowned upon. A man may not have relations with the wife of a member of his kiva or medicine society (his brother's wife, hence his sister).[31] These are primarily social taboos but the punishment for them is of the same kind as punishment for breaking of strictly religious taboos.
Sex relations are taboo during the 10 days of the winter solstice, for four days following the planting of prayer sticks, and during participation in dances or other ceremonies.[32] Warriors who have taken a scalp must refrain from sexual intercourse for one year and must go through a ceremony of purification at the end of that time before they may again sleep with their wives.[33] The same rules apply to the widowed who wish to remarry.
Other tabooed activities.--Priests, and others holding temporary or permanent religious offices, must not engage in any quarrels or disputes with fellow tribesmen or outsiders. Hence, they are not appointed to civil offices. One must not quarrel for four days following planting of prayer sticks. Priests and appointees to religious office must not leave the Zuñi Valley during the terms of their office. (This is a taboo that is frequently broken to the distress of the orthodox.) This prohibition against going about may be an extension of the retreat to the daily life of those who are regarded as "working for their people all of the time." There are no taboos upon labor, except in the case of initiations, when the novice must do no work, and especially must lift no heavy weights during the four days between the ceremony at which he receives a new heart and his final initiation. No one must sleep during attendance at religious ceremonies, but there seems to be no restriction on conversation. There are certain ceremonies in which speech is forbidden to participants, especially the 24-hour vigil of the priests, while awaiting the arrival of the corn maids on the last day of the Ca?lako ceremonies. There are a number of special taboos relating to the wearing of masks a man while wearing a mask must not speak, he must not give anything away, he must not engage in any defiling activity. A man wearing a mask or katcina body paint is teckwi to others, and must not be touched, approached, or stared at. There are also special taboos concerning death, mourning, and the scalp dance which incorporates all the purificatory rites of mourning. For four days the widow or widower (also the scalper and the woman who has touched the scalp) must not approach the fire, must not touch or be touched by anyone, must not receive anything directly from the hand of another person, must not talk, and
[31. These are only the more important incest rules, a full discussion of which belongs to another place.
32. In many ceremonies this is extended to include touching, even accidentally, addressing, or even seeing a person of the opposite sex.
33. There is some confusion about the sexual taboos placed upon the woman who brings the scalp (see p. 674).]
must sleep very little, if at all. The food and sex taboos observed at this period have already been mentioned. There are also special taboos relating to death by violence, by lightning, or away from home. There are no strictly religious taboos upon pregnant or menstruating women. There are, of course, many taboos that belong to the realm of folklore rather than that of religion.
To all of the foregoing prohibitions, as well as others not mentioned, the Zuñis apply the word teckwi, but it is obvious that they embrace many different attitudes toward the tabooed object or action. There are the taboos relating to death and mourning, sacred objects, places, and rites. In all these cases the prohibition rises out of the mingling of fear and reverence in the attitude toward the sacred. Fear is the predominant feeling actuating the rites for the dead, and the fear of the dead is extended to those intimately associated with him in life. Hence, the widow is untouchable during the period when the malice of the dead is active. Those who have killed an enemy in warfare are similarly threatened, since they have cut off a man before his time. In the taboos against touching sacred objects and trespassing on sacred places the feeling of fear is less apparent but none the less present, for sacred things are dangerous in proportion to their power. Whereas death is feared as the result of violating taboos of mourning, in the case of other violations the fear is vague and general, and the results of infringements are less clearly foreseen.
On the other hand, there are a number of personal restraints which are forms of abstinence rather than taboos. To this class belong the sex prohibitions, the prohibitions on certain kinds of foods at certain times, and the restrictions upon the activities of persons participating in ceremonies. The general purpose of all these restrictions is withdrawal. That they are not primarily purificatory is shown by the fact that in many cases they follow rather than precede the approach to the gods; as, for instance, the sexual taboos following the planting of prayer sticks. A man approaching the gods with a request cuts himself off from the world in order that he may concentrate all his thoughts upon wresting his desire from the supernatural. For this purpose all distracting activities are denied him.
Relations with women are forbidden, also trading, quarreling, moving about. The fullest expression of this spirit is the retreat which forms the basis of all important ceremonies. The retreat is practiced by many ceremonial groups, but the more important retreats are those of the priesthoods who "go in" in turn during the summer, and those of the medicine societies at the winter solstice and at initiations. The katcina priests hold retreats before the public ceremonies of the Ca?lako. Retreats are always practiced by groups. The individual retreat is not found at Zuñi. A retreat always is preceded by the making of prayer sticks. In the evening these are made into
k^?aetcin:e (see p. 500) and planted somewhere outside the village. When the emissaries return, the group "goes in" in the house where their sacred possessions are kept. The men have brought their bedding to this house, for they are to sleep there during the period of the retreat. Usually the sacred things are taken out and an altar is set up. During the retreat the room containing the sacred objects is taboo to all outsiders. The men do not leave the room (except in the case of the medicine societies, where men may go out in the day time and eat at their homes). They sleep in the house of their retreat, and their meals are served by a woman of that house, the wives of the men contributing cooked food. There are frequent sessions of song, prayer, and meditation, especially at night. Retreats usually last four or eight days. The Koyemci (see p. 946) "go in" for 14 days, and brief retreats of one night are held by priests at the solstices and at other times. Retreats frequently end with a second prayer stick planting, with the usual restrictions on conduct for the four following days, which make of this period a modified form of retreat. The main priesthoods open their summer retreats with a period of strictest retreat. In addition to the usual restrictions they forego all animal food. On the fourth day they make a second offering of prayer sticks, and, although they remain in seclusion for four days longer, the food restriction is lifted. They do not plant prayer sticks again on coming out. The minor priesthoods disband on the fourth day, although they are still under restrictions. The bow priests, although they plant prayer sticks and are "in," do not remain in their house. The "poor man" who has planted prayer sticks is in much the same position as the bow priest. Although not confined to his house he is somewhat withdrawn from life and is "sacred."
Priests live always under certain restraints, and in this restriction of activity of certain individuals may be seen the germs of a monastic life. However, it is not the sexual prohibitions that are made lifelong for the holy men of Zuñi. Celibacy as a way of life is regarded with extreme disfavor by the community. Mrs. Stevenson states (Zuñi Indians) that p?ekwin although married is expected not to cohabit with his wife, but I could find no evidence that this is the case. He is expected to observe rigidly the long periods of sexual continence, which his elaborate ceremonies require, but continence at other times is not considered necessary or desirable.
There is, moreover, a marked difference in attitude between the Zuñi priest and the Christian or Buddhist monk. Zuñi ideology does not oppose matter and spirit as conflicting or mutually exclusive principles. The priest, therefore, does not renounce the world, the flesh, and the devil because the world and the flesh are evil. Rather he strips his life of trivial, irrelevant, and distracting matters in order
to leave his mind free for his great work--the material and spiritual welfare of his people.[34]
PURIFICATION
In addition to these taboos and restrictions which may be regarded as secondarily purificatory there are also certain positive rites of purification. Among these bathing, especially bathing of the head, holds first place. Bathing of the head is obligatory before participation in any ceremony and usually at the conclusion of the ceremony. For important festivals everyone in the village bathes his head. The head of the newborn infant is bathed before he is presented to the sun. In most pueblos a name is given at this time, but not at Zuñi. Bathing of the head with name-giving forms the culminating rite of initiations; after important participations in masked ceremonies the head and body are bathed by paternal aunts. The purpose of ritual bathing after ceremonies is to make the participants safe for human contact. The ceremony at which the Koyemci are paid for their year's work by their paternal clan is called "washing." At this the head is bathed symbolically with water and corn meal. Curiously enough, the sweat bath is never used ritualistically at Zuñi, although it is used therapeutically and forms an important part of rituals of all surrounding tribes, including the Navaho and the ancient and modern peoples of Mexico. One ceremonial group (lhewe'kwe) bathes in the frozen river during its ceremonies. As in other North American tribes, purges and emetics. are used for ceremonial purification.
Ashes are used for purification after childbirth and at points in the ceremonies of medicine societies. Piñon gum is burned and the smoke inhaled as a rite of purification after a death in the household or as a protection against witches, whenever sorcery is suspected.
There is a special form of purification called "wiping off " (cuwaha) used in connection with war and healing. This consists of expectorating into cedar bark or corn husk (on a prayer stick in some cases of cures), waving the packet four times over the head in counterclockwise circuits and throwing it down, or, in the case of healing, taking it out toward the east to be buried.
During the initiations of boys into the katcina society property is destroyed for purification. Katcinas visit all the housetops in the village, and from each a bowl or basket is thrown down and destroyed. This also is called cuwaha.
Whipping, never used as a means of punishment, is reserved for purposes of purification. During initiations katcinas go about the village whipping everyone they meet unless they carry corn or water, "to take away the bad luck." People call upon the katcinas at other
[34. For a description of the priestly ideal, see texts, p. 666.]
times to whip them to cure them of "bad dreams" (see p. 481). The whipping of the initiates is probably also purificatory.
CEREMONIAL PATTERN
A full ceremony at Zuñi utilizes all of the foregoing techniques. The usual ceremonial pattern is a retreat followed by a dance. Frequently the dance is public, the retreat, of course, always being secret. Sometimes, also, the dance is not performed by the same group that hold the core of the rite, but by some cooperating group or by an organized group of laymen (e. g., the dances by girls and youths during the scalp dance). The relative importance attached to the esoteric and the spectacular approaches varies among the different cults. The ceremonies of the katcina society are weighted on the side of the spectacular. In the summer katcina dances only the leaders offer prayer sticks and observe continence, and even for them there is no formal retreat. The priesthoods, on the other hand, concentrate on secret rites and dispense entirely with public dancing, unless some katcina group chooses to honor one of the priesthoods by dancing on its "middle day."
A retreat usually opens and closes with offerings of prayer sticks. Sometimes there is a public announcement of the opening of the ceremony such as the announcements by p?ekwin of the solstices, of the opening of the scalp dance, and the beginning of the Ca?lako festival. There is some kind of set-up of sacred objects--a formal altar, fetishes, masks, medicine water, etc.--and much of the ritual of the retreat is concerned with the manipulation of these objects. Those participating in the retreat practice various forms of abstinence. Sexual continence is always required. Sometimes there are taboos on certain foods or, rarely, on all food. There is a variable amount of seclusion. At intervals throughout the retreat there are recitals of prayers and songs. The rest of the time is spent preparing paraphernalia for the final dance, if there is to be one, rehearsing, and telling tales, especially the origin myths in the ritualistic forms appropriate to the particular ceremony. A great deal of instruction in ritualistic affairs is given during these retreats.
The form which the concluding ceremonies takes is subject to unlimited variation. Each ceremony has its characteristic features, of which the most conspicuous is always group dancing. Dancing always continues with brief intervals for many hours; the emotional effect is cumulative, although there is no definite climax. The dancing itself is always reduced to its barest essentials-the rhythmic repetitions of a single body movement. Although impersonation is common there is no dramatic representation. Whenever myth is suggested it is in a highly stylized and symbolic form. Great importance is attached to correctness and uniformity in costume and
regalia, which are definitive for each dance. Dancing may be continuous, like the initiation dancing of the societies, or may be broken by intervals filled with clowning, jugglery, or other rituals, like the summer katcinas, or two or more groups may dance in turn.
Dancing is always semipublic. Sometimes, for example, the last right of the winter ceremony of the medicine societies, specially privileged outsiders (that is, outside the active group) may attend. Other dances are performed in lay houses or outdoors and are free to all who wish to come, including whites.
Despite the enormous complexity of Zuñi ceremonialism the elements of which it is built and the underlying patterns are comparatively simple. The ideology is difficult of comprehension because it is monistic, abstract, and impersonal where we tend to be dualistic, concrete, and personal, but the philosophical ideas in themselves are neither abstruse nor involved. So also the complexity of ritual is more apparent than real. All ceremonies have five principal aspects--the manipulation and veneration of sacrosanct objects; offerings; purification, abstinence, and seclusion; recitation of sacred formulæ; public celebration. Each of the five approaches is itself subject to little variation. The texts recorded in the following pages illustrate how little complexity has been introduced into prayer. Prayers may be long or short, condensed or expanded, but the content, outline, and phraseology are always the same. So, too, with other techniques. The complexity of Zuñi ritual is a complexity of organization rather than content. The baffling intricacy of ceremonies like the winter dance of the Wood Society and associated groups, and the initiation of boys into the Katcina society are due chiefly to two processes in organization: The diversification of function and the piling up and telescoping of distinct ceremonies. It is characteristic of Zuñi rituals that their different parts are not necessarily performed by the same individuals or the same groups. The group that makes offerings and goes into retreat may have no control of the sacred object in whose honor the retreat is being held. Everything connected with the handling of fetishistic objects may belong to a second group, while a third group holds the sacred words of the chants, and yet a fourth group manages the public ceremonies. Each of these groups has its own organization, mode of succession, and minor rituals, so that the complete picture of any major ceremony, such as the Ca?lako, with all its ramifications, gives an impression of bewildering and baffling complexity.
It is more difficult to uncover the ceremonial pattern in ceremonies which are the products of coalescence. The winter solstice ceremonies, thought of at Zuñi as a unit, are clearly a synchronization of independent cults. In other cases the essential separateness of parts of a ceremony is somewhat obscured. The dance of the Wood Society
and other groups is undoubtedly an amalgamation of at least two factors: A snow-making ceremony comprising a retreat of the keepers of the "winter fetishes," with a dance in their honor, the muaiye, combined with a war ceremony of the bow priesthood in conjunction with the warlike societies. We are here not necessarily dealing with a historical process. The ceremony is certainly now conceived as a unit and may always have been as it is at present, although in view of the complex history of Zuñi as shown archaeologically there is no reason to doubt that any ceremony may have been derived from several diverse sources. But however diverse the sources, the resulting product has been well pruned to fit the Zuñi pattern.
The public rituals constitute the most important esthetic expression of the people. Not only are they "artistic" in the superficial sense, in that they embrace the types of behavior which we arbitrarily lump together as "the arts"--ornament, poetry, music, the dance--but they provide the satisfaction of the deeper esthetic drive. Zuñi children do not mind being whipped by the Sälimop?iya "because they are such pretty dancers." I have heard women say of the mourning ceremonies of the Ca?lako, "We all cry. It is so beautiful that our hearts hurt." I have watched the faces of old men as I read to them the texts of their prayers. Zuñi rituals have a style of their own that belongs to ritual as an art. They are ordered and formal; they are well designed; they begin in quietness and end in serenity. Their quality is gracious and benign. They have moments of splendor, but they are not gorgeous or "barbaric" or frenzied. All of Zuñi life is oriented about religious observance, and ritual has become the formal expression of Zuñi civilization. If Zuñi civilization can be said to have a style, that style is essentially the style of its rituals.
CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION
The basis upon which all Zuñi ceremonialism rests is the cult of a:'lhacina:we, the ancients or the ancestors. In their worship all participate, regardless of age, sex, or affiliation with special cults. Nor are the a:'lhacina:we ever omitted from the ceremonies devoted primarily to the worship of other beings. The special and characteristic offering to the a:'lhacina:we is food. At the great public ceremony devoted to them exclusively, Grandmothers' Day[35] (Catholic All Souls Day), the outstanding feature is the sacrifice of great quantities of food in the fire and the river. They receive other offerings, too-prayer meal, smoke, and, of course, prayer sticks. The prayer stick for a:'lhacina:we is a small stick painted black, the principal feather being from the back of the turkey. Offerings of food to a:'lhacina:we form a
[35. See p. 621.]
conspicuous part of all public ceremonies, and no prayer omits to mention them. So pervasive is this cult of the ancestors that other classes of beings (the katcinas, for instance) tend to merge their identity in them.
The a:'lhacina:we are, in Zuñi terminology, a:'wona:wi'lona, "the keepers of the roads"; that is, beings who guide, protect, nourish human life. They are, therefore, as a group, beneficent beings. They are identified with the greatest of all blessings in this and land, the clouds and the rain. In prayers they are referred to as "those who have attained the blessed place of waters," and when they return they come clothed in the rain. When, on summer afternoons, the great cumulus clouds pile up along the southern horizon, a Zuñi mother will point them out to her children, saying, "Look, there the grandfathers are coming!" However, this identification with the rain is not restricted to the a:'lhacina:we, but appears also in beliefs concerning other supernaturals, especially the U'wanam:i, the so-called rain makers, and the koko or masked gods or katcinas. Even the A'hayuta and the We:'ma:we walk in the rain. Rain is an attribute of divinity, and all the divine ones come clothed in waters. The dead are, in general, the bestowers of all blessings for which the Zuñis ask--life, old age, rain, seeds, wealth, power, fecundity, health, and general happiness.[36] Despite their prevailingly beneficent character, toward individual dead persons, and especially toward the recently dead, the attitude is strongly ambivalent, mingled of tender reverence and fear. This fear is not due to the evil nature of the dead, but to the fact that so long as they remember human life they will long for their dear ones left behind in this world. Therefore they come to trouble them in dreams and day dreams, until the living man sickens of grief and dies. Therefore the recent dead must be cut off. Their road is darkened with black corn meal, and they are implored, with offerings of corn meal and prayer sticks, not to trouble the living.
There is nothing esoteric in the worship of the ancestors. In this all individuals are on an equal footing and have direct access to the supernaturals without the mediation of priests. There are no fetishes or other permanently held paraphernalia used in their worship, nor are there special places sacred to them, unless perhaps the river bank, especially the point called Wide River, where offerings of food are customarily made. No man stands in any special relationship toward them. It is quite clear that there is no ancestor worship in the restricted meaning of the word. A man prays to the ancestors, not to his own ancestors. Certain groups of men have special relations to certain groups among the dead-priests invoke deceased priests, medicine men deceased medicine men, impersonators of the katcinas their predecessors in office, but never their progenitors as
[36. See texts, p. 611.]
such. Such special relationships belong in the realm of special cult activities which will be considered.
Against this background general nonesoteric religious activities have developed a large number of esoteric cults, each devoted to the worship of special supernaturals or groups of supernaturals, and each having a priesthood, a body of secret ritual, permanent possessions of fetishistic power, special places of worship, and a calendrical cycle of ceremonies. I distinguish six major cults of this type, which might be named from the supernaturals toward whom their principal ceremonies are directed: 1, the cult of the Sun; 2, the cult of the Uwanami; 3, the cult of the katcinas; 4, the cult of the priests of the katcinas (a distinct but closely related Cult [37]); 5, the cult of the Gods of War; 6, the cult of the Beast Gods. The functions, activities, and personnel of these groups overlap and interweave in a bewildering intricacy that baffles analysis. The p?ekwin who is speaker of the sun is also priest; he has certain specifically priestly functions. Some activities belong to one, some to another, of his affiliations. This is true also of the bow priests, leaders of the war cult, who as guardians of secret rites are associated with fraternities; the fraternities or medicine societies, which are devoted primarily to the worship of the Beast Gods, gods of life, medicine, and witchcraft, have one ceremony devoted entirely to the invocation of the Uwanami. Some are of distinctly warlike character; others possess masks and take part in masked rituals. However, in spite of this interlocking, there is no difficulty in assigning any major ritualistic group in Zuñi to one or the other of these cults on the basis of supernatural sanction, method, and tangible possessions.
THE CULT OF THE SUN
The sun is the source of all life. Indeed the word for life is t?ek?ohanan:e, daylight (t?e, time or space; k?ohana, white; n:e, nominal suffix). The sun is therefore "our father,"[18] in a very special sense, but not in the sense of progenitor. He is associated in worship with the moon, who is "our mother." However, life is not thought of as springing from the union of these two. The moon is "mother" by courtesy only. The animating female principle of the universe is the earth mother, but there is no cult of the earth.[39]
Each morning as the sun sends his first level beams striking across the houses his people come out to meet him with prayers and offerings. Men and women stand before their doors, facing the east,
[37. See p. 521.
38. "Father" in Zuñi is a term of respect applied to all supernaturals and to all human beings who have any claim to one's respect or affection.
39. The phallic element is not absent from the worship of the sun and moon. At the solstices adult males plant blue sticks to the sun, females yellow ones to the moon. The sticks planted in the Ca?lako homes, which are specifically for fecundity, are double; one stick is painted blue, the other yellow, and they are male and female, respectively. Like the sun prayer sticks, they are made with downy feathers of the eagle.]
their hands full of corn meal which is offered to the sun, with prayers for long life. Every priest or appointee to ceremonial office and every man during the time he is engaged in any ceremony must observe this morning ritual. But many others, "poor people," never omit it, even on the most bitterly cold winter mornings.
But the great ceremonies at which the sun father is honored are in the keeping of his special priest, whose title, p?ekwin, means, literally, speaking place. The p?ekwin is the most revered and the most holy man in Zuñi. Even in this society which diffuses power and responsibility until both become so tenuous as to be almost indiscernible, the p?ekwin is ultimately held responsible for the welfare of the community. He holds his power directly from the Sun Father, with whom he has a very special and intimate relationship. The p?ekwin performs many duties in no way connected with his office as priest of the sun. He is the active member of the priestly hierarchy and the officiating priest at all ceremonies at which the priests function jointly. It is he who sets up the altars for these ceremonies and even the altar for the scalp dance; it is he who meets the priests of the katcinas when they visit Zuñi and "makes their road"; it is he who installs new priests, including bow priests, and formally appoints to office the impersonators of the katcinas.
As priest of the sun he is the keeper of the calendar. He sets the dates for the solstices, from which all other ceremonies are dated. His calculations are based on observation of the sunrise in winter and the sunset in summer. These observations are made at shrines outside of the village. When the sun rises (or sets) behind certain landmarks, the date for the solstice is at hand. However, the calendar is disarranged by the desire to have the celebration of the solstice coincide with the full moon, and the p?ekwin is the subject of bitter criticism when the sun fails to oblige in this matter. It is at the solstices that the sun is celebrated with great public ceremonies. For some period before the p?ekwin observes fasts and continence and makes frequent offerings of prayer sticks to the sun and moon and the ancients. In winter the public ceremonies are opened by the p?ekwin's announcement made from the housetop at dawn. At this time he orders the people to make prayer sticks for their sun father and their moon mother.[40] For 10 days the p?ekwin "counts days" for his sun father. Then on the tenth day all people offer their prayer sticks to the sun or moon, along with others for the ancients, and special society offerings. The solstice ceremonies continue for 10 days longer, but the part of the sun in them is finished on the tenth day.
In summer the announcement by the p?ekwin takes place eight days before the planting, and the whole celebration is less elaborate.
[40. See texts, p. 636.]
As in the winter, there are other ceremonies at this time but in different forms."
The p?ekwin has, furthermore, a great public ceremony, the lha:hewe or Corn Dance, which should be performed every fourth year in midsummer. It has not been performed for many years. This ceremony commemorates the departure of the corn maids and celebrates their return. It follows the usual ceremonial pattern of periods of retreat spent in preparation for the public ceremony of the last day. On this occasion the e'tone of the priests are exposed in public and there is dancing alternately by two groups of girls.
The writer has not seen this ceremony. It has not been held for many years, and very little is known about it save that "it belongs to p?ekwin." Since it is so peculiarly his dance we may assume that it is connected in some way with the worship of the sun, but what this connection is, toward what blessing it is directed, and what techniques it employs are by no means clear from the only description we have, and further information is lacking.
THE CULT OF THE U'WANAM:I
The U'wanami, a term generally translated rain makers,[42] are water spirits. They live in all the waters of the earth, the four encircling oceans and the underground waters to which springs are gateways. Cumulus clouds are their houses; mist is their breath. The frogs that sing from every puddle after the drenching summer rains are their children. The ripple marks along the edge of ditches washed out by heavy rains are their footprints.
The worship of the U'wanami is enormously elaborated and is in the hands of the priesthoods, of which there are 12.[43] Each priesthood contains from two to six members. Several have women associates. Membership, in the main, is hereditary within matrilineal family groups the family in whose house the fetish of the group is guarded. Each group operates with a fetish. These fetishes, the e'to:we, are the most sacrosanct objects of Zuñi worship. They were brought from the innermost depths of the earth at the time of the emergence and are kept in sealed jars, from which they are removed only for the few secret rites in which they are employed. In these e'to:we rest the power of the priests. (For description of e'to:we see Stevenson, p. 163 ff.) Besides the e'to:we various other objects are
[41. See p. 537.
42. The term rain maker is a very misleading one. In Zuñi thought all supernaturals are rain makers. The Uwanami are definitely associated with the six regions and are probably the Zuñi equivalent of the Keresan shiwana, or storm clouds. The bow priests of the Uwanami, K^älhawani, Tsik^ahaiya, Kopctaiya are associated with thunderstorms and sudden tempests. (See texts, p. 664.)
43. I have omitted the p?ekwin and the bow priests who occupy the fifth and sixth places in the order of retreats, because they are not, strictly speaking, priests, but function merely ex officio. They do not possess e'to:we. (See pp. 591, 592, 660.)]
included in the sacred paraphernalia of the priests--pots of sacred black paint, round stones, "thunder stones," obsidian knives, and other objects, all of which were brought from the lower world. The e'to:we themselves are each in two parts, k^?ä'etow:e, water fetish, and tcu'e'to:we, corn fetish. The rain-making function is decidedly the more important.
In addition to the objects on the altar of their retreat, the chief priesthood is said to maintain a permanent altar in the fourth underground room of their house. In addition to the usual objects on priestly altars, this altar contains two columns of rock, one of crystal and one of turquoise, a heart-shaped rock which is "the heart of the world," with arteries reaching to the four cardinal points, and various prayer sticks, including two, male and female, which are "the life of the people." All objects on the altar, including the e'to:we, are, said to be petrified. This altar is the center of the world, the spot beneath the heart of k^?änastep?a when he stretched out his arms. Only the high priest himself has access to this chamber.[44]
The priests, as such, hold no public ceremonies, although their presence is necessary at many ceremonies of other groups. Their own ceremonies for the Uwanami are held in secret in the houses where their fetishes are kept.
At the winter solstice the priesthoods observe a one-night retreat. Following the planting of the prayer sticks to the sun is a taboo period of 10 days, during which many rites are celebrated. On the fifth or sixth night (depending on the phase of the moon) each priesthood goes into retreat in its ceremonial house. During the day the priests make prayer sticks for the U'wanami of the different directions. Before sunset these are deposited at a distant spring. When the messengers return from the spring the various sacred objects are removed from their jars and placed on a meal painting, along with cars of corn, clay models of peach trees, animals, even money, upon which the blessing of increase is invoked. All night prayers are chanted and songs sung. The ceremony ends at sunrise. This ceremony is repeated by all the priests in their respective houses at the two full moons following.
The great ceremonies of the priests occur after the summer solstice. At this time rain is urgently needed for the young corn plants just rising out of the ground. The rainy season starts about July 1. Should the rains be delayed beyond that date great hardship is suffered.
Four days following the summer planting of prayer sticks the priesthoods begin their great series of summer retreats which last from
[44. Information concerning this altar was secured from a fairly reliable informant who gained access to it and made a very remarkable painting of it. The author does not consider the information quite beyond question, but gives it for what it may be worth.]
the end of June well into September; that is, throughout the whole rainy season. The four chief priesthoods, associated with the north, east,[45] south, and west, go in for eight days each. They are followed late in July by the p?ekwin and the Bow Priest, who go in for four days each, and later by the minor priesthoods ("darkness priests"), who also go in for four days each. As in the winter, the day preceding the retreat is spent in making prayer sticks, which are deposited in the afternoon at the same sacred spring. The altar is set up that night. Since the sole preoccupation is with rain magic, no corn or peach trees are used on the summer altar. For four days following the planting to the U'wanami, the supplicants refrain from eating meat or grease, in addition observing the usual requirements of continence and kindliness. Throughout this period they remain night and day in their ceremonial room. No outsider enters but the woman of the house who serves their meals. There are frequent sessions of prayer and song, especially during the hours between midnight and dawn. The U'wanami are invoked, and the deceased priests of the order are called upon by name. All are believed to be present. On the fourth day, at dawn, prayer sticks are offered to the ancients, and after that the minor priests are free, except for the restriction on sexual activity for four days following any offering of prayer sticks. The four principal priesthoods remain in seclusion for four days longer. At dawn on the eighth day they come out, and that same evening the set next in order goes in. (For order of retreats, see Stevenson, p. 180.)
The purpose of these retreats is to secure rain--immediate rain for the thirsting young plants. Should the days of any group fail to be blessed with rain it receives the censure of the community, and one of its members will surely be suspected of laxness in the observance of his duties.
The rain priests are, like the p?ekwin, holy men. They are expected to keep themselves aloof from worldly affairs. In former times they did no manual labor, but lived on contributions from the people, but this is no longer the case. The priest should be gentle, humble, and kind. Above all, he is supposed to eschew quarrels.
Associated in worship with the Uwanami is Kolowisi, the horned water serpent who inhabits springs and underground waters. With the characteristic Zuñi elasticity he is variously conceived as individual and multiple. One folk tale collected by the writer describes Kolowisi's village with all the serpents engaged in masked dances as at Kolhuwala:wa.
Kolowisi is the guardian of sacred springs and punishes trespassers, especially women. In an unpublished song recorded by Cushing,
[45. The usual cycle of north, west, south, east is reversed in this instance.]
Kolowisi is associated with flood, although the familiar Hopi myth of Palulukong has not been recorded for Zuñi. He also figures in myths of magical impregnation. This is in harmony with his rôle in ritual where he appears at the initiation of small boys, a ceremony designed to impress the youngsters with the power of the katcinas. At this ceremony he vomits forth water and seeds which are given to the children to take home. The water is sprinkled on their corn, and the seed is used for planting.
The effigy of Kolowisi which is used at this ceremony[46] is kept by the Kolowisi priesthood, a group belonging to the Corn clan which stands ninth in the order of retreats according to Mrs. Stevenson (Zuñi Indians, pp. 167, 179). Although this group is invariably called the Kolowisi priesthood, the association with Kolowisi may well be secondary like the association of the priests of the west with the Koyemci masks, or of the twelfth priesthood with the K^ana:kwe.
The public ceremony of Kolowisi takes place in connection with the initiation of little boys.
The effigy of Kolowisi enters the village accompanied by the initiating katcinas at sunset on the eighth day of the ceremony.[47] He spends the night in Hek^apa:wa kiva where he is suckled by Ahe?a, the grandmother of the katcinas. The following morning the head of the serpent is thrust through the kiva wall, while the katcinas dance for him. In the afternoon he vomits water and corn, fertilizing talismans for the novices.
THE CULT OF THE KATCINAS [48]
During their search for the middle the Zuñis had to ford a stream.[49] The first group of women to cross, seeing their children transformed in midstream into frogs and water snakes, became frightened and dropped them, and they escaped into the water. The bereaved mothers mourned for their lost children, so the twin heroes were sent to see what bad become of them. They found them in a house beneath the surface of Whispering Waters (hatin k^?ai'akwi). They had been transformed into the katcinas, beautiful with valuable beads and feathers and rich clothing. Here they spent their days singing and dancing in untroubled joyousness. The twin heroes reported what they had seen, and further decreed that thereafter the dead should come to this place to join the lost children.
The identification of the dead with the katcinas is not complete. When men offer prayer sticks, they offer to the ancients and to the
[46. Pictured in Stevenson, pls. xiii and xiv.
47. For abridged description of this ceremony, see p. 975. Fuller but incomplete account in Stevenson, pp. 65-102, the portion describing the part of the Kolowisi being found on pp. 94-96, 100, and 101.
48. Katcina is a Hopi word, which has become standardized in the literature of the pueblos. The Zuñi term is koko.
49. Origin myth, text, p. 595.]
katcinas, and their sticks are different--those of the katcinas contain, in addition to the turkey feather, that of the duck, for the katcinas travel between their village and the village of their fathers in the form of ducks. There is great confusion in regard to the destination of the dead. Those who in life are intimately associated with the Beast Gods at death join them at, their home in Ci'papolima, in the east. There is some indication that the priests join the U'wanami. Only those who are intimately associated with the cult of the katcinas, that is, members of the kotikan:e (katcina society), and especially officers in this society and possessors of masks, can be sure of admission to the village of the katcinas. There seems to be no clear idea of what becomes of people without ceremonial affiliations--women and children, for instance.
The lost children pitied the loneliness of their people and came often to dance for them in their plazas and in houses prepared for their use. But after each visit they took someone with them (i. e., someone died). Therefore they decided no longer to come in person. So they instructed their people to copy their costume and headdresses and imitate their dances. Then they would be with them in spirit. (See text, p. 605.)
These dances, in which the katcinas are impersonated, are the most spectacular, perhaps the most beautiful, of all Zuñi ceremonies. Instituted according to tradition solely as a means of enjoyment, they have become the most potent of rain-making rites, for since the divine ones no longer come in the flesh, they come in their other bodies, that is, as rain. The mask is the corporeal substance of the god and in donning it the wearer, through a miracle akin to that of the Mass in Roman Catholic ritual, becomes the god.
Therefore the masks with which this cult operates are second in sacredness to the fetishes of the rain priests themselves, They are the property of individuals; they are buried with his other possessions four days after death. The possession of a mask is a blessing to the house; it guarantees the owner admission to the dance house of the gods, and is the means by which the spirit can return after death to delight his beloved ones on earth and assuage his own loneliness. Therefore, as soon as a man can afford the very considerable expense involved, be will have a mask made for himself. These masks are carefully guarded in the back rooms of houses, protected from the eyes of children. Like the fetishes of the rain priests, they receive daily offerings of food from some female member of the household. When they are to be used they are repainted by someone whose special office that is, and redecorated to represent the special god to be impersonated.
The organization which performs the rites of the katcinas is the ko'tik^än:e or katcina society, whose membership comprises every
adult male. In exceptional cases females may be initiated.[50] The initiation includes two separate ceremonies frequently separated by several years. Until the rites are completed, at about the age of 10 or 12, boys are expected to be kept ignorant of the mysteries of the cult, and to believe the dancers are indeed supernatural visitors from the village of the gods. At the first ceremony they are severely whipped by the katcina priests[51] to inspire them with awe for these creatures. There is another and more severe thrashing at the second ceremony. Whipping is the prerogative of the katcinas. It is employed by no other ceremonial group at Zuñi and as a mechanism of juvenile punishment is unknown. The American method of establishing discipline by switching is met at Zuñi with horrified contempt. The katcinas whip to instill awe for the supernatural, but also to remove sickness and contamination. The whipping of katcinas is a blessing. It is administered with the formula, "May you be blessed with seeds" (t?o? t?owaconan aniktciat!u). Therefore outsiders are never whipped.
The katcina society has a set of officers, the katcina chief (ko'mosona), his p?ekwin (ko'p?ekwin), and two bow priests, who act as hosts when the gods come to dance. They receive them, lead them into the plazas for their performances, sprinkling corn meal before them. They are the arbiters in all matters pertaining to masked rituals. The society is organized into six divisions (upa:we), associated loosely with the six directions. Each group has a house of special construction set aside for the use of the katcinas-the so-called kivas.[52] In early days these were men's clubhouses, but their use is now being abandoned, even in ceremonies, in favor of more modern and spacious dwelling houses. Membership in one or another of these six groups is determined by the choice of a ceremonial father at a boy's birth or, at the latest, at the time of the preliminary initiation. His association is lifelong, unless he is expelled for sexual transgression or severs his connection because of disagreement with the leaders. In either case he will be received gladly into another group. Each group has a number of officers--from two to six or more--who run its affairs. They decide upon the dates for dances and the particular dance to be performed; they compose new songs, decorate the masks, assemble the costumes, and rehearse with the participants. Upon them also falls the more vital task of performing the secret rituals that will insure success. They prepare and plant prayer sticks and observe
[50. "To save their life" if they suffer from hallucinations, the mental sickness caused by supernatural brings.
51. See p. 521.
52. Kiva is a word which has been adopted into southwest literature to denote the subterranean or semi-subterranean chambers found in all modern and prehistoric pueblos, The word is of Hopi provenience. The Zuñi term kiwitsin:e is probably derived from it.]
all the ritual requirements attendant thereon. They consecrate new masks and bless all the dancers before they leave for the plaza.
The dances themselves are large group dances, performed by one or of dancers in formation, frequently with solo performers. The costumes, including masks, are brilliant, picturesque, often of workmanship; the songs are varied and striking. The performances proceed with the spirit and precision of a well-trained orchestra. The dance groups in summer frequently number over 60 As many as 90 have been observed.
Each kiva group is required to dance at least three times during the year--once in the winter, once in the summer, and once in the fall, during the five days following the departure of the Ca?lako gods.[58] In addition to this they may dance at any other time they choose, except the 4 days following the close of the Ca?lako festival and the 10 days of the winter solstice. The dances of the winter series are performed indoors at night but may be repeated outdoors on the following day. The summer dances are performed outdoors and in the daytime.[54]
Eight days after the close of the winter solstice the kiva which is to inaugurate the winter series sends in two katcinas to announce the dance on the fourth night following.[55] On the appointed night society altars are set up in the six houses which fill the rôle of kivas, and society choirs are summoned to provide music for the dancers. The various groups of dancers make the rounds of these six houses. The kiva presenting the dance will perform one of about six traditional dances. This group brings seeds to be distributed among the populace. On the same night any other kiva that wishes to participate will prepare dances which may be in the traditional style or some new variant, fanciful, grotesque, or amusing. The hilarity of the occasion is increased by the presence of isolated groups of dancers, especially the "little dancers," the mischievous children of katcina village, and dance of masked or unmasked clowns. At the indoor dances not all participants need be masked, and where no mask is used the same magical power resides in the face and body paint. If the dance is repeated outdoors where it can be viewed by the uninitiated masks are obligatory.
In contrast to the light-hearted gaiety of the winter dances, those of summer are marked by great solemnity and intense religious devotion. At this time rain is urgently needed, and the whole religious mechanism strains to the task of compelling it.
Eight days after the summer solstice and on the "middle (i. e., fourth day" of the retreat of the first priesthood, the gods, accompanied
[53. See pp. 702, 941.
54. Except the first dance of the summer series, when all-night ceremonies are held in the kiva on the night preceding the outside dancing.
55. At least, so it used to be. At present the dance is held "when they get ready."]
by the Koyemci[56] and officers of the katcina society, appear at sunset, marching across the plain. They come from the village of the katcinas.[57] From now on until they are sent home in November, the katcinas are believed to be present in the village, lurking in the kivas. After dancing in all the plazas the dancers retire to the home of the Katcina Chief where an altar has been set up. After all-night ceremonies they dance throughout the day in the four plazas while society choirs continue to sing in the house of their retreat and the house of the Koyemci. This first dance is a most solemn occasion. Until rain falls the participants may touch neither food nor drink, nor engage in any unnecessary conversation. They must, of course, observe sexual continence. At later dances continence is required only of the leaders who have offered prayer sticks and of the Koyemci.
After this first dance other kivas follow as they can get ready. It is considered desirable to perform these dances as rapidly as possible while rain is needed. But with characteristic Zuñi procrastination they are put off and finally performed in rapid succession in September, and the resulting deluges play havoc with the crops already ripe for the harvest.
The gods remain in the village until they are sent home in the fall. In November, after the regular series of dances is over, and it is evident that no more extra dances are to be interpolated, the gods are sent home. The Koyemci are generally the first to go. One night they will be heard singing in the yard before their house. After making the rounds of the plazas they go out toward the west, and whoever dares stick his head outdoors while they are about will surely be drawn along with them (i. e., he will die). After the Koyemci have gone the others follow within a few days.
They all return again to Zuñi with the Katcina Priests when they come for the Ca?lako ceremonies. After the Katcina Priests depart for their home the others remain to dance for five nights in the houses they have dedicated and in the plazas of the town. Certain dances are regularly performed during this time and others may be introduced. On the fifth day they depart for the east to visit the supernaturals who dwell in that quarter. On that day every man who owns a mask takes it out to the east of the village. Here he offers prayer sticks and food in one of the six holes dug by the kiva heads. Setting down the mask and making a road of meal toward the east, he sends him out. For four days the masked gods are visiting in the east, and consequently no masked dances may be performed. They return after four days, and from that time on until the beginning of
[56. See p. 946.
57. Every fourth year there is a pilgrimage by the priests, officers of the Katcina Society, and the chosen impersonators of the priests of the masked gods to the home of the gods, a lake 86 miles west of Zuñi. On other years the offerings are made at Rainbow Spring, 17 miles to the southwest.]
the winter solstice any of the dances performed after Ca?lako may be repeated by request, or new ones may be presented.
THE CULT OF THE KATCINA PRIESTS[58]
Intimately associated with the foregoing activities are those rites and ceremonies which form the cult of the katcina priests. This cult also employs, as its principal technique for controlling the supernatural, impersonation by means of masks. But the beings impersonated are of a different order. The masks are differently treated and the character of the rites in which they function, arid the personnel and calendrical cycle are quite independent. Like all supernaturals, they are bringers of rain, but the special blessing which lies within their power to bestow is fecundity. The katcina priests also live at Ko'lhuwala:wa (katcina village) and form, indeed, the priestly hierarchy that rules that village. But they are definite individuals, with personal names and distinct personalities. There are, for instance, the Koyemci--they are the fruit of an incestuous union between brother and sister, and display the stain of their birth in their grotesque appearance and uncouth behavior. They are the sacred clowns, privileged to mock at anything, and to indulge in any obscenity.[59] On them fall the most exacting sexual restrictions. They are the most feared and the most beloved of all Zuñi impersonations. They are possessed of black magic; in their drum the have the wings of black butterflies that can make girls "crazy."[60] In the knobs of their masks is soil from the footprints of townspeople.[61] One who begrudges them anything will meet swift and terrible retribution. But everyone goes in hushed reverence and near to tears to watch them on their last night when they are under strict taboo. At this time, from sundown until midnight the following day, they touch neither food nor drink. They neither sleep nor speak, and in all that time they do not remove their masks. This truly heroic self-denial earns them the sympathetic affection of the people, an affection manifested in the generous gifts that are given them on this their last day in office.[62]
P?autiwa, chief of the masked gods at Ko'lhuwala:wa, is a truly magnificent person. His prestige is enormous. He possesses in unlimited measure the three most admired qualities-beauty, dignity, and
[58. The term is awkward, but it is a literal translation of the Zuñi term.
59. They are, however, surpassed in obscenity by the Ne?we:kwe. The presence of white people at Zuñi is resulting in the gradual suppression of these practices. The word obscene is used advisedly since their practices are universally so regarded at Zuñi. Here the proprieties are meticulously observed. It is a society of strong repressions. Undoubtedly the great delight in the antics of the clowns springs from the sense of release in vicarious participations in the forbidden.
60. I. e., sexually.
61. A widely used love charm.
62. The very deep affection that is felt for the Koyemci is by no means extended to the impersonator when he is released from office.]
kindliness. In folklore he appears as the successful lover of mortal maids. Literature is full of the exploits of his illegitimate offspring, to whom he is unfailingly generous. His two brief appearances at Zuñi mark him as a prince of gods and men. The moment he appears in the plaza at the close of the solstice ceremonies, the hilarity which has prevailed subsides in an instant and is replaced by hushed reverence. The two gods who have been making merry on the housetop to the great delight of the populace suddenly pale to insignificance before the newly risen splendor of P?autiwa's beauty and stateliness.
His p?ekwin, K^äklo, is very different. He is a bustling, officious, self-important individual, somewhat ridiculous in spite of his great power. In the midst of his most sacred ceremony he engages in none too gentle horseplay with the Koyemci. His speech is an incoherent jumble.
Sayataca is more austere. Like P?autiwa, he has tremendous dignity and prestige, but he lacks P?autiwa's charm. When he speaks--and he speaks often and at incredible length--his voice booms with authority and importance.
One might continue to enumerate the personality traits of the individual katcinas. The Sayalhia, avengers and exorcisers, hideous and terrible; the Ca?lako, giant gargoyles, terrifying but not unlovely; the Sä'limop?ia, youthful and beautiful, and impetuous with the ardor of youth; and many others.
Each of these appears at Zuñi to perform a special ceremony which he alone has the right to perform. For each of these katcinas there is a permanent mask used only in his rites. This is tribal property. It is the mask given by the Divine One himself, and has been passed down through the generations like the fetishes of the rain priests. Like them, these ancient masks are kept permanently in jars in definite houses, from which they are removed only for use and with elaborate ceremony. Furthermore, connected with each is a cult group which preserves its secret ritual, including the words of prayers and chants.
The mask of P?autiwa is kept in a house of the Dogwood clan. The cult group in charge of his ritual comprises all who have ever impersonated the god at his appearance in the winter solstice. These men meet each year to select the impersonator. He learns the prayers and rituals from some older man of the groups and is thereafter permanently associated with this group.[63]
The masks of the Cula:witsi, Sayataca, Hututu, and the two Yamuhakto are kept in another house of the Dogwood clan. The custodians of their cult are a self-perpetuating group of four men of various clan affiliations. The impersonators of the gods are chosen by the priests and go to the cult heads to learn what they must do.
[63. Certain members of the Sun clan form a subsidiary cult group, whose function is to dress P?autiwa.]
This knowledge--that is, the power which it confers--is "given back" at the end of the year.
The Koyemci masks are kept in the house of the West priesthood. Their cult is in the keeping of four groups of men who themselves impersonate the gods. Each group holds office for a year and returns again after four years. The head of the group, who impersonates the father, is appointed by the priests and he chooses his associates, filling any vacancies which may have occurred since the last incumbency.
The six Ca?lako masks, associated with the six kivas, are kept in six different houses and each has a permanent group of wo:we,[64] who instruct the impersonators in the duties of their offices. The impersonators are chosen by the officers of the kivas and hold office for a year.
The mask of K^ä'klo is kept in the house of the p?ekwin of the Katcina Society. His rites are known to a group of four men, who take turns in impersonating the god. The head of this group receives from the priests a crook summoning him to appear.
The 12 Sälimop?ia masks, two of each color, are kept in six different houses, along with other masks associated with them in the principal ceremony in which they appear, the preliminary whipping of little boys. Each kiva has a Sälimop?ia wo?le who is trustee of their ritual.
At the new year ceremony which terminates the celebration of the solstice P?autiwa comes to give his orders for the coming year. He leaves with the priests or on the roofs of the kivas the feathered sticks with which are appointed those who impersonate the gods at the great fertility ceremony of November, the so-called Ca?lako. He leaves one stick for the father of the Koyemci, one for each of Sa'yataca group, one for each of the six Ca?lako. There is also a stick for Bitsitsi, who is not a katcina, but who plays an important rôle in the ceremony of the Corn Maids which follows the Ca?lako. In this P?autiwa himself appears.
The impersonators are chosen immediately--the impersonators of the Koyemci and the Sayataca group by the priests, two impersonators for each of the six Ca?lako by the officers of their respective kivas. Each month at the full moon they plant prayer sticks at distant shrines, visiting them in a body in fixed order. After October the plantings take place every 10 days, and as the time for the ceremony approaches, each group goes into retreat like priests, in its ceremonial house. The great public ceremony is held in the houses of prominent citizens who volunteer to provide this costly service. There should be eight houses, but in recent years the expense involved has become so great that not enough men volunteer. In that case the groups double up at the last moment. The house is newly built or completely renovated for the occasion, and the visit of the gods is the
[64. Literally servant or domesticated animal, a word that defies translation.]
dedication and blessing of the new dwelling. They deposit prayer sticks under the threshold and in the roof-symbols of fertility. The sticks are double, painted blue and yellow, and they are male and female respectively. They plant seeds in the center of the floor and on the altar leave a basket of seed corn to be used by the host in his spring sowing. The burden of their prayer is that the store rooms may be filled to overflowing, and the house so full of children that they jostle one another in the doorway. (See text of Ca?lako prayer, pp. 718, 773.)
The gods depart after all-night ceremonies but during the following days each kiva presents a masked dance. They may present more than one if they so choose. These dances are performed for five nights in all the houses and on the fifth day in the plaza. On this day the Koyemci, who have remained in retreat throughout this period, are rewarded for their services by gifts from the members of their fathers' clans. Late at night, after visiting every house in the village to bestow a final blessing, they are released from their arduous duties.
The Koyemci, in addition to participating in this cycle of ceremonies, are required to attend upon the masked dancers during the summer dance series. On these appearances they play the rôle of clowns; and many of their games are of frankly phallic significance.[65] In their drum they place the wings of black butterflies, a potent love charm.
Every fourth year[66] P?autiwa leaves a feathered staff for K^ä'klo, by whose order is performed the preliminary whipping of the small boys. K^ä'klo does not himself perform this rite. He comes twice at intervals of eight days to inform the priests and officers of the kivas that this is the wish of the gods. They in turn appoint the gods who administer the whipping--12 Sä'limopia, four Sa'yalhia and 10 other gods. The ceremony, held the day after K^ä'klo's final visit, is one of the most elaborate and spectacular at Zuñi. The boys are severely whipped in the plaza. They are taken into the kiva to have feathers tied in their hair as a symbol of their novitiate. The writer has never witnessed this ceremony, and can only guess at its significance on the basis of the description given by Mrs. Stevenson.[67] The point seems to be exorcism. The boys are whipped "to save their lives," and previous to this, there is general whipping and destruction of property throughout the village, "to take away bad happenings." The Sä'limopia and Sayalhia appear as exorcisors during the winter solstice ceremony. And whenever any taboo of the masked god cult is broken the Sayalhia appear to administer punishment and to whip
[65. See E. C. Parsons, Notes on Zuñi, pt. 2, p. 229.
66. Due to recent disintegration this ceremony has not been held for more than six years.
67. Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 65.]
all present in order to counteract the contaminating influence of the transgression. At the Ca?lako two Salimopia are present to perform this service.
The final whipping of the boys is performed by the Sayalhia by order of the priests, some time during the Ca?lako festivities. This also seems to be a rite of exorcism, and is followed by general whipping to remove bad luck.
Another masked ceremony held at irregular intervals, and by express order of P?autiwa, is the dance of the K^ä'na:kwe or white gods. This is a group dance like the kiva dances but is performed by a special self-perpetuating cult group owning ancient masks and esoteric ritual. The beings impersonated are of a different order. They do not live at Koluwala:wa. They are essentially hostile, and therefore must not remain overnight in the village. Their rites have no place in the regular cycle. They bring with them seeds, which are given to the priests, and large quantities of food, which they throw away to the people, so the purpose of their rite may be assumed to be fertility.
THE CULT OF THE WAR GODS
The war cult of the Pueblos, as in other tribes, is greatly in abeyance at the present time due to enforced peaceableness. Although the Pueblos probably were never aggressive warriors, intertribal warfare was once an important part of life, and was accompanied by elaborate ceremonies.
The gods of war in Zuñi are the A'hayuta, twin children of the Sun begotten of a waterfall when the Zuñis, wandering in search of the middle, were in dire need of military leadership.[68] They led the people to victory and gave them the rites of war. They are the patrons of contests of all kinds, including foot races and games of chance. In folklore the A'hayuta appear as two dirty, uncouth, cruel, and disobedient children, masking their great powers behind obscene and ridiculous exteriors. They live on the mountain tops, they are lords of the high places, and their shrines are on all the prominent mountains about Zuñi.
The cult of the A'hayuta, the gods of war, and leadership of war parties, is delegated to the Bow Priests, and several less important groups, the priests who keep pa?eton:e, a war fetish, the priests of the great shell and the scalp chief, who takes care of the scalps in the scalp house, and the men who carve and decorate the idols of the war gods.
Membership in the bow priesthood is restricted to those who have killed an enemy. No matter what the circumstances of the killing, no escape is possible from the burden of membership, for the slayer
[68. See text of origin myth, p. 597.]
must seek magical protection from the vengeance of the ghost. The bow priesthood supplies this protection. He is initiated in the course of the scalp dance, which celebrates the victory and propitiates the ghost.[69]
The bow priesthood is organized in somewhat similar fashion to the medicine societies a circumstance which led Mrs. Stevenson to include it among them. There is a society chief and a battle chief. They have a ceremonial chamber in a house in the eastern part of the town, where certain of their ceremonial paraphernalia is kept. Pa?ettone, which is used only in war rites, is kept in another house, and has its own hereditary priesthood, members of which are not necessarily Bow Priests. The great shell also has its own priesthood. It is brought out for all war ceremonies. The Scalp Chief has a male and two female associates, who take charge of the scalp from the time it is brought into the village until it is placed in the scalp house. He plants prayer sticks each month for the scalps. At the winter solstice and at the scalp dance idols are made of the elder and younger War Gods. They are carved, respectively, by men of the Deer and Bear clans. These are hereditary offices, and each has several associates, male and female.
The Bow Priests are leaders in war and defenders and protectors of the people in times of peace. To them falls the task of policing the town, in the religious but not the civil sense. In this capacity they must wage constant warfare against the insidious inner enemy--namely, the witches-whose secret power causes sickness and death. Of this activity, too, they have recently been stripped. They are furthermore the defenders and the executive arm of the religious hierarchy. They protect their altars from desecration, carry their messages, and execute their orders. To perform these duties two bow priests are assigned to the priestly hierarchy, two to the katcina and two to each of the medicine societies.[70]
The great annual ceremony of the Bow Priests is held at the winter solstice. Six days after the p?ekwin announces the solstice a man of the Deer clan and a man of the Bear clan and their associates start to make the images of the War Gods to be used at this ceremony. On the tenth night following the p?ekwin's announcement these images, together with pa?ettone, the great shell, the e'tow:e of the chief priests, and all the paraphernalia of the war cult are taken to the chief kiva. In the kiva are assembled the priests of the council, the priests of pa?ettone and the great shell, the image makers and their associates, and the full membership of the bow priesthood. At
[69. See texts, p. 674.
70. That is, this used to be the pattern. The bow priesthood is now reduced to three members--one who has no society affiliations serves the priests, one is Bow Priest of the katcinas, and associated also with the Rattlesnake Society, the third is associated with the Hunters and the Little Fire Society, and formerly served the priests.]
this time the Bow Priests sing comato:we.[71] the songs given to the Bow Priesthood at the founding of the order by A'hayuta. At dawn the ceremonies end and later in the day the images are taken by the Bow Priests and the priests of the council to two of the mountain shrines of A'hayuta. This is the day on which everyone plants prayer sticks to the sun.
At the full moon in March the Bow Priests make prayer sticks for A'hayuta. At night they meet in their ceremonial room, where their altar is set up.[72] There are no images of the gods of war at this time. Again during the night comato:we are sung. Four days later there is a kick-stick race under the special patronage of the gods of war. After this it is safe for people to plant corn. Spring wheat is planted before this time, but corn is planted only after these ceremonies. The precise nature of the connection between the War Gods, stick racing, and planting is obscure.
There are no ceremonies for the War Gods at the summer solstice. However, the two Bow Priests who serve the priests of the council have their place in the series of summer retreats for rain. The day the p?ekwin comes out they plant prayer sticks to the U'wanami Bow Priests. For four days they observe all the requirements of retreat, save that they do not remain in seclusion in their ceremonial room. Instead they visit each day a distant mountain shrine of A'hayuta where they offer corn meal and turquoise. They have no altar at this time--probably because all their fetishes are for war, and therefore can have no place in these purely priestly activities.[73] The bow priesthood does not convene at this time.
Formerly the bow priests held a great public dance after harvest in the fall. This was an occasion of great festivity, as always when there is dancing by the girls. Like the scalp dance, it was accompanied by sexual license. However, the dance has not been performed in 20 years, since two girls of a good family were killed by a stray shot from the housetops. The Bow Priests met in their ceremonial room, but there was no altar and no offerings of prayer sticks.
The scalp dance is held at irregular intervals, whenever an enemy is killed. Its purpose is to induct the scalper into the Bow Priesthood for his own protection, to strip the dead enemy of his power and develop his capacities as rain maker, and to celebrate fittingly with all manner of festivity the destruction of the enemy. The principal events are outlined in another place.[74]
There are other groups which have definite associations with war. The Ant society figures prominently in the ceremonies of the scalp
[71. The word means "spiral." It is accompanied by a circle dance. Approaching spiralwise toward a center is characteristic of war dances throughout North America. See text of origin myth, p. 597.
72. This ceremony has never been described. The writer has not witnessed it; merely knows that it takes place.
73. Or perhaps because of the association between A'hayuta and wind, snow, and cold weather.
74. p. 674.]
dance and the O'winahaiye. The Wood society holds a ceremony in which the Bow Priesthood participates. The Great Fire society is privileged to wear the great feather, part of the war chief's regalia. The arrow order of this society uses the body paint of the war chiefs. The Hunters' society is also a war society. The members of this, as well as those of the Cactus society, can not be inducted into the bow priesthood, because they are already warriors. Members of the Cactus society offer prayer sticks to A'hayuta. The Hunters' and Cactus societies have male members only.
All these groups, however, are devoted primarily to the worship of the Beast Gods and receive from them their sanctions and power.
THE CULT OF THE BEAST GODS
To the east at Cipapolima live the Beast Gods (we'ma:we or we'ma a:'ciwan:i). These are the beasts of prey and partake of their rapacious nature. They are the most dangerous and violent gods in the Zuñi pantheon. They are the priests of long life (onaya:nak^ä a:'ci'wan:i, literally road fulfilling priests). They are the givers of medicine, not only medicinal plants, but the magic power to make them effective. They are the source also of black magic or witchcraft. Their leaders are associated with the six directions, as follows: North, Mountain Lion; west, Bear; south, Badger; east, Wolf; above, Knife-wing;[75] below, Gopher. Of all, the most powerful is the Bear. He is compelled through impersonation at curing ceremonies. The symbol of his personality is the bear paws which are drawn over the hands and have the same properties as the masks of the gods. The worship of the beast gods is conducted by 12 societies or fraternities. Membership in these societies is voluntary and is open alike to males and females.[76] All offices are held by men, and only they have the ultimate magical powers--the powers of impersonating the bear, the use of the crystal, the power to remove sickness by sucking, and the use of magical songs. Some knowledge of therapeutic plants is hereditary in certain matrilineal families. Except for midwifery, which is practiced independently, all medical practice is in the hands of these societies. They are, in fact, medical guilds, closed corporations which guard their secrets jealously. The combined body of esoteric knowledge and ritual held by these groups is enormous, and this is genuinely esoteric. To collect it one would have to be on terms of utmost intimacy with all the officers in all the societies. No knowledge is more closely guarded than this.
[75. A mythical monster with wings of knives. Mrs. Stevenson names eagle as god of the upper regions, and shrew for below. The present list is quoted from a prayer of the Great Fire society.
76. Except the Cactus society, a war society, and Hunters which have only male members. The Cactus society cures wounds made by bullets or by any pointed object, including cactus. The Hunters have no curing rituals.]
Each society in addition to practicing general medicine has a specialty--one cures sore throat, another epilepsy, another has efficacious medicine for delayed parturition, yet another cures bullet wounds, and so forth.
Initiation into the societies is a precaution taken to save one's life. If a person is desperately ill he is given by his relatives to one of the medicine societies.[77] The officials of the society come in a body to cure him. They bring with them all their ceremonial paraphernalia and lend the whole force of their ritual toward defeating the disease. If the patient recovers he is not necessarily cured. He has been granted a respite, and until he fulfills his pledge and receives a new heart and places himself under the direct protection of the Beast Gods through joining the society which cured him, his life is in jeopardy. Since initiation involves one in great expense, frequently many years elapse before it is completed.
The societies have, perhaps, the most highly developed ritual of all the cult groups. They possess elaborate altars which are kept in the houses in which they habitually meet. These consist of carved wooden tablets, stone fetishes, and various other sacred objects. These altars are set up on a meal painting at all ceremonies in which the society takes part. On the altar are also placed feathered ears of corn, the personal fetishes of members of the medicine order of the society. This fetish (mi?le) is made for the novice by his father at the time of his initiation; it remains his personal fetish until he dies, when it is dismantled and buried by members of the society. If a man is compelled to be absent from any meeting of his society he or some member of his household takes his mi?le to the society room to be placed upon the altar.
All members of medicine societies plant prayer sticks each month at the full moon. The offering includes, besides the usual sticks for the ancients and for the katcinas, sticks for the Beast Gods, made in each society according to different specifications. These sticks are planted either in cornfields or at Red Bank, a point on the river bank east[78] of town. These are offered separately by each individual.
The collective ceremonies of the medicine societies are held in the fall and winter. During the summer the cult of the Beast Gods is in abeyance. As a symbol of this, the drums of the societies must not be touched during this time, not even to beat out the rhythm for grinding songs. At the full moon in October (in some societies November), the members are summoned to their ceremonial house. They make
[77. In less serious cases an individual medicine man is called. He removes the cause of sickness and is paid for his trouble. At the winter ceremony the recovered patient has his head bathed in the society room and exchanges gifts with his "father."
78. The Beast Gods live in the east. Therefore all ceremonies of the curing societies are oriented toward the east, in contrast to ceremonies for the ancients and the katcinas, which are oriented toward the south and west. It is interesting to note that historically the medicine cult is undoubtedly of Keresan, i. e., Eastern origin.]
their prayer sticks here during the day. At sundown the altar is set up. Female members, who do not attend this meeting, send food and leave their miwe for the altar. After dark the drum is taken out and songs of the Beast Gods are sung. The gods are present in the village at this time, much the way the katcinas are present throughout the summer.
The great meetings of the societies are held at the winter solstice. On the ninth day following the P?ekwin's announcement society members meet early in the morning at their ceremonial houses. The day is spent in prayer-stick making. The solstice prayer-stick bundles of the societies are the most elaborate and beautiful products of this highly developed art. They contain sticks for the ancients, for deceased members of the society, and for Paiyatamu[79] gods of music, poetry, flowers and butterflies. Included in the bundle are the crook, symbol of old age, and twigs of various medicinal plants. There are no offerings to the Beast Gods at this time.
At sundown the altar is set up. Women members, if they are not planning to attend the night meeting, come bringing food and their miwe and sprinkle corn meal on the altar. Late at night, about 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning, the Ne?we:kwe visit the kiva where the priests have been waiting in silence before the altar of the Gods of War. Here they perform a rite of exorcism, without which the ceremony can not proceed. When they have left the Bow Priests start their song. As soon as their drum is heard the society people, who have also been waiting in their own houses, start their own rites. The songs sung at this time are for the U'wanami. They are among the most beautiful and sacred of all Zuñi songs, and are known only to the most learned members of the societies. The ceremony ends at daybreak. The members come home, each bringing with him his mi?le, his bundle of prayer sticks, and a bundle of several ears of corn that have rested all night on the altar. The corn is kept for spring planting and the prayer sticks are buried that afternoon, along with each man's individual offerings to the sun and the ancients. After this planting all society members except the Sa'niakakwe and the Ci'wanakwe must abstain from all animal food for four days, in addition to the usual requirement of continence. The food taboo obligatory for society members is optional with others. For them, too, it used to be obligatory and is probably related to the offering to the sun.
This ceremony is for rain and fertility. It has nothing whatever to do with curing, and in it the Beast Gods play no rôle, it is quite
[70. Paiyatamu is the Keresan word payatyamu, "youth." He is associated with all things gay and youthful. He is another romantic adventurer in folklore. His prayer stick, significantly, is double, and is painted blue and yellow, the colors associated with sex. The flutes of Payatamu are played at the phallic ritual of O'lolowickya. (Parsons: Winter and Summer Dance Series.) They are important in the Corn dance.]
distinct from the "going in" of the Beast Gods which immediately follows it, and is so regarded by the Zuñis themselves.
On the evening of the tenth day of the solstice, the day of the universal planting, the societies convene for their great retreat.[80] Female members sleep at home, and return in the daytime to attend to their household duties. Their attendance, even at the evening meetings, is not obligatory until the final night. Male members, however, are in retreat; they sleep and eat at their society houses, although they are permitted to visit their homes between times. This privilege is not accorded to officers of societies who observe as strict a retreat as priests. The altar is put up on the first evening, and remains in place until the conclusion of the ceremonies on the fourth morning following. The room is taboo to outsiders, with the exception of members of the household.
The days are spent making prayer sticks and preparing their costumes and regalia for the great ceremony of the last night. At night songs are sung for the Beast Gods. Each day at dawn the members go out in groups to offer corn meal and to present their miwe to the rising sun. During the evenings tales are told and instruction in the ritual is given.
On the last night all the society members, male and female, assemble in full ceremonial costume, including face and body paint. To the society house also come those who wish to be cured of chronic ailments, since curing during public ceremonies entails no obligation on the part of the patient.[81] About midnight a fresh altar is prepared. Sometimes there are demonstrations of fire eating and other tricks by qualified groups before the chief business, the invocation of the Beast Gods, is reached. The songs of the Beast Gods are sung with the accompaniment of rattle and drum, and society members dance. The dance is without formation, members rising to dance whenever they choose and leaving the floor when they are tired, usually after four or eight songs. The purpose of this dancing is to create a proper atmosphere in which to summon the Beast Gods. The participants gradually work themselves into a state of mental excitement bordering on hysteria. Finally those who are qualified to impersonate the bear,[82] draw over their hands the bear paws that lie on the altar, and
[80. The Lhe'we-kwe do not go in at this time. Their retreat follows six days after the close of the solstice ceremonies.
81. The following ceremony of purification is held in Cochiti during the winter: "People may go to the giant, flint, or cikame houses. The ritual is similar. The shamans approach each person, touch him and draw out an object, usually a stone, which he is told is a sickness. An altar is erected with cornmeal paths and fetishes but the rainbow arch is not used. After the sickness has been removed each person is given water "medicine" from the bowl. This is sprinkled over their bodies and they are allowed to drink some. This same formula is used in times of actual sickness. The shamans sing and pray all night while the people pray and walk around the altar sprinkling corn meal to the animal helpers and protectors. (Goldfrank, p. 72.)
82 Only the oldest and most learned of the medicine men. They acquire power to summon the bear only after the expenditure of great effort and much property.]
in so doing assume the personality of the bear, much as the wearer of a mask becomes a god. They utter the cries of animals and otherwise imitate beasts, especially the bear.
In this condition they are enabled by gazing into the crystal to see the hidden sickness in those present. When they see sickness in anyone they draw from his body the foreign substance that has caused it. Dust, stones, bits of calico, feathers, fur or the entrails of animals are extracted from the mouth and other parts of the bodies of patients. Each article as it is extracted is exhibited to the company and dropped into a bowl to be disposed of the following day. Both practitioner and patient are nude save for the breechcloth, which necessitates considerable skill in sleigh t-of-hand, even though clumsy tricks would pass in the prevailing state of hysterical excitement. It is general knowledge that these "cures" are accomplished by sleight-of-hand. However, such knowledge by no means decreases the respect in which these tricks are held. These practices have the sanction of powerful and greatly feared divinities and are performed directly under their control. The act itself is but a symbol of the relationship with the supernaturals. The efficacy lies not in the performance of the act itself but in the god-given power to perform it.
As the night advances the excitement increases. Groups of medicine men and women selected by the society chief visit other society houses in response to invitations previously delivered with the customary offering of corn meal. They dash through the streets simulating cries of animals. They are barefoot--practically nude, although the ground may be covered with snow or ice.[83] In the house of their hosts they give demonstrations of their curing powers.
The ceremony ends at dawn. The excitement suddenly subsides. The miwe are once more taken out to the sun. On returning to the ceremonial room there are brief concluding ceremonies in a quiet vein. Then the altar is dismantled and the members depart to eat breakfast at their homes. Meat is served for the first time in four days.
In the afternoon male members of societies offer prayer sticks to the Beast Gods.[84] For four days continence must be observed.
The Lhewekwe observe their great retreat for the Beast Gods after the winter solstice ceremonies are at an end. The stick-swallowing order of the Great Fire society also has a retreat at this time. The retreat terminates in a public dance by both societies with exhibitions of sword swallowing. In connection with this there is a retreat with a public dance on the last day for mu'etowe, a snow fetish. So that the whole ceremony combines functions of curing and weather control.
[83. The men are naked, and temperature on a midwinter night may be below zero.
84. At the same time all initiated males offer to the masked gods. There are also special plantings by males and females for fecundity and wealth.]
We already alluded to the attendance of the Ne'wekwe at the winter dances of the masked gods, and their summer ceremony, which is only rarely performed. This ceremony comprises a four-day retreat with prayers for rain, at which there is no singing to the drum of the songs of the Beast Gods. The retreat ends with an all-night ceremony the last night and a public dance the last day. In this ceremony, as well as in the initiation rites, importance is given to various obscene and cruel practices. The dance may be repeated by request. In this ceremony they are assisted by the Ci'wanakwe.
The other ceremonies of the medicine societies which are held at irregular intervals as occasions arise are concerned specifically with curing and initiation. Curing ceremonies are very secret. Only officers of the societies and those possessed of the required medical knowledge and magical powers are present. Prayer sticks are made and an altar is set up in the sick room and songs are sung. There is a general rite of exorcism by spitting. Since disease is generally caused by a witch injecting foreign bodies into the patient, the most obvious method of cure is to locate and remove the foreign substance. The medicine man locates the foreign substance either by use of the crystal or by partaking of a vision-producing drug.[85] The practitioner then removes it by the same sleight-of-hand that is practiced at public healing ceremonies. Or, if the patient knows who has bewitched him, or learns it under the influence of tenatsali, the Bow Priests are summoned and attempt to extract a confession from the accused. The confession strips him of his power and effects an automatic cure. In former days witches were hung. Since this practice has been ended by the United States Government authorities witch baiting has declined in importance in medical practice and greater weight is given to extracting foreign bodies.[86]
The ceremonies in the sick room are continued for four nights, provided the patient lives that long. Purely therapeutic measures, massage, sweating, blood letting, and the administration of drugs may be employed as supplement and continue beyond the period devoted to magical practices.
Should the patient recover he must eventually fulfill his pledge of membership in the society, thus placing himself permanently under the protection of the Beast Gods. The initiation ceremony is held in November, or after the winter solstice ceremonies. The retreat begins four days before the full moon, so that the final ceremony comes the night the moon is full. The initiation rites are in part public ceremonies. To the final ceremonies other societies are invited in a body, and persons of no society affiliation may attend as individuals. Frequently there are public dances outdoors, as part of the initiation
[55. The men are naked, and the temperature on a midwinter night may be below zero.
56. At the same time all initiated males offer to the masked gods. There are also special plantings by males and females for fecundity and wealth.]
rites. In these there is great variability among the different societies. In all, however, the core of the ceremony is the same. It is described in some detail in another place.[87]
THE CALENDAR
Between all of these independent cults is the binding element of calendrical observances. Each cult has ceremonies extending through an annual cycle, starting from the winter solstice, and returning again into the winter solstice. Their solstice ceremonies are all nicely synchronized. They are fitted into a period of 20 days, and so neatly arranged that there are no conflicts, even for a man with varied ceremonial affiliations.
The name by which the Zuñis refer to the period of the solstice is itiwana, the middle, the same name that they give, esoterically, to their village. Mrs. Stevenson and others interpret this as being a contraction of the sentence yätokä i'tiwanan te' ?tci "the sun reaches the middle." This is unquestionably correct, but the term has a more significant connotation. It is the middle of the year, the point common to all the different cults, and is indeed the center of their whole ceremonial life. There is no doubt that the Zuñis themselves think of their rituals as being organized about this focal point. Their application of the term "middle" to it is sufficient indication.[88] The linguistic identification of concepts of time and space is characteristically Zuñian. The solstice is, therefore, the center of time, just as Zuñi itself is the center of space.
The winter solstice ceremonies start when the p?ekwin announces from the housetop that all men shall make prayer sticks for the sun to be offered in 10 days. The date is calculated by observations of the sunrise from a petrified stump in a cornfield east of the village. When the sun rises at a particular point on the mesa to the southeast it is time for the p?ekwin to start his own plantings. If correctly calculated, then the general prayer-stick planting will take place on the day when the sunrise reaches its most southerly limit--that is, on the 22d of December. However, the Zuñis seem never to have been able to decide on the relative merits of solar and lunar calendar, and the desire to have the observation of the solstice occur at the full moon disarranges the calculations and naturally leads to dissention among the various priests. However, the date is definitely set by the p?ekwin and the others, whatever their views, fall into line.
[87. See p. 701.
86. E. C. Parsons (Winter and Summer Dance Series in Zuñi in 1918, University of California Publ., v. 17, No. 3, p. 171) designates the winter dance series of the katcinas, koko a-wan itiwana, the itiwana of the masked gods. These dances follow at stated intervals after the solstice, but are not actually part of it. This indicates the Zuñi pattern that each cult must have a center, and this center must correspond to the centers of other cults. The katcinas do not figure in the solstice ceremonies proper.]
The ceremonies fall into two periods of 10 nights each.[89] The first nine days are spent in preparation of great quantities of prayer sticks by all men. Images of the war gods are carved by men to whom this office belongs. The great ceremonies begin on the tenth night. On this night the new year fire is kindled in the kiva and the Bow Priests hold their ceremony for the War Gods. At the same time all the societies hold ceremonies in honor of the Uwanami.
On the following morning the images of the War Gods are taken to their shrines. The priests take the younger brother to Corn Mountain to a shrine the position of which is visible at the village. There the priests kindle a fire, and the appearance of their smoke is the signal for the beginning of the great fire taboo. For the next 10 days--that is, until dawn on the twentieth day--no fire or light must be seen outdoors, nor must any sweepings or ashes be thrown out. For the whole period priests observe continence, eat no animal food, and they and their households refrain from trade of any description. Others observe continence for eight days following the planting of prayer sticks, and refrain from animal food and trading for four days. The conservation of fire, and especially the saving of ashes and sweepings, are fertility magic, that the house may be full of corn, as it is of ashes. Throughout this period a sacred fire is kept burning in He'?iwa kiva.
The eleventh to the fourteenth nights 10 are given over to the retreats and ceremonies of the medicine societies, with the great all-night ceremony ending at dawn on the fourteenth day. On this afternoon occurs the second general planting of prayer sticks to the katcinas, the Beast Gods, and to the ancestors for wealth.
On the following day the priests again make prayer sticks for the Uwanami in preparation for their retreat the following night. This takes place on the sixteenth night. The prayers are for rain and fertility. On the altar are placed clay images of animals and objects on which blessings are invoked. The prayer sticks are planted at springs the following morning.
Also late on the sixteenth night all the kivas are visited by P?autiwa (called on this occasion Komhalhikwi, "witch god") who throws into each a ball of fine corn meal to be used during the coming year by the Ca?lako impersonators in their morning prayers. His visit takes place late at night when none can see him. The rite seems to be one of exorcism.
On some night during the 10 days of the fire taboo, generally the night of the priests' retreats, each family that owns sacred possessions of any description employs them in rites of fertility magic.[91] Clay
[89. In computing the dates of ceremonies only nights are counted. The p?ekwin's announcement is made at dawn. The following night is the first day. Taboo periods begin at sundown or late afternoon and continue through four nights, ending the fourth morning at dawn. The days are not counted.
90. Sometimes called "the first four nights of the komosona's count." For 10 days the p?ekwin counts days for the sun. Then he is finished and the komosona counts days for Pautiwa.
91. Itsuma:wa, the ritualistic term for planting.]
objects, similar to those used on the altars of the priests, are modeled by the women of the house. These are set out at night along with ears of corn and the sacred object, mask, rain fetish, sacred medicine, or personal fetishes such as pebbles to which are imputed magical properties. For one night the family are in retreat. They remain awake until day and repeat prayers and songs whose burden is a request for fertility of crops and flocks, and the fecundity of women. The ears of corn are set aside for spring seeding. The clay objects are later buried in the floor of the house, or thrown out on the twentieth day with the sweepings. They are the seed from which the real objects will grow.
On one of these days pregnant women, especially those who have been unfortunate with previous babies, visit the shrines at the base of the rock pillars on the west side of Corn Mountain. A woman undertaking this pilgrimage is accompanied by her husband and a priest. They deposit prayer sticks at the foot of the rock pillars and she scrapes a bit of dust from the rock and swallows it, from one side if she desires a boy, from the other if she wishes a girl. In addition to this, or instead of it, a pregnant woman may have made for her at this season a doll, similar to those sometimes given to children during the winter dances of the katcinas. The doll is made by anyone who "knows how," that is, who has the supernatural power to make it effective. It will ensure a safe delivery and a healthy child.
Meanwhile the impersonator of P?autiwa for the final day has been chosen. On the nineteenth day the priests of the council make the crooks of appointment to be given to the impersonators of the katcina priests. Just before sunset arrive Ci'tsukä and Kwe:lele, two masked gods from the east. They bring the new year from the east. Their masks belong to the Great Fire Society and appear, along with another mask, at certain curing ceremonies of that society. I can offer no explanation of the conspicuous part they play in the celebration of the New Year. They go to the chief kiva where are assembled the priests of the council and the impersonators of P?autiwa and the four Sai'yalhia. They dance all night in the kiva to the songs of the Great Fire Society. Late at night the Saiyalhia visit all the kivas "to send out the old year." It is a rite of exorcism. At dawn the new year fire is kindled. Before sunrise the katcinas, accompanied by the p?ekwin, the chief of the Katcina Society and the guardian of the sacred fire, go out to the east carrying fire brands and a lighted torch. After brief prayers they return. The sound of their rattles as they pass is a signal to the people. The great fire taboo is now ended and from each household the men and women emerge bearing live coals from the fire, and the accumulated ashes and sweepings. Soon the fields from which night has not yet
departed blossom with a hundred piles of glowing embers. The masked gods return to the kiva where they dance until day. Anyone, man, woman, or child, who desires good luck, may go to the kiva at this time to receive the blessing of the presence of the gods.
The day is one of great festivity and rejoicing. All day the gods from the east dance on the roof of the kiva, throwing food and other articles to the populace. Meanwhile the bow priests summon to the kiva the men chosen to impersonate the gods during the coming year. When they have all arrived the wands of office are distributed by the p?ekwin.
The merrymaking continues in the plaza until sundown, when P?autiwa appears. He visits all the kivas. On the roof of each he lays down the crook of office for the Ca?lako god to be chosen from that kiva. The bar of the hatchway he marks with four lines of corn meal, to indicate that the masked gods will visit the village. Then using a twig to represent a scalp, he performs a brief ritual symbolizing the taking of an enemy scalp. Thus he brings the new year. After visiting all the kivas he departs for the, west, taking Ci'tsuk^ä, and Kwe'lele with him.
After dark each house in the village is visited by Tcakwenaok^ä, a female masked impersonation and the special guardian of women in childbirth.[92] She is accompanied by other masked gods. As the group reaches each door live coals are thrown out of the house as a rite of purification. Tcakwenaok^ä comes only once to bring the blessing of fecundity. The other gods return for four consecutive nights, in accordance with the promise of P?autiwa. In early days the first dance of the winter series took place four days after the departure of the exorcising divinities (Stevenson, p. 141). Now it takes place any time the leaders wish. This closes the celebration of the solstice, unless the retreat and dance of the lhewekwe which follow 10 days after the coming of P?autiwa be considered as part of the solstice ceremonies.
Theoretically the second half of the Zuñi year repeats the ceremonial calendar of the first six months. As in December, the summer solstice is marked by a ceremonial period called i'tiwana, the middle. As in the winter, this is a synchronization of independent cults. But here the resemblance ceases. The actual ceremonies, and above all the relative weight of various elements, are quite different.
Before the summer solstice the p?ekwin makes daily observations of the sunsets from a shrine at Ma'tsak^ä, a ruin a few miles east of Zuñi. When the sun sets behind a certain point on the mesa to the northwest the p?ekwin begins his plantings to the sun and to the ancestors. On the morning after his fourth planting he announces that in eight days everyone shall make prayer sticks for the sun, the moon, the ancients,
[92. In 1927 the visit of Tcakwenao'k^ä was omitted. The man who owns her mask, a very dangerous one, and knows her ritual, was in prison for burglary. No one else dared touch the mask. (See p.931.)]
and the katcinas. The prayer sticks are offered in the afternoon of the eighth day, which should be the summer solstice, June 22. The offerings are less elaborate than those of the winter solstice, but their precise nature is not known to the writer. There is only one planting. Prayer sticks for the katcinas are offered together with the others on the eighth day. There are no offerings to the Beast Gods. The offerings are made in cornfields. For four days everyone refrains from sexual intercourse, trading, and quarreling, but there is no restriction on food.
On the day preceding the offering the societies, except the Wood Society,[93] meet in their houses. Altars are erected, but there are no images of the Beast Gods. The members remain in retreat overnight, and their prayers on this occasion, as on the night preceding the solstice in December, are directed primarily toward the rain makers. There is no four-day retreat in honor of the Beast Gods following this, and no general healing of the sick. This part of their activities is temporarily in abeyance.
On the third day following the solstice the impersonators of the Koyemci visit each house in the village and are doused with water by the female inhabitants as a suggestion to the supernatural powers to do likewise. Then they go into retreat.
On the fourth day following the general prayer stick planting the first of the chief priesthoods goes into retreat, to remain in for eight nights.
On the same day preparations are begun for the first of the summer rain dances. Every fourth year a pilgrimage is made to the village of the katcinas, a lake about 80 miles to the west. On the fourth day following the solstice the officers of the katcina society and the impersonators of all of the katcina priests, accompanied by the chief of the Hunters Society and men of the Deer and the Badger clans leave for the home of the gods. The lake is reached on the evening of the second day. Offerings of prayer sticks are made at various shrines and turtles are hunted. The party returns next morning, arriving at Zuñi the fourth day at sunset, the seventh after the solstice.
On intervening years the same party leaves at dawn on the seventh day to plant at a spring at Ojo Caliente, 17 miles southwest of Zuñi. The spring symbolizes the more distant shrine. Since the date coincides with the monthly planting of the katcina priests, the impersonators separate, some going with the others to Ojo Caliente, some taking the offerings of his fellows to the spring at which they make their regular monthly planting. Each person makes offerings for both springs.
[93. Stevenson, p. 150. This society does not meet with the others in the winter rites. Its rituals are especially potent for bringing cold winds and snow. For it to function at this time would be disastrous.]
Returning at evening, the party from the katcina village is met on the plain by a group of katcinas from the kiva that is to present the first dance. The priests bring the gods back with them from their village. From now until they are sent home in the fall they are present, though invisible, in the village. After dancing in the four courts of the village the dancers retire to the house where they are to spend the night. Here one of the societies which has been invited to provide music has erected its altar. The gods are welcomed and throughout the night dance for the delectation of the hosts. Their presence is manifested by rain. Meanwhile the Koyemci hold similar rites in their own ceremonial house.
The dancers on this occasion abstain from food and drink until they have made the round of the plazas four times the following morning, or until rain falls.[94] Each round takes about an hour, and the outdoor dancing begins at sunrise. Dancing in the plazas continues throughout the day, while in the two houses visited by the gods the medicine societies keep up continuous singing. At sunset the dancers depart and the society people dismantle their altars and return home. With this ceremony the celebration of the summer solstice closes.
The chief priesthood remains in retreat for four more nights, and comes out on the eighth morning. The second priesthood goes in that same evening and the rest follow in regular order.
The summer solstice observances are notable in the complete absence of any ceremonies to secure the blessings of the Beast Gods or the Ahayuta. The omission of the Ahayuta is especially noteworthy. In the winter they are appealed to for protection and aid in war, but more especially for snow and cold winds. Prayer sticks are offered at all their shrines in conjunction with the dance of the Wood Society, a potent snow-making ritual. The second calendrical ceremony of the Bow Priesthood is held in March, before corn planting and in preparation therefor. The ceremony has never been observed nor described, nor, unfortunately, have the words of the prayers and songs been recorded. However, it corresponds to the summer solstice ceremonies of other cults, in being a partial repetition, with variations, of their winter observances. The writer hazards the guess, in the absence of direct evidence, that this is an appeal for snow and violent rains to swell the spring freshets and prepare the ground for the reception of seeds.
If the winter ceremonies emphasize rites having as their object medicine, war, and fecundity, the summer ceremonies are weighted
[91. At Acoma the summer dance of katcinas is held early in July, the public ceremonies consuming four days, from about the 10th to the 14th. These are preceded by a period of purification lasting eight days. The participants abstain from food and especially from water from nightfall preceding the dance until noon the day of the dance. (White, MS.) The date is that of the Hopi Niman. In certain Aztec ceremonies there is prohibition on drinking from nightfall until noon.]
overwhelmingly on the side of rain, the most conspicuous features being the retreats of the priests and the dances of the katcinas. It is tempting to attribute this pattern difference to practical consideration. The first of July is the approximate date of the opening of the rainy season in this semiarid land. At this time the corn plants are about 10 inches high and desperately in need of rain. Two more weeks of drought and blazing heat will bum them beyond hope. Upon prompt and plentiful rains in July depends the welfare of the tribe. It is, therefore, to this end that all the magical resources of the tribe are bent. The Ahayuta, associated with wind and low temperatures, are shunned.
On the other hand, in December the conditions are reversed. The crop is already harvested and whereas it is desirable to have heavy snowfalls in the mountains to feed the spring freshets, inclement weather in the valley is a great hardship and works ruin among the flocks that form so large a part of Zuñi wealth. Therefore prayer sticks are twice offered at the mountain shrines of the Ahayuta with prayers for snow. The Uwanami and the katcinas receive but very meager attention, and the efforts of the tribe are focused on rites directed toward war, medicine and fecundity. At both solstices the sun father is appealed to in similar fashion for his great blessing of life.
PERSONAL RELIGIOUS LIFE
The vast wealth of ceremonial elaboration which we have been considering is notably weak on the side of what have been called "crisis rites." In contrast to the ceremonial recognition given to natural phenomena--the solstitial risings of the sun, the alternation of summer and winter, the perpetual dearth of rain--crises in personal life pass almost unnoticed. The ceremonies surrounding birth, puberty, marriage, and death are meager and unspectacular. There is sprinkling of ashes for purification of the newborn. On the eighth day of life the infant is presented to the sun with brief prayers, but the occasion is not one of any ceremonial importance. There are no ceremonies whatsoever at marriage, and mortuary rituals are simple and undramatic in comparison with calendrical ceremonies. Relatives are summoned at death. The body is dressed for burial, all present weep and sprinkle corn meal on the head of the deceased with brief prayers, and the corpse is interred at once. Four days later prayer sticks are planted, and the property of the deceased, including certain ceremonial possessions, is buried and additional prayer sticks may be offered to the dead after an interval of time. But there are no public demonstrations and no elaborate ceremonies of mourning.
On the other hand, initiations are always important occasions. The general initiation of all young males into the Katcina Society
corresponds in some ways to puberty ceremonies of other tribes, even though it has very little relation to the physical fact of adolescence. The first "initiation" takes place at the age of from five to seven years. It corresponds to no physiological change and marks no change of status on the part of the child. The child who has been "initiated" in this preliminary ceremony has no more knowledge or responsibility than one who has not yet gone through the rite. The final ceremony at which knowledge is revealed takes place anywhere between the ages of 10 and 20, depending on the interference of schooling---in old days it probably took place between the ages of 10 and 14--and is unrelated either to physical maturity or the assumption of adult responsibilities. It is an initiation solely into the katcina cult and has nothing to do with the social status of the individual. Marriage, for instance, does not depend upon it, nor participation in other ceremonies. Although any initiated boy may, if he wishes, take part in masked dances, he does not feel any obligation to do so. It is usually many years before he assumes even the responsibility of making his own prayer sticks. Curiously enough, considering general North American custom, no notice whatever is taken of the advent of maturity in girls.
Initiations into medicine societies are more clearly ceremonial recognition of personal crises. The initiate is a patient who has been snatched from the jaws of death and his initiation into the group that saved him is the ceremonial assumption of his new status. At his initiation he gets a "new heart," and, as a symbol of the new life he has begun, receives a new name.[95] This name, however, is not usually used and does not ordinarily replace his childhood name or names. The ceremony may be delayed for years--sometimes as long as 20 years--after the cure which it affirms. Like initiation into the Katcina Society, it involves a minimum requirement of attendance, and the privilege of additional participation as the interests and ability of the individual may dictate. Children need not assume any responsibilities upon initiation.
Religious participation starts among children when, as infants on their mother's backs, they are taken to watch the katcinas dance. The summer dances outdoors are largely attended by small children of both sexes. During the morning and early afternoon they constitute the entire audience. Formerly children were not permitted to attend night dances of the katcinas where the katcinas dance unmasked, but this rule is broken among the more lax parts of the population.
Children learn early to share the interest of their elders in the more spectacular phases of religious life. They are keen observers of dances, they know songs, and give accurate and lively accounts of
[95. Contrary to custom in other pueblos, and reported information from Zuñi, naming is not a part of the initiation into the Katcina Society.]
ceremonies which they attend; they are interested. in sacerdotal gossip; and they orient their activities about great religious festivals. In early childhood boys and girls are especially interested in religious affairs. Sometime between the ages of 5 and 10 boys make their first direct contact with the deeper aspects of religion, on their preliminary initiation into the Katcina Society. This makes no change in a child's religious life. It is only after his final initiation, which may occur any time after the age of 10, that active participation in dances begins. Boys of 10 or 12 take part in the winter dancing but rarely in the more strenuous dancing of the summer series. At about the same age girls have their attention diverted from religious spectacles to their own adult activities.
Most adult men engage in other religious activities besides the required minimum of katcina dancing and the semiannual prayer stick plantings required of all persons. The younger men, who find exhilaration in dancing and singing, dance many times a year, either with their own groups or with others, and organize extra dances. As their knowledge of dance forms increases they may advance to formal office in one of the six dance societies. Those who display an aptitude in memorizing long prayers, if of exemplary conduct, may be appointed to impersonate one of the gods.
Membership in curing societies is not ordinarily a matter of individual choice. Once initiated into one of these groups a man may limit his activities to attendance at the regular winter meetings and initiations. Or if he has sufficient intellectual curiosity to pay high for esoteric knowledge he may, by accumulating knowledge and the supernatural power which knowledge gives him, advance to a position of influence in his society. For a successful career as a medicine man, intelligence and ambition seem more important than piety and virtue. However, although a man of questionable moral character may build up a good medical practice, he is not likely to be chosen for office in his society.
Membership in priesthoods is even less a matter of free choice than curing societies. Priesthoods are hereditary in maternal families, and to fill a vacancy the members select the least quarrelsome rather than the most intelligent of the eligible young men.
The priesthoods are the branch of religious service that carries the greatest prestige and heaviest responsibilities. Because of the heavy responsibilities the office is avoided rather than sought, and considerable difficulty is experienced in recruiting the priesthoods. As one informant said, "They have to catch the men young to make them priests. For if they are old enough to realize all that is required of them, they will refuse." She was not thinking of the taboos and restraints of the priestly life, but of the sense of responsibility for the welfare of the tribe which lies so heavily on the shoulders of the priests. The same informant continued: "Yesterday my younger
brother went with his uncle to the spring for water for their altar. He was dressed in his ciwan:i costume and looked very handsome. As he went out, light rain fell, and everyone was happy that they had been blessed with rain. But my heart hurt and my eyes were full of tears to see my younger brother. He is so young and yet he has his mind on these serious things."
Another and very different type of voluntary participation is to "take the crook" for the ca?lako, that is to volunteer to entertain the gods in one's house. This involves the host in very great expense, and can be undertaken only by a man who is wealthy in his own right or who has wealthy relatives who are willing to help him. This munificence brings to the house the blessing of fecundity but is primarily a social activity in that it merely provides the background for a great tribal festival. Its rewards (to the individual) are to be measured largely in terms of social prestige. If volunteers fail, the obligation to hold the ceremony falls upon members of the religious hierarchy.
The religious activities of women are less varied and picturesque than those of men. In early adolescence a girl's interest is diverted from religious affairs. About the time she assumes adult dress--or did before the days of the American school--she falls under a system of chaperonage that hampers her movements. Especially running around to public dances is regarded as unbecoming. So if she goes to dances at all she goes to watch discreetly from the houses of relatives who live on the plaza, or gets very much dressed up and stands and giggles on the corner of some housetop with a group of equally dressed up and equally self-conscious little girls. Furthermore, about this time she assumes adult responsibilities in the household, and beyond that all her interests are absorbed in mating activities. Adult economic status comes later to boys than to girls. In the years between initiation and marriage boys give much of their attention to dancing, while girls of the same age are cooking, grinding, and caring for their sisters' babies.
After marriage they become even more domestic, and remain so throughout the period of childbearing. Not only is their time filled with domestic duties, but it is displeasing to a man to have his wife gadding about, and Zuñi women, despite their economic and social security, are careful not to displease their men. Furthermore, their avenues of participation are restricted. They are not, except in very rare cases, initiated into the Katcina society, the only democratic religious organization. Some of the priesthoods have women members, but these positions are, it seems, even harder to fill than positions for men. One of the reasons is that husbands get very restive under the long periods of continence required of their wives. A man will remain continent during his own ceremonies but seems to think
it is too much to expect him to remain continent during his wife's ceremonies also. Here, again, the problem is to catch the girl young enough. Women are initiated into medicine societies on an equal basis and as frequently as men. They participate in the dances of the society, but they are debarred from holding office. They frequently practice medicine and are "given" children for their society, but they must call upon male members for assistance in cures and to perform many of the initiation rites over their children. Women never possess the ultimate medical power, that of calling the bear, and do not usually possess esoteric songs. However, their knowledge of actual therapeutics is often greater than that of men. Most societies have "mothers" who brew their medicines and jealously guard the secrets of the treatment of medicinal herbs.
Some women who are well endowed mentally exert a good deal of influence indirectly upon religious affairs. Although their activities may be restricted, knowledge is not taboo to them. There are women who know prayers and rituals better than their men folks and some men customarily consult their wives, mothers or sisters on matters of sacerdotal procedure. In the Onawa priesthood the member with the best verbal memory is a young woman, not especially intelligent in other respects. However, she has an aggressive, managing mother who, although not herself a member of the priesthood, is the head of the priestly household, and contrives to run her brothers and children. Several other women have a reputation for their knowledge of esoteric lore. One, in particular, is reputed to be the only person who knows the prayers, songs and secret rituals of Anahoho, one of the katcinas coming at the initiation ceremony.
Women are less active in religion than men, but their activity is not essentially different in kind. The richness of ceremonial tends to mask the fact that in any but a superficial sense, religious activity is limited in scope.
The religious life of an individual is exclusively a series of participations in group rituals. No avenue is left open for individual approach to the supernatural. All over North America individual mystical experience is prized. On the plains such experience is valued since it provides one with a guardian in the supernatural world, or furnishes supernatural sanction for some special exploit. Among the Pima of the Southwest, the experience itself is regarded as the highest value in life. In Zuñi the religious life is a highly developed system of techniques for producing rain and furthering the growth of crops. Certain socially valuable attitudes and modes of behavior are regarded as more favorable to this purpose, and much esthetic joy and enhancement of life are achieved through them. But these subjective values are secondary and merely incidental to the primary purposes of religious participation, which is an objective social good.
ZUÑI ORIGIN MYTHS
By RUTH L. BUNZEL
From The Forty-Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1929-1930, the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.
|
Page |
|
|
Talk concerning the first beginning |
549 |
|
The talk of the Katcina chief |
604 |
ZUNI ORIGIN MYTHS
By RUTH L. BUNZEL
Three English versions of Zuñi origin myths have already been published. Cushing published his "Outlines of Zuñi Creation Myths" (Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology) in 1891. The next published version is that contained in Mrs. Stevenson's monograph, and a third recorded by Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons appeared in the Journal of American Folk-Lore in 1923 (vol. 36: 135-162). The three versions placed side by side give one of the most striking examples of the great handicap under which the science of ethnology labors. All ethnological information comes to us through the medium of another mind, and, with data so complex and subtle as those of human civilization, no matter how clear and honest that mind is, it can absorb only what is congenial to it, and must give it out again through such means of expression as it may command. The Zuñis are as much preoccupied with the origins and early history of their people as were, for instance, the ancient Hebrews, and the three accounts are what might be gathered from any people by individuals of varying interests.
Doctor Parsons, asking for "the" origin myth, got the basic account of the early history of the people which is generally current in folklore. The narration, of course, suffers in vividness and subtlety of expression from having been recorded through an interpreter. Mrs. Steven son's version is an attempt to give a comprehensive and coherent account of Zuñi mythology in relation to ritual. The Cushing version contains endless poetic and metaphysical glossing of the basic elements, most of which explanatory matter probably originated in Cushing's own mind.
Cushing, however, hints at the true character of Zuñi mythology. There is no single origin myth but a long series of separate myths. Each ceremonial group has a myth which contains, in addition to a general synopsis of early history, the mythological sanction for its own organization and rituals. There is not, however, any collected
version which is "the talk," because no mind in Zuñi encompasses all knowledge, the "midmost" group to which Cushing refers being a figment of his own imagination. These separate myths are preserved in fixed ritualistic form and are sometimes recited during ceremonies, and are transferred like any other esoteric knowledge. The "talk" of K^äklo is a myth of this kind. It recounts in poetic form the origin of the tribe, their coining into this world, the origin of K^äklo's ceremony, and the wanderings of the people in search of the middle. The synoptic version in "Zuñi Indians," mentions the episodes peculiar to this version. The Stevenson "origin myth," recorded in the opening pages of her monograph, is not a ritual version. Into the general outline have been introduced whatever bits of special information she had acquired. Her most intimate associations were with the Ne?we:kwe society, and many episodes of the esoteric myth of that society appear in her account.
The main outlines of the origin myths are known to all, and great delight is found in recounting them. The history myth is not fixed in form or expression and varies in comprehensiveness according to the special knowledge of the narrator. The Parsons version treats the katcina origins fully; the Stevenson version society origins. Portions or the whole general outline in brief or extended versions were told me on many occasions as I sat by Zuñi firesides. One old priest desired me to write it down in text so that I and others might read it. But although an excellent narrator he was a bad dictator. He spoke so rapidly, vividly, and with such wealth of gesture and mimicry that only a sound picture could do justice to his narration. However, the version recounted the principal events briefly without any special elaboration of any portion, and therefore added nothing to published versions.
The following text recorded from another informant is an origin myth in esoteric ritual form. It belongs to the priests--"any priesthood." It is recited for purposes of instruction during the winter retreat. It was related to me by a man who was not himself a priest but was born in the Palhto:kwe house and learned the tale from his maternal uncle. He was a member and an officer of the Great Fire society and characteristically refused to give the origin myth of his society since that was his "very own prayer." The tale related to me publicly by the chief priest of the Onawa priesthood did not contain the elaboration of priestly origins found in the following text, nor any of the striking stylistic features.
The brief text which follows, the "talk of Komosona," belongs to the same category. This is the ritual form of the tale of origin of masked dancing and the safeguards of the katcina cult. It is recited
in the form given by the katcina chief at the final initiation of boys into the katcina society. It was told by the same informant. Less formal versions are, of course, current. Both this and a version of the origin of the people were introduced into an autobiography of an old woman, when speaking of her girlhood days spent with her grandfather.
{Interlinear version omitted}
TALK CONCERNING THE FIRST BEGINNING
Yes, indeed. In this world there was no one at all. Always the sun came up; always he went in. No one in the morning gave him sacred meal; no one gave him prayer sticks; it was very lonely. He said to his two children:", "You will go into the fourth womb. Your fathers, your mothers, k^?äeto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe:-eto:we, all the society priests, society p?ekwins, society bow priests, you will bring out yonder into the light of your sun father." Thus he said to them. They said, "But how shall we go in?" "That will be all right." Laying their lightning arrow across their rainbow bow, they drew it. Drawing it and shooting down, they entered.
When they entered the fourth womb it was dark inside. They could not distinguish anything. They said, "Which way will it be best to go?" They went toward the west. They met someone face to face. They said, "Whence come you?" "I come from over this way to the west." "What are you doing going around?" "I am going around to look at my crops. Where do you live?" "No, we do not live any place. There above our father the Sun, priest, made us come in. We have come in," they said. "Indeed," the younger brother said. "Come, let us see," he said. They laid down their bow. Putting underneath some dry brush and some dry grass that was lying about, and putting the bow on top, they kindled fire by hand. When they had kindled the fire, light came out from the coals. As it came out, they blew on it and it caught fire. Aglow! It is growing light. "Ouch! What have you there?" he said. He fell down crouching. He had a slimy horn, slimy tail, he was slimy allover, with webbed hands. The elder brother said," Poor thing! Put out the light." Saying thus, he put out the light. The youth said, "Oh dear, what have you there?" "Why, we have fire," they said. "Well, what
[96. Watusti and Yanaluha, called k^?äeto?w? a:wan? auwati? a:tci (rain fetish's two mouths).]
(crops) do you have coming up?" "Yes, here are our things coming up." Thus he said. He was going around looking after wild grasses.
He said to them, "Well, now, let us go." They went toward the west, the two leading. There the people were sitting close together. They questioned one another. Thus they said, "Well, now, you two, speak. I think there is something to say. It will not be too long a talk. If you lotus know that we shall always remember it." "That is so, that is so," they said. "Yes, indeed, it is true. There above is our father, Sun. No one ever gives him prayer sticks; no one ever gives him sacred meal; no one ever gives him shells. Because it is thus we have come to you, in order that you may go out standing yonder into the daylight of your sun father. Now you will say which way (you decide)." Thus the two said. "Hayi! Yes, indeed. Because it is thus you have passed us on our roads. Now that you have passed us on our roads here where we stay miserably, far be it from us to speak against it. We can not see one another. Here inside where we just trample on one another, where we just spit on one another, where we just urinate on one another, where, we just befoul one another, where we just follow one another about, you have passed us on our roads. None of us can speak against it. But rather, as the priest of the north says, so let it be. Now you two call him." Thus they said to the two, and they came up close toward the north side
They met the north priest on his road. "You have come," he said. "Yes, we have come. How have you lived these many days?" "Here where I live happily you have passed me on my road. Sit down." When they were seated he questioned them. "Now speak. I think there is something to say. It will not be too long a talk. So now, that you will let me know." "Yes, indeed, it is so. In order that you may go out standing there into the daylight of your sun father we have passed you on your road. However you say, so shall it be." "Yes, indeed, now that you have passed us on our road here where we live thus wretchedly, far be it from me to talk against it. Now that you have come to us here inside where, we just trample on one another, where we just spit on one another, where we just urinate on one another, where we just befoul one another, where we just follow one another about, how should I speak against it? " so he said. Then they arose. They came back. Coming to the village where they were sitting in the middle place, there they questioned one another. "Yes, even now we have met on our roads. Indeed there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. When you let me know that, I shall always remember it," thus they said to one another. When they had spoken thus, "Yes, indeed. In order that you may go out standing into the daylight of your sun father, we have passed
you on your road," thus they said. "Hayi! Yes, indeed. Now that you have passed us on our road here where we cannot see one another, where we just trample on one another, where we just urinate on one another, where we just befoul one another, where we just follow one another around, far be it from me to speak against it. But rather let it be as my younger brother, the priest of the west shall say. When he says, 'Let it be thus,' that way it shall be. So now, you two call him." Thus said the priest of the north and they went and stood close against the west side.[97] . . . .
"Well, perhaps by means of the thoughts of someone somewhere it may be that we shall go out standing into the daylight of our sun father." Thus he said. The two thought. "Come, let us go over there to talk with eagle priest." They went. They came to where, eagle was staying. "You have come." "Yes." "Sit down." They sat down. "Speak!" "We want you." "Where?" "Near by, to where our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, stay quietly, we summon you." "Haiyi!" So they went. They came to where k^?ä-eto:we stayed. "Well, even now when you summoned me, I have passed you on your roads. Surely there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now if you let me know that I shall always remember it," thus he said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. Our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests shall go out standing into the daylight of their sun father. You will look for their road." "Very well," he said, "I am going," he said. He went around. Coming back to his starting place he went a little farther out. Coming back to his starting place again he went still farther out. Coming back to his starting place he went way far out. Coming back to his starting place, nothing was visible. He came. To where k^?ä-eto:we stayed he came. After he sat down they questioned him. "Now you went yonder looking for the road going out. What did you see in the world?" "Nothing was visible." "Haiyi!" "Very well, I am going now." So he went.
When he had gone the two thought. "Come, let us summon our grandson, cok^äpiso," [97a] thus they said. They went. They came to where cok^äpiso stayed. "Our grandson, how have you lived these days?" "Where I live happily you have passed me on my road. I think perhaps there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now when you let me know that, I shall always remember it," thus he said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. Our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests are about to come outstanding into the daylight of their sun father. We summon you that you may be the one to look for their road." "Indeed?" Thus he said. They went. When they got there, they questioned
[97. The foregoing paragraph repeated for the six directions as indicated in text.
97a. An unidentified bird.]
them where they were sitting. "Even now you have summoned me. Surely there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now when you let me know that, I shall always remember it." "Yes, indeed, it is so. When our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, go forth standing into the daylight of their sun father, you will look for their road." Thus the two said. He went out to the south. He went around. Coming back to the same place, nothing was visible. A second time he went, farther out. Coming back to the same place, nothing was visible. A third time, still farther out he went. Nothing was visible. A fourth time he went, way far, but nothing was visible. When he came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying, the two questioned him. "Now, our grandson, way off yonder you have gone to see the world. What did you see in the world?" Thus the two asked him. "Well, nothing was visible." "Well indeed?" the two said. "Very well, I am going now." Saying this, he went.
When cok^äpiso had gone the two thought. "Come, let us go and talk to our grandson chicken hawk." Thus they said. They went. They reached where chicken hawk stayed. "You have come." "Yes." "Sit down." "How have you lived these days?" "Happily. Well now, speak. I think there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now, when you let me know it, I shall always remember that." "Yes, indeed, it is so. When our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, go out standing into the sunlight of their sun father, you will look for their road." So they went. When they got there they sat down. There he questioned them. "Yes, even now you summoned me. Perhaps there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. When you let me know that, I shall always remember it. " Thus he said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. When our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, go out standing into the daylight of their sun father, you will look for their road." "Is that so? " Saying this, he went out. He went to the south. He went where cok^äpiso had been. Coming back to his starting place, nothing was visible. A second time he went, farther out. He came back to his starting place, nothing was visible. He went a third time, along the shore of the encircling ocean. A fourth time farther out he went. He came back to his starting place. Nothing was visible. To where k^?ä-eto:we stayed he came. "Nothing is visible." "Haiyi!" Yes, so I am going. " "Well, go." So he went.
Then the two thought. "Come on, let us summon our grandson," thus they said. They went. They came to where humming bird was staying. "You have come?" "Yes, how have you lived these days?" "Where I live happily these days you have passed me on my road. Sit down." When they had sat down: "Well, now,
speak. I think there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now if you let me know that, I shall always remember it." "Yes, indeed, it is so. When our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, go out standing into the daylight of their sun father, you shall be the one to look for their road; for that we have summoned you ... .. Is that so?" Saying this, they went. When they got there, he questioned them. "Well, even now you summoned me. Surely there is something to say. It will not be too long a talk. So now when you let me know that I shall always remember it." Thus he said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. When our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, go out into the daylight of their sun father, that you shall be the one to look for their road, for that we have summoned you." Thus the two said. He went out toward the south. He went on. Coming back to his starting place, nothing was visible. Farther out he went. Coming back to the same place, nothing was visible. Then for the third time he went. Coming back to the same place, nothing was visible. For the fourth time he went close along the edge of the sky. Coming back to the same place, nothing was visible. He came. Coming where k^?ä-eto:we were staying, "Nothing is visible." "Hayi!" "Yes. Well, I am going now." "Very well, go." He went.
The two said, "What had we better do now? That many different kinds of feathered creatures, the ones who go about without ever touching the ground, have failed." Thus the two said. "Come, let us talk with our grandson, locust. Perhaps that one will have a strong spirit because he is like water." [98] Thus they said. They went. Their grandson, locust, they met. "You have come." "Yes, we have come." "Sit down. How have you lived these days?" "Happily." "Well, even now you have passed me, on my road. Surely there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now when you let me know that, that I shall always remember." Thus he said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. In order that our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, may go out standing into the daylight of their sun father, we have come to you." "Is that so?" Saying this, they went. When they arrived they sat down. Where they were sitting, he questioned them. "Well, just now you came to me. Surely there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. So now if you let me know that, that I shall always remember." "Yes, indeed. In order that our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, may go out standing into the daylight of their sun father, we have summoned you." "Indeed?" Saying this, locust rose right up. He goes up. He went through into another world. And again
[98. That is, like water, he can go through anything solid.]
he goes right up. He went through into another world. And again he goes right up. Again he went through into another world. He goes right up. When he had just gone a little way his strength gave out, he came back to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying and said, "Three times I went through and the fourth time my strength gave out." "Hayi! Indeed?" Saying this, he went.
When he had gone the two thought. "Come, let us speak with our grandson, Reed Youth. For perhaps that one with his strong point will be all right." Saying this, they went. They came to where Reed Youth stayed. "You have come?" "Yes; how have you lived these days." "Where I stay happily you have passed me on my road. Sit down." Thus he said. They sat down. Then he questioned them. "Yes. Well, even now you have passed me on my road. I think there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. When you let me know that, that I shall always remember." Thus he said. "Yes, indeed, in order that our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, may go out standing into the daylight of their sun father, we have come to you." "Hayi! Is that so?" Having spoken thus, they went. When they arrived they sat down. There he questioned them. "Yes, even now that you have summoned me I have passed you on your roads. Surely there is something to say; it will not be too long a talk. When you let me know that, that I shall always remember ... .. Yes, indeed, it is so. In order that our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, the society priests, may go forth standing into the daylight of their sun father, we have summoned you." Thus they said. "Hayi! Is that so?" Saying this, he went out. Where Locust had gone out he went out. The first time he passed through, the second time he passed through, the third time he passed through. Having passed through the fourth time and come forth standing into the daylight of his sun father, he went back in. Coming back in he came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying. "You have come?" Thus they said. "Yes," he said. "Far off to see what road there may be you have gone. How may it be there now?" Thus they said. "Yes, indeed, it is so. There it is as you wanted it. As you wished of me, I went forth standing into the daylight of my sun father now." Thus he said. "Halihi! Thank you!" "Now I am going." "Go." Saying this, he went.
After he had gone they were sitting around. Now as they were sitting around, there the two set up a pine tree for a ladder. They stayed there. For four days they stayed there. Four days, they say, but it was four years. There all the different society priests sang their song sequences for one another. The ones sitting in the first row listened carefully. Those sitting next on the second row heard all but a little. Those sitting on the third row heard here and there. Those sitting last on the fourth row heard just a little bit now and then. It was thus because of the rustling of the dry weeds.
When their days there were at an end, gathering together their sacred things they arose. "Now what shall be the name of this place?" "Well, here it shall be sulphur-smell-inside-world; and furthermore, it shall be raw-dust world." Thus they said. "Very well. Perhaps if we call it thus it will be all right." Saying this, they came forth.
After they had come forth, setting down their sacred things in a row at another place, they stayed there quietly. There the two set up a spruce tree as a ladder. When the ladder was up they stayed there for four days. And there again the society priests sang their song sequences for one another. Those sitting on the first row listened carefully. Those sitting there on the second row heard all but a little. Those sitting there on the third row heard here and there. Those sitting last distinguished a single word now and then. It was thus because of the rustling of some plants. When their days there were at an end, gathering together their sacred things there they arose. "Now what shall it be called here?" "Well, here it shall be called soot-inside-world, because we still can not recognize one another." "Yes, perhaps if it is called thus it will be all right." Saying this to one another, they arose.
Passing through to another place, and putting down their sacred things in a row, they stayed there quietly. There the two set up a piñon tree as a ladder. When the piñon tree was put up, there all the society priests and all the priests went through their song sequences for one another. Those sitting in front listened carefully. Those sitting on the second row heard all but a little. Those sitting behind on the third row heard here and there. Those sitting on the fourth row distinguished only a single word now and then. This was because of the rustling of the weeds.
When their days there were at an end, gathering together their sacred things they arose. Having arisen, " Now what shall it be called here?" "Well, here it shall be fog-inside-world, because here just a little bit is visible." "Very well, perhaps if it is called thus it will be all right." Saying this, rising, they came forth.
Passing through to another place, there the two set down their sacred things in a row, and there they sat down. Having sat down, the two set up a cottonwood tree as a ladder. Then all the society priests and all the priests went through their song sequences for one another. Those sitting first heard everything clearly. Those sitting on the second row heard all but a little. Those sitting on the third row heard here and there. Those sitting last on the fourth row distinguished a single word now and then. It was thus because of the rustling of some plants.
When their days there were at an end, after they had been there, when their four days were passed, gathering together their sacred possessions, they arose. When they arose, "Now what shall it be called here?" "Well, here it shall be wing-inner-world, because we see our sun father's wings." Thus they said. They came forth.
Into the daylight of their sun father they came forth standing. Just at early dawn they came forth. After they had come forth there they set down their sacred possessions in a row. The two said, " Now after a little while when your sun father comes forth standing to his sacred place you will see him face to face. Do not close your eyes." Thus he said to them. After a little while the sun came out. When he came out they looked at him. From their eyes the tears rolled down. After they had looked at him, in a little while their eyes became strong. "Alas!" Thus they said. They were covered all over with slime. With slimy tails and slimy horns, with webbed fingers, they saw one another. "Oh dear! is this what we look like? Thus they said.
Then they could not tell which was which of their sacred possessions. Meanwhile, near by an old man of the Dogwood clan lived alone. Spider said to him, "Put on water. When it gets hot, wash your hair." "Why?" "Our father, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, into the daylight of their sun father have come forth standing. They can not tell which is which. You will make this plain to them. " Thus she said. "Indeed? Impossible. From afar no one can see them. Where they stay quietly no one can recognize them." Thus he said. "Do not say that. Nevertheless it will be all right. You will not be alone. Now we shall go." Thus she said. When the water was warm he washed his hair.
Meanwhile, while he was washing his hair, the two said, "Come let us go to meet our father, the old man of the Dogwood clan. 1 think he knows in his thoughts; because among our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, we can not tell which is which. " Thus they said. They went. They got there. As they were climbing tip, " Now indeed! They are coming. " Thus Spider said to him. She climbed up his body from his toe. She clung behind his ear. The two entered. "You have come," thus he said. "Yes. Our father, how have you lived these days?" "As I live happily you pass me on my road. Sit down. " They sat down. "Well, now, speak. I think some word that is not too long, your word will be. Now, if you let me know that, remembering it, I shall live." "Indeed it is so. Our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, into the daylight of their sun father have risen and come out. It is not plain which is which. Therefore we have passed you on your road." "Haiyi, is that so? Impossible! From
afar no one can see them. Where they stay quietly no one can recognize them." Thus he said. "Yes, but we have chosen you." Thus the two said. They went. When they came there, "My fathers, my mothers, how have you lived these days?" "Happily, our father, our child. Be seated." Thus they said. He sat down. Then he questioned them. "Yes, now indeed, since you have sent for me, I have passed you on your road. I think some word that is not too long your word will be. Now if you let me know that, remembering it, I shall always live."
Thus he said. "Indeed, it is so. Even though our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, have come out standing into the daylight of their sun father, it is not plain which of these is which. Therefore we have sent for you." Thus they said. "Haiyi. Well, let me try." "Impossible. From afar no one can see them. Where they stay quietly no one can tell which is which." "Well, let me try." Thus he said. Where they lay in a row he stood beside them. Spider said to him, "Here, the one that lies here at the end is k^?ä-eto:we and these next ones touching it are tcu-eto:we, and this next one is lhe-eto:we, and these next ones touching it are mu-eto:we. " Thus she said. He said, "Now this is k^?ä-eto:we, and these all touching it are tcu-eto:we, and this one is lhe-eto:we, and all these touching it are mu-eto:we." Thus he said. "Halihi! Thank you. How shall be the cycle of the months for them?" Thus he said: "This one Branches-broken-down. This one No-snow-on-the-road. This one Little-sand-storms. This one Great-sand-storms. This the Month-without-a-name. This one Turn-about. This one Branches-broken-down. This one No-snow-on-the-road. This one Little-sand-storms. This one Great-sand-storms. This the Month-without-a-name. This one Turn-about. Thus shall be all the cycle of the months." "Halihi! Thank you. Our father, you shall not be poor. Even though you have no sacred possessions toward which your thoughts bend, whenever Itiwana is revealed to us, because of your thought, the ceremonies of all these shall come around in order. You shall not be a slave." This they said. They gave him the sun. "This shall be your sacred possession." Thus they said. When this had happened thus they lived.
Four days--four days they say, but it was four years--there they stayed. When their days were at an end, the earth rumbled. The two said, "Who was left behind?" "I do not know, but it seems we are all here." Thus they said. Again the earth rumbled. "Well, does it not seem that some one is still left behind?" Thus, the two said. They went. Coming to the place where they had come out, there they stood. To the mischief-maker and the Mexicans they said, "Haiyi! Are you still left behind?" "Yes." "Now what are you still good for?" Thus they said. "Well, it is this way. Even
though k^?ä-eto:we have issued forth into the daylight, the people do not live on the living waters of good corn; on wild grasses only they live. Whenever you come to the middle you will do well to have me. When the people are many and the land is all used up, it will not be well. Because this is so I have come out." Thus he said. "Haiyi! Is that so? So that's what you are. Now what are you good for?" Thus they said. "Indeed, it is so. When you come to the middle, it will be well to have my seeds. Because k^?ä-eto:we do not live on the good seeds of the corn, but on wild grasses only. Mine are the seeds of the corn and all the clans of beans." Thus he said. The two took him with them. They came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying. They sat down. Then they questioned him. "Now let us see what you are good for." "Well, this is my seed of the yellow corn." Thus he said. He showed an ear of yellow corn. "Now give me one of your people." Thus he said. They gave him a baby. When they gave him the baby it seems he did something to her. She became sick. After a short time she died. When she had died he said, "Now bury her." They dug a hole and buried her. After four days he said to the two, "Come now. Go and see her." The two went to where they had come out. When they got there the little one was playing in the dirt. When they came, she laughed. She was happy. They saw her and went back. They came to where the people were staying. "Listen! Perhaps it will be all right for you to come. She is still alive. She has not really died." "Well, thus it shall always be." Thus he said.
Gathering together all their sacred possessions, they came hither. To the place called since the first beginning, Moss Spring, they came. There they set down their sacred possessions in a row. There they stayed. Four days they say, but it was four years. There the two washed them. They took from all of them their slimy tails, their slimy horns. "Now, behold! Thus you will be sweet." There they stayed.
When their days were at an end they came hither. Gathering together all their sacred possessions, seeking Itiwana, yonder their roads went. To the place called since the first beginning Massed-cloud Spring, they came. There they set down their sacred possessions in a row. There they stayed quietly. Four days they stayed. Four days they say, but it was four years. There they stayed. There they counted up the days. For k^?ä-eto:we, four nights and four days. With fine rain caressing the earth, they passed their days. The days were made for lhe-eto:we, mu-eto:we. For four days and four nights it snowed. When their days were at an end there they stayed.
When their days were at an end they arose. Gathering together all their sacred possessions, hither their roads went. To the place
called since the first beginning Mist Spring their road came. There they sat down quietly. Setting out their sacred possessions in a row, they sat down quietly. There they counted up the days for one another. They watched the world for one another's waters. For k^?ä-eto:we, four days and four nights, with heavy rain caressing the earth they passed their days. When their days were at an end the days were made for lhe-eto:we and mu-eto:we. Four days and four nights with falling snow the world was filled. When their days were at an end, there they stayed.
When all their days were passed, gathering together all their sacred possessions, hither their road went. To Standing-wood Spring they came. There they sat down quietly. Setting out their sacred possessions in a row, they stayed quietly. There they watched one another's days. For k^?ä-eto:we, four days and four nights with fine rain caressing the earth, they passed their days. When all their days were at an end, the days were made for lhe-eto:we and mu-eto:we. For four days and four nights, with falling snow, the world was filled. When all their days were at an end, there they stayed.
When all their days were passed, gathering together their sacred possessions, and arising, hither they came. To the place called since the first beginning Upuilima they came. When they came there, setting down their sacred possessions in a row, they stayed quietly. There they strove to outdo one another. There they planted all their seeds. There they watched one another's days for rain. For k^?ä-eto:we, four days with heavy rain caressing the earth. There their corn matured. It was not palatable, it was bitter. Then the two said, "Now by whose will will our corn become fit to eat?" Thus they said. They summoned raven. He came and pecked at their corn, and it became good to eat. "It is fortunate that you have come." With this then, they lived.
When their days were at an end they arose. Gathering together their sacred possessions, they came hither. To the place called since the first beginning, Cornstalk-place they came. There they set down their sacred possessions in a row. There they stayed four days. Four days they say, but it was four years. There they planted all their seeds. There they watched one another's days for rain. During k^?ä-eto:we's four days and four nights, heavy rain fell. During lhe-eto:we's and mu-eto:we's four days and four nights, the world was filled with falling snow. Their days were at an end. Their corn matured. When it was mature it was hard. Then the two said, "By whose will will our corn become soft? Well, owl." Thus they said. They summoned owl. Owl came. When he came he pecked at their corn and it became soft.
Then, when they were about to arise, the two said, "Come, let us go talk to the corn priest." Thus they said. They went. They
came to where the corn priest stayed. "How have you lived these days?" "As we are living happily you have passed us on our road. Sit down." They sat down. There they questioned one another. " Well, speak. I think some word that is not too long, your word will be. Now, if you let me know that, remembering it, I shall always live." "Indeed, it is so. To-morrow, when we arise, we shall set out to seek Itiwana. Nowhere have we found the middle. Our children, our women, are tired. They are crying. Therefore we have come to you. To-morrow your two children will look ahead. Perhaps if they find the middle when our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, come to rest, there our children will rest themselves. Because we have failed to find the middle." "Haiyi! Is that so? With plain words you have passed us on our road. Very well, then, thus it shall be." Thus he said. The two went.
Next morning when they were about to set out they put down a split ear of corn and eggs. They made the corn priest stand up. They said, "Now, my children, some of you will go yonder to the south. You will take these." Thus he said (indicating) the tip of the ear and the macaw egg. And then the ones that were to come this way took the base of the ear and the raven egg. Those that were to go to the south took the tip of the ear and the macaw egg. "Now, my children, yonder to the south you will go. If at any time you come to Itiwana, then some time we shall meet one another." Thus they said. They came hither.
They came to the place that was to be Katcina village. The girl got tired. Her brother said, "Wait, sit down for a while. Let me climb up and look about to see what kind of a place we are going to." Thus he said. His sister sat down. Her brother climbed the hill. When he had climbed up, he stood looking this way. "Eha! Maybe the place where we are going lies in this direction. Maybe it is this kind of a place." Thus he said and came down. Meanwhile his sister had scooped out the sand. She rested against the side of the hill. As she lay sleeping the wind came and raised her apron of grass. It blew up and she lay with her vulva exposed. As he came down he saw her. He desired her. He lay down upon his sister and copulated with her. His sister awoke. "Oh, dear, oh, dear," she was about to say (but she said,) "Watsela, watsela." Her brother said, "Ah! " He sat up. With his foot he drew a line. It became a stream of water. The two went about talking. The brother talked like Koyemci. His sister talked like Komak^atsik^. The people came.
"Oh alas, alas! Our children have become different beings." Thus they said. The brother speaking: "Now it will be all right for you to cross here." Thus he said. They came and went in. They entered the river. Some of their children turned into water snakes.
Some of them turned into turtles. Some of them turned into frogs. Some of them turned into lizards(?). They bit their mothers. Their mothers cried out and dropped them. They fell into the river. Only the old people reached the other side. They sat down on the bank. They were half of the people. The two said, "Now wait. Rest here." Thus they said. Some of them sat down to rest. The two said (to the others), "Now you go in. Your children will turn into some kind of dangerous animals and will bite you. But even though you cry out, do not let them go. If, when you come out on the other side, your children do not again become the kind of creatures they are now, then you will throw them into the water." Thus they said to them. They entered the water. Their children became different creatures and bit them. Even though they cried out, they crossed over. Then their children once more became the kind of creatures they had been. "Alas! Perhaps had we done that it would have been all right." Now all had crossed over.
There setting down their sacred possessions in a row, they stayed quietly. They stayed there quietly for four days. Thus they say but they stayed for four years.. There each night they lived gaily with loud singing. When all their time was passed, the two said "Come, let us go and talk to Ne?we:kwe." Thus they said. They went to where the Ne?we:kwe were staying. They came there. "How have you passed these days?" "Happily. You have come? Be seated." They sat down. Then they questioned them. "Now speak. I think some word that is not too long your word will be. If you let me know that, remembering it I shall always live." "Indeed it is so. To-morrow we shall arise. Our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, are going to seek the middle. But nowhere have we come to the middle. Our children and our women are tired. They are crying now. Therefore we have passed you on your road. To-morrow you will look ahead. If perhaps somewhere you come to Itiwana there our children will rest." Thus they said. "Alas! but we are just foolish people. If we make some mistake it will not be right." Thus he said. "Well, that is of no importance. It can't be helped. We have chosen you." Thus they said. "Well indeed?" "Yes. Now we are going." "Go ahead." The two went out.
They came (to where the people were staying). "Come, let us go and speak to our children." Thus they said. They went. They entered the lake. It was full of katcinas. " Now stand still a moment. Our two fathers have come." Thus they said. The katcinas suddenly stopped dancing. When they stopped dancing they said to the two, "Now our two fathers, now indeed you have passed us on our road. I think some word that is not too long your word will be. If you will let us know that we shall always remember
it." Thus he said. "Indeed it is so. To-morrow we shall arise. Therefore we have come to speak to you." "Well indeed? May you go happily. You will tell our parents, 'Do not worry.' We have not perished. In order to remain thus forever we stay here. To Itiwana but one day's travel remains. Therefore we stay nearby. When our world grows old and the waters are exhausted and the seeds are exhausted, none of you will go back to the place of your first beginning. Whenever the waters are exhausted and the seeds are exhausted you will send us prayer sticks. Yonder at the place of our first beginning with them we shall bend over to speak to them. Thus there will not fail to be waters. Therefore we shall stay quietly near by." Thus they said to them. "Well indeed?" "Yes. You will tell my father, my mother, 'Do not worry.' We have not perished." Thus they said. They sent strong words to their parents. "Now we are going. Our children, may you always live happily." "Even thus may you also go." Thus they said to the two. They went out. They arrived. They told them. " Now our children, here your children have stopped. 'They have perished,' you have said. But no. The male children have become youths, and the females have become maidens. They are happy. They live joyously. They have sent you strong words. 'Do not worry,' they said." "Haiyi! Perhaps it is so."
They stayed overnight. Next morning they arose. Gathering together all their sacred possessions, they came hither. They came to Hanlhipingka. Meanwhile the two Ne?we:kwe looked ahead. They came to Rock-in-the-river. There two girls were washing a woolen dress. They killed them. After they had killed them they scalped them. Then someone found them out. When they were found out, because they were raw people, they wrapped themselves in mist. There to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying they came. "Alack, alas! We have done wrong!" Thus they said. Then they set the days for the enemy. There they watched one another's days for rain. k^?ä-eto:we's four days and four nights passed with the falling of heavy rain. There where a waterfall issued from a cave the foam arose. There the two Ahaiyute appeared. They came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying. Meanwhile, from the fourth inner world, Unasinte,[99] Uhepololo,[1] Kailuhtsawak^i, Hattungka, Oloma, Catunka, came out to sit down in the daylight. There they gave them the comatowe Song cycle.[2] Meanwhile, right there, Coyote was going about hunting. He gave them their pottery drum. They sang comatowe.
After this had happened, the two said, "Now, my younger brother, Itiwana is less than one day distant. We shall gather together our
[99. Whirlwind.
1. "Wool rolled up."
2. "Spiral," a song sequence and dance occurring as the last rite of the scalp dance. Comatowe is also sung at the winter solstice.]
children, all the beast priests, and the winged creatures, this night." They went. They came yonder to Comk^?äkwe. There they gathered together all the beasts, mountain lion, bear, wolf, wild cat, badger, coyote, fox, squirrel; eagle, buzzard, cokapiso, chicken hawk, baldheaded eagle, raven, owl. All these they gathered together. Now squirrel was among the winged creatures, and owl was among the beasts. "Now my children, you will contest together for your sun father's daylight. Whichever side has the ball, when the sun rises, they shall win their sun father's daylight." Thus the two said. "Indeed?" They went there. They threw up the ball. It fell on the side of the beasts. They hid it. After they had hidden it, the birds came one by one but they could not take it. Each time they paid four straws. They could not take it.
At this time it was early dawn. Meanwhile Squirrel was lying by the fireplace. Thus they came one by one but they could not take it. Eagle said, "Let that one lying there by the fireplace go." They came to him and said, "Are you asleep?" "No. I am not asleep." "Oh dear! Now you go!" Thus they said. "Oh no, I don't want to go," he said. He came back. "The lazy one does not wish to." Thus they said. Someone else went. Again they could not take it. Now it was growing light. "Let that one lying by the fireplace go." Thus they said. Again Buzzard went. "Alas, my boy, you go." "Oh, no, I don't feel like it." Thus he said. Again he went back. "He does not want to," he said. Again some one else went. Again they did not take it. Now it was growing light. Spider said to him, "Next time they come agree to go." Thus she said. Then again they said, "Let that one lying by the fireplace go." Thus they said; and again someone went. When he came there he said, "Alas, my boy, you go." "All right, I shall go." Thus he said and arose. As he arose Spider said to him, "Take that stick." He took up a stick, so short. Taking it, he went. Now the sun was about to rise. They came there. Spider said to him, "Hit those two sitting on the farther side." Thus she said. Bang! He knocked them down. He laid them down. Then, mountain lion, who was standing right there, said, "Hurry up, go after it. See whether you can take it." Thus he said. Spider said to him, "Say to him, 'Oh, no, I don't want to take it.' So she said." "Oh, no, I don't want to take it. Perhaps there is nothing inside. How should I take it? There is nothing in there." "That is right. There is nothing in there. All my children are gathered together. One of them is holding it. If you touch the right one, you will take it." "All right." Now Spider is speaking: "No one who is sitting here has it. That one who goes about dancing, he is holding it." Thus she said. He went. He hit Owl on the hand. The white ball came out. He went. He took up the hollow sticks and took them away with him. Now the
birds hid the ball. Spider came down. Over all the sticks she spun her web. She fastened the ball with her web. Now the animals came one by one. Whenever they touched a stick, she pulled (the ball) away. Each time they paid ten straws. The sun rose. After sunrise, he was sitting high in the sky. Then the two came. They said, "Now, all my children, you have won your sun father's daylight, and you, beasts, have lost your sun father's daylight. All day you will sleep. After sunset, at night, you will go about hunting. But you, owl, you have not stayed among the winged creatures. Therefore you have lost your sun father's daylight. You have made a mistake. If by daylight, you go about hunting, the one who has his home above will find you out. He will come down on you. He will scrape off the dirt from his earth mother and put it upon you. Then thinking, 'Let it be here,' you will come to the end of your life. This kind of creature you shall be." Thus they said. They stayed there overnight. The animals all scattered.
The two went. They came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying. Then they arose. Gathering together all their sacred possessions, they arose. Lhe-eto:we said, "Now, my younger brothers, hither to the north I shall take my road. Whenever I think that Itiwana has been revealed to you, then I shall come to you." Thus he said, and went to the north. Now some woman, seeing them, said, "Oh dear! Whither are these going?" Thus she said:
Naiye heni aiye
Naiye heni aiye.
In white stripes of hail they went.
Meanwhile k^?ä-eto:we came hither. They came to House Mountain. When they came there they would not let them pass through. They fought together. A giant went back and forth before them. Thus they fought together. Thus evening came. In the evening they came back to Hanlhipingka. Next day they went again. In heavy rain they fought together. In the evening they went back again. Next morning they went again for the third time. Again they fought together. The giant went back and forth in front. Even though she had arrows sticking in her body she did not die. At sunset they went back again. Next morning they went. They came there, and they fought together. Still they would not surrender. The giant went back and forth in front. Although she was wounded with arrows, she would not surrender. Ahaiyute said, "Alas, why is it that these people will not let us pass? Wherever may her heart be, that one that goes back and forth? Where her heart should be we have struck her, yet she does not surrender. It seems we can not overcome her. So finally go up to where your father stays. Without doubt he knows." Thus he said. His younger brother climbed up to where the sun was.
It was nearly noon when he arrived. "You have come?" "Yes, I have come." "Very well, speak. I think some word that is not too long your word will be. So if you let me know that, I shall always remember it." Thus he said. "Indeed, it is so. Our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, have issued forth into the daylight. Here they go about seeking Itiwana. These people will not let them pass. Where does she have her heart, that one who goes back and forth before them? In vain have we struck her where her heart should be. Even though the arrows stick in her body, she does not surrender." "Haiyi! For nothing are you men! She does not have her heart in her body. In vain have you struck her there. Her heart is in her rattle." Thus he said. "This is for you and this is for your elder brother." Thus he said, and gave him two turquoise rabbit sticks. "Now, when you let these go with my wisdom I shall take back my weapons." "Haiyi! Is that so? Very well, I am going now." "Go ahead. May you go happily." Thus he said. He came down. His elder brother said to him, "Now, what did he tell you?" "Indeed, it is so. In vain do we shoot at her body. Not there is her heart; but in her rattle is her heart. With these shall we destroy her." Thus he said, and gave his brother one of the rabbit sticks. When he had given his brother the rabbit stick, "Now go ahead, you." Thus he said. The younger brother went about to the right. He threw it and missed. Whiz! The rabbit stick went up to the sun. As the rabbit stick came up the sun took it. "Now go ahead, you try." Thus he said. The elder brother went around to the left. He threw it. As he threw it, zip! His rabbit stick struck his rattle. Tu --- n! They ran away. As they started to run away, their giant died. Then they all ran away. The others ran after them. They came to a village. They went into the houses. "This is my house; " "This is my house; " and "This is mine." Thus they said. They went shooting arrows into the roof. Wherever they first came, they went in. An old woman and a little boy this big and a little girl were inside.
In the center of their room was standing a jar of urine. They stuffed their nostrils with k^änaite flowers and with cotton wool. Then they thrust their noses into the jar. The people could see them. "Oh, dear! These are ghosts!" Thus they said. Then the two said to them, "Do not harm them, for I think they know something. So even though it is dangerous they are still alive." Thus they said. The two entered. As they came in they questioned them. "And now do you know something? Therefore, even though it is dangerous, you have not perished." "Well, we have a sacred object." "Indeed! Very well, take them. We shall go. Your fathers, your mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, you will pass
on their roads. If your days are the same as theirs you will not be slaves. It does not matter that he is only a little boy. Even so, he will be our father. It does not matter that she is a little girl, she will be our mother." Thus he said. Taking their sacred object they went. They came to where k^?ä-eto:we were staying. There they said to them, "Now make your days." "Oh, no! We shall not be first. When all your days are at an end, then we shall add on our days." Thus they said. Then they worked for k^?ä-eto:we. k^?ä-eto:we's days were made. Four days and four nights, with fine rain falling, were the days of k^?ä-eto:we. When their days were at an end, the two children and their grandmother worked. Their days were made. Four days and four nights, with heavy rain falling, were their days. Then they removed the evil smell. They made flowing canyons. Then they said, "Halihi! Thank you! Just the same is your ceremony. What may your clan be?" "Well, we are of the Yellow Corn clan." Thus they said. "Haiyi! Even though your eton:e is of the Yellow Corn clan, because of your bad smell, you have become black. Therefore you shall be the Black Corn clan." Thus they said to them.
Then they arose. Gathering together all their sacred possessions, they came hither, to the place called, since the first beginning, Halona-Itiwana, their road came. There they saw the Navaho helper, little red bug. "Here! Wait! All this time we have been searching in vain for Itiwana. Nowhere have we seen anything like this." Thus they said. They summoned their grandchild, water bug. He came. "How have you lived these many days?" "Where we have been living happily you have passed us on our road. Be Seated." Thus they said. He sat down. Then he questioned them. "Now, indeed, even now, you have sent for me. I think some word that is not too long your word will be. So now, if you will let me know that, I shall always remember it." "Indeed, it is so. Our fathers, our mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, having issued forth into the daylight, go about seeking the middle. You will look for the middle for them. This is well. Because of your thoughts, at your heart, our fathers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, will sit down quietly. Following after those, toward whom our thoughts bend, we shall pass our days." Thus they said. He sat down facing the east. To the left he stretched out his arm. To the right he stretched out his arm, but it was a little bent. He sat down facing the north. He stretched out his arms on both sides. They were just the same. Both arms touched the horizon. "Come, let us cross over to the north. For on this side my right arm is a little bent." Thus he said. They crossed (the river). They rested. He sat
down. To all directions he stretched out his arms. Everywhere it was the same. "Right here is the middle." Thus he said. There his fathers, his mothers, k^?ä-eto:we, tcu-eto:we, mu-eto:we, lhe-eto:we, all the society priests, the society p?ekwins, the society bow priests, and all their children came to rest. Thus it happened long ago.
THE TALK OF THE KATCINA CHIEF
Long ago, when the village stood on the top of Corn Mountain, those whose roads go ahead all met together. When they had gathered too-ether they questioned one another: "How shall we enjoy ourselves? Now the men are greatly increasing in number and the women are greatly increasing in number. It is not yet clear with what pleasures we shall pass our time. " (5) Thus they said to one another. Their p?ekwin said, "Is it not clear?" Thus he said. No, it is no clear. Indeed, in vain you are men! Yonder once we had our first beginning. Perhaps there we shall set down prayer sticks for them because there our children stay quietly. " Thus he said. "Hear! hear!" they said. They made prayer sticks. (10) When they had finished their prayer sticks, to Whispering Spring they sent their prayer sticks. When their prayer sticks arrived there, there they (the divine ones) thought it over among themselves. "Now which of you will count up the days at Itiwana for our daylight fathers, our mothers, our children?" Thus they said. The priests of the katcinas said: "Well, this one, because he is our father." Thus they said. They sent for k^ä'klo priest. (15) When he came to where his fathers were gathered together they laid hold of him fast with their prayer stick. They waited.
It was spring. At the new moon of the month of little sand storms (March) there, desiring one another, they sat down together in council. K^ä'klo priest said, "How shall I come to our daylight fathers, our mothers, our children, at Itiwana?" Thus he said. His grandfathers, Molanhakto,[3] priests, set him on their backs. They came hither. (20) Just at dawn, shortly before sunrise, they came to Corn Mountain. At Corn Mountain they went about in the streets. Then somewhere they climbed up to a house. There where the people were gathered together he spoke. How it would be (he told them). "This day and four more days, and then my two children will come. They will count the days for you." (25) Thus he said. The people spoke. They said, "Well, is that so?" After he had gone the people waited.
After four days the two katcinas came.[4] At all their houses they counted the days for them. "Four days from this day we shall come. On the third (30) day you will have made everything ready and then on the fourth day we shall come. May you all pass a good night. " Saying this, the two went.
Four times the sun rose and the women folks cooked. In the evening the two came. "Make haste!" they went about saying. The sun went in. (35) They went. Then meeting them the others came. They went about, dancing. They finished. Then others came.
[3. The K?oyemci, esoteric name.
4. The announcers who come four days before ko?uptconawe.]
Then those went about, dancing. Then others came. When those had gone still, others came. When those were about to go they made an end of it. They went.
Thus they came in groups. After a short time someone died. Then after a few (40) days they came again. Again after they had gone someone died. Thus whenever they came, they took someone with them when they went.
Thus they lived. And although the people of the village enjoyed themselves, yet it was not right. Then these (the katcinas) said, "Now, my children, I think it should not be thus. If we keep on coming it will not be right." Thus they said. "You will look at us well. We do not always (45) look like this." Thus they said. Then the two set down their face mask and their helmet mask. The people looked at them. As they looked at them--"You will look at them well so that you can copy them. You will make them and give them life. When you dance with them we shall come and stand before you. If we do thus perhaps it will be all right, because if we take someone with us when we (50) come it is not right." Thus they said to one another. Then they made them. When they brought to life the chin mask and the helmet mask, the people of the village danced in them. They made them right, and the people of the village were happy. No one died. Thus they live. When they danced thus no one died. Thus they lived.
In the winter they had ko?uptconawa. At night they went about, dancing. Some young woman (55) was watching the dance with her little boy. They danced. It was all over.
A few days later the children were playing outdoors. A young man went by where the children were playing. The little boy said, "See that young man going by there? The other night he was a katcina maiden. Perhaps the masked gods do not really come." Thus he said. The children heard him. When they came to their houses, (60) they told their elders. "Perhaps the masked gods do not really come." Thus they said. "Who said so?" "K?ai'yuani says so." Thus they said. "Keep quiet! Don't do that. They will punish you." Thus they said to them. Their fathers told one another. They talked only of that.
In the kivas they worked on their masks. They made some dangerous monsters. (65) When they were ready they came. They went around searching. In all the village they could not find him. Meanwhile his parents were hiding him way back in the dust in the fourth inner room. They just brought him food. When they did not see him they sent word to the village of the katcinas. When their message came to the village of the katcinas they arose. The
sayalhia and white temtemci and the koyemci and (70) all the katcinas came hither. They went about searching. They called into all the kivas. When they had been to all of them and found no one there they came to his house. They called in. "He's not here. He has gone far away." The koyemci came down. "We can't find him," they said. When they had said this the sayalhia stood on four cross marks (on the roof). Two of them (75) stood facing the east, the other two stood facing the west. They turned around. When they had made a complete circuit they called, "Bu----ix!" The earth shook. The second time they turned about. When they had made a complete circuit, "Bu----ix!" they said. The walls of the house cracked. They turned around the third time. When they bad made a complete circuit, "Bu----ix!" they said. (80) The house cracked nearly to the ground. The fourth time they turned around. When they had made a complete circuit, "Bu----ix! " they said. The walls cracked all the way down to the ground; there in the fourth room be was sitting. The koyemci said, "Look in there, our little friend is sitting within!" Thus they said. They pulled him out. The katcinas came. They struck him. When they were finished the white tomtemci walked around angrily. "Hoo--tem-tem-ci tem-tem-ci hoo--!" "Grandfather hurry! Hit him hard! (85) We want to go!" Thus said the koyemci. Temtemci was angry. He was running around angrily. A long time afterwards he came to where the boy was standing, He seized his forelock. Huk^we! He cut him. He cut his head off at the neck and threw it up. It fell. He picked it up and again threw it up. It fell. He picked it up and again threw it up. It fell. Again he threw it up. It fell. Then the koyemci used it as a kick stick. They came to the village of the katcinas. (90) Near by on an ant hill they set it down. Then they went in.
Meanwhile at Corn Mountain they buried K?aiyu?ani's headless body. By doing thus they made the Katcina society valuable. Therefore, to any little boy who is initiated into the Katcina society the katcina chief tells this story. Whoever forgets and talks of this will be punished. Therefore these words are not to be told. (95) You will be mindful of it.
This happened long ago.
ZUÑI RITUAL POETRY
By RUTH L. BUNZEL
From The Forty-Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1929-1930, the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.|
|
Page |
|
Introduction |
615 |
|
I. Prayers to the Ancients |
621 |
|
1. An offering of food to the Ancestors |
621 |
|
2. Preparation of prayer sticks at the winter solstice |
623 |
|
3. Offering of prayer sticks at the winter solstice |
624 |
|
*4. Monthly offering of prayer sticks |
626 |
|
5. Offering of prayer sticks to dead wife |
632 |
|
6. Offering of corn meal to dead wife |
633 |
|
II. Prayers to the sun |
635 |
|
1. At sunrise |
635 |
|
2. Presenting an infant to the sun |
635 |
|
3. P?ekwin sets date for the summer solstice |
636 |
|
4. Firekeeper at the winter solstice |
637 |
|
III.. Prayers to the Uwanammi |
643 |
|
*1. A priest goes into retreat |
643 |
|
2. A priest during his summer retreat |
646 |
|
3. P?ekwin goes into retreat |
659 |
|
4. Bow priest in retreat in summer |
663 |
|
IV. Prayers of the war cult |
668 |
|
1. A bow priest makes prayer sticks at the winter solstice |
668 |
|
2. Prayers before going on a war party |
669 |
|
3. Prayers of the scalp dance |
674 |
|
V. Prayers and chants of priests of masked gods I |
690 |
|
1. The coming of Kyäklo |
690 |
|
2. Prayer of the impersonator of Pautiwa |
692 |
|
VI. Prayers and chants of the priests of the masked gods II. Prayers and chants of the Ca?lako |
702 |
|
1. The impersonators with monthly offering of prayer sticks |
706 |
|
*2. Sayataca's night chant |
710 |
|
3. Sayataca's morning chant |
756 |
|
4. Night chant of Hek^äpa-kwe Ca?lako |
762 |
|
5. Washing the head of the Ca?lako impersonator |
776 |
|
6. "Washing" the Koyemci |
777 |
|
7. Dismissal of the Koyemci |
780 |
|
VII. Prayers of the medicine cult |
782 |
|
*1 The Great Fire Society Chief sets up his altar |
782 |
|
2. Summoning a shaman |
791 |
|
3. Summoning a novice for his initiation |
795 |
|
*4. The Society father blesses the novice at the close of his initiation |
802 |
|
5. Prayer of a Society chief during his winter retreat |
827 |
|
6. Prayer of the chief of the Ant Society |
829 |
|
7. Prayers for collecting medicine |
830 |
|
8. Prayer for stalking deer |
835 |
* The items marked with an asterisk are presented in text with interlinear and free translation; the others text and free translation only.
ZUÑI RITUAL POETRY
By RUTH L. BUNZEL
INTRODUCTION
THE NATURE AND FUNCTION OF PRAYER
Spoken prayer in Zuñi is called t?ewusu p?ena:we, "prayer talk." This includes personal prayers, all the set prayers of rituals, chants, the origin myth in its ritual forms, the "talk" of komosono and other set speeches. It is also used for urgent requests. (t?ewusu p?eye?a--" he speaks prayers, i. e., begs, implores.")
Prayer is never the spontaneous outpouring of the overburdened soul; it is more nearly a repetition of magical formulae. A good deal has already been said (p. 493) about the rôle of prayer in the ritual. The prayers constitute the very heart of a ceremony. Like fetishes, they are sacred and powerful in themselves. Their possession is a source of power; their loss or impairment a great danger. Zuñis will describe esoteric ceremonies fully and vividly, but there are two thing which they are equally reluctant to do--to exhibit sacred objects or to repeat the words of a prayer. There is much less reticence about songs, except for a few special, secret songs. Prayer frequently forms part of set rituals. Then whether publicly declaimed or muttered so as to be inaudible to profane ears, the efficacy of the prayer depends in no small measure on its correct rendition. The prayers for individual use, such as accompany offerings of prayer meal, food, or prayer sticks, requests for medical service, etc., are also fixed in form and content, although they are individually varied in degree of elaboration. "Some men who are smart, talk a long time, but some are just like babies." There are certain other occasions on which men can display their skill in handling the poetic medium when they are visited in their houses by the katcinas; when they are called upon to take part in the games of the Koyemci; when they are appointed to office; or otherwise signaled out for honor or blessing by the supernaturals. In such cases one must improvise quickly and handle correctly the ritual vocabulary, rhythms, characteristic long periods, and, above all, speak without any hesitation or fumbling and for as long as possible. There is no time limit, no admonitions to be brief and to the point.
The set prayers must be formally learned--they are not just picked up. The most formal instruction is that connected with the transmission of the prayers of the Ca?lako. Each kiva has a Ca?lako wo?le, who, among his other duties, keeps the prayers. Immediately after the winter solstice the Ca?lako appointees come to him to be taught the necessary prayers. The wo?le meets with them for the four nights following each planting of prayer sticks, and as often besides as may be necessary. The Saiyataca party, whose ritual is the most elaborate, meets every night. Most of this time is given to the "long talk," the litany that is declaimed in the house of the host on the night of their final ceremonies. There are many other prayers that accompany all their activities-prayers for the making and planting of prayer sticks, for getting their mask from the people who keep it and returning it, for various stages in dressing and in their progress toward the village, for the dedication of the house, for blessing the food, for thanking the singers and the hosts, for going away. How ever, the "long talk" and the "morning talk" are chanted aloud in unison and must be letter perfect. The method of instruction is for the wo?le to intone the prayer, the pupils joining in as they can. One-half of the chant is taken each night. The phraseology of the prayers is so stereotyped that the principal difficulty in learning a long prayer is to keep the sequence. For this purpose certain cult groups have special mnemonic devices. The K^äklo "talk" recorded in text by Mrs. Stevenson is such a record. It is an outline naming in order the various personages called and the places visited, it being assumed that the performer can fill in the outline from his knowledge of the poetic forms. It takes the men appointed to impersonate the gods all of the year to learn their prayers. As the time for the ceremony approaches great concern is felt, and sometimes the ceremony is postponed because the men are not ready. On the night after the ceremony the men go once again to the wo?le and give the prayer back. They recite it for him. At the close he inhales, and they do not, and so he takes from them the spirit of the prayer.
The instruction in prayers that are not publicly performed is less formal. Boys learn the a, b, c's of religious participation, including elementary prayers, from their fathers. After initiation into a medicine society a man goes at once to his ceremonial father to learn to make the prayer sticks of the society, and at the same time learn prayers for the making and offering of prayer sticks. He makes some payment to his father for this information--a shirt or a headband or a few pieces of turquoise. Women do not make their own prayer sticks, but they go similarly to their "fathers" to learn the required prayers. So every additional bit of knowledge is acquired. As more esoteric information is sought, the expense for instruction increases
greatly. A certain old man in one of the priesthoods knew a particular prayer and the order of events in a rarely performed ceremony. He refused to teach these things to anyone. When he was very old and his death was expected his colleagues wished to learn this prayer from him. He was finally persuaded to teach them for a consideration. The woman member of the priesthood contributed a woman's shawl, the men things of greater value, to his fee. He taught the prayer but withheld the other information, and finally died without communicating it. Sometimes a man who is apt and curious and wealthy may collect prayers, the way men in other societies accumulate oil paintings or other works of art, and eventually turn them to profit. The cost of most information is not so excessive that a poor man can not, with the practice of a little thrift, acquire whatever he wishes to know.[1] He can, if he wishes, and if he has friends, learn the prayers of the Ne?we:kwe without actually joining their society. His ceremonial affiliations restrict his right to use these prayers, but many men go to expense to learn prayers they have no intention of using. The Saiyataca texts recorded in the following pages and many others were given me by a man who had never impersonated Saiyataca and never expected to. They were verified after the informant's death by the Saiyataca wo?le, who wondered how and why the informant had learned them. I myself heard the actual chant twice after recording the text and know it to be correct.
ZUÑI POETIC STYLE
As might be expected, prayers are highly formalized in content and mode of expression. Nearly all prayers are requests accompanying offerings. They have three sections, which always appear in the same order: A statement of the occasion, a description of the offering, and the request. In long and important prayers the statement of the occasion is a synoptic review of ritual acts leading up to the present moment of a ceremony. Thus, Saiyataca's chant begins with a description of the winter solstice ceremony when the appointment was made and follows the Saiyataca party through all the minor ceremonies of the year, even enumerating the various shrines at which prayer sticks were offered. The prayers over novices at their initiation ceremony begin with a formal description of their illness and cure. In prayers which do not mark the culmination of long ceremonies the statement of the occasion may be no more than a statement of the time of day or the season of the year, and some veiled allusion to the special deities who are being invoked.
[1. In Zuñi a "poor man" is one who has no special knowledge or position in the ceremonial system. A "valuable" man has knowledge and prestige. "Knowledge" (anikwanan:e) is the word for supernatural power.]
There is always a formal request for all the regular blessings--long life, old age, rain, seeds, fecundity, riches, power, and "strong spirit." This formal request closes the prayer. Any special request, such as those for summer storms and winter snows, safety in war, rescue from disease, precede this. Requests that are strictly personal never figure in prayer. One prays always for "all good fortune," never for special and particular benefit. The only exceptions are in the case of prayers in sickness and the prayer of a widower to his dead wife with the request that she should not pursue him.
Zuñi prayers are distinctly matter of fact. They deal with external events and conditions rather than inner states. Outside of the request, their content is limited to two fields: Natural phenomena, such as sunrise, sunset, dawn, night, the change of seasons, the phases of the moon, rainstorms, snowfall, the growth of corn; and ritual acts, especially the making of prayer sticks, setting up of altars, and transfer of authority. Rituals of a more intimate and personal character, such as fasting and abstinence, are never mentioned. In their prayers Zuñis do not humble themselves before the supernatural; they bargain with it.
There are regular stereotyped phrases for all things commonly alluded to in prayer. The sun always "comes out standing to his sacred place," "night priests draw their dark curtain," the corn plants "stretch out their hands to all directions calling for rain," the meal painting on an altar is always "our house of massed clouds," prayer sticks are "clothed in our grandfather, turkey's, robe of cloud." Events are always described in terms of these stereotypes, which are often highly imaginative and poetic.[2] These fixed metaphors are the outstanding feature of Zuñi poetic style. There are not very many of them; they are used over and over again, the same imagery appearing repeatedly in one prayer. A prayer recorded by Cushing more than 50 years ago contains all of the same stereotypes and no turns of expression different from those in use to-day. A comparison of Cushing's texts[3] with mine shows a rigidity of style in oral tradition.
The sentence structure is that of continued narrative in the hands of a particularly able story-teller. Zuñi is a language that is very sensitive to skillful handling. Oratory is a recognized art, and prayer is one of the occasions on which oratory is used. The best prayers run to long periods-the longer the better, since clarity of expression is not necessary, nor particularly desirable.
Zuñi, like Latin, is a highly inflected language and can handle effectively involved sentences that can not be managed intelligibly in
[2. Some of the most striking passages have been quoted. (See pp. 483-486.).
3. Unfortunately Cushing has published only short texts which do not do justice to Zuñi style. One long text which he recorded is to be published in the Journal of American Folk-Lore with a parallel modern version.]
English. These features, which are difficult enough of translation in prose, are emphasized in the poetry. The long period is a characteristic feature. The typical Zuñi word order is subject, object, verb; the verb always holding the final position. The usual method of expressing temporal or causal subordination is by means of participial or gerundive clauses, fully inflected, preceding the principal proposition. These participial clauses are impossible in English. In the translation it has been necessary, therefore, to break up the original sentences. Thereby an important and effective stylistic feature is unavoidably lost. But the reader should think of the Zuñi sentences rolling on like the periods of a Ciceronian oration to their final close.
Another difficulty of translation, which will be alluded to frequently in the following pages, is the impossibility of translating the word plays with which the texts abound. To quote one example: The root lhea: means, in its intransitive inflection, to wear or hold in the hand; in its transitive inflection, to clothe or to give into the hand. There the sentence li:lh ho? t?o? telik^inan a:lhea?u means both, "I here hand you these prayer sticks," or "I clothe you with these prayer sticks." Folk tales and religious beliefs utilize this double entendre. It is believed, for instance, that when people neglect to plant prayer sticks to the gods their clothing wears out. The passage where the word cipololon:e is used with the double meaning of "smoke" and "mist" is a striking example. The suppliant offers smoke of the sacred cigarette to the rain makers. They are conceived as taking the cigarette and smoking in turn. They "send forth their smoky breath," i. e., mist or fog.
Word play is used with still greater subtlety in the description of the prayer-stick offering. Many Zuñi roots are neutral; i. e., can be inflected to form both nouns and verbs.[4] ikwi: is to tie something about something else; ikwin:e, literally a tying about, is the usual word for belt. To say, therefore, "I tie the cotton about it," is precisely the same as to say "I belt him with a cotton belt." So the whole image of the making of the prayer stick or the dressing of an idol is built up linguistically. It is very difficult to tell how much is word play, how much metaphor, and how much is actual personification. The Zuñi finds these ambiguities intriguing.
This leads us to the third form of word play, the deliberate use of ambiguity, both verbal and grammatical. There are passages where subject and object are deliberately confounded, although there are excellent means for avoiding such ambiguity. These sentences are perfectly grammatical and can be correctly interpreted in two ways.
[4. This is not, strictly speaking, true in precisely these terms. As a matter of fact these stems are probably verbal, but a complete demonstration of their character would take us into linguistic subtleties beyond the scope of this paper.]
The use of obsolete or special words has occasioned some difficulty. The expression k^?acima t?apela for ladder is one case. Tapela, the Zuñis say, is an "old word" for ladder. T?apelan:e, however, was a load of wood tied up as it used to be in the days when wood was brought on foot. Wood is no longer brought in this way, but the word, fixed in metaphor, has survived. There are a number of similar examples. In such cases the old translation has been retained.
It has been impossible, of course, to render the original rhythm. One characteristic feature, however, has been retained, namely, its irregularity, the unsymmetrical alternation of long and short lines. Cushing, in his commendable desire to render Zuñi verse into vivid and intelligible English verse, committed the inexcusable blunder of reducing the Zuñi line to regular short-line rhymed English stanzas. If one were to choose a familiar English verse form it should be the line of Milton or, better still, the free verse of the King James version of the psalms. I have tried to retain the sense in the original of the fluidity and variety of the verse form. In reading the translations one must be mindful of Zuñi methods of declamation. The short lines are declaimed slowly and with marked emphasis, the long lines are spoken rapidly, unaccented syllables are slurred or elided, and the word accents pile up on each other. The two types of line are like the booming of the surf and the rushing of the brook.
Zuñi poetry has no feminine endings.[5] The heavy accent with noticeable lengthening on the final syllable can not be transferred to English. The translation therefore suffers greatly from loss of sonority and vigor. In the original every line is like the declaration of a creed--an effect which no translation can adequately render. It is interesting to note that although the natural cadence of Zuñi is trochaic, the poetic rhythm is predominantly iambic. The principal word accent in Zuñi is invariably on the first syllable, with a secondary accent, in words of four or more syllables, on the penult. The final syllable is always unaccented, yet the important poetic stress is always on the final syllable of the line, which gives the verse a curious syncopated quality, very difficult of reproduction. The final syllable is usually distinguished by prolongation and a high falling tone.
[5. Every line ends in a vowel. Most Zuñi words terminate in vowels, but words ending in consonants--for example, the participles in -nan and -ap take special forms -na or -nana and -ap?!a when occurring finally; -a is the most usual vocalic ending, but there is no true rhyming.]
I. PRAYERS TO THE ANCIENTS
AN OFFERING OF FOOD TO THE ANCESTORS
The offering of food to the dead forms an important part of Zuñi household ritual. Cushing states that a bit of food is offered in the fire at each meal by all partaking, and that no child is weaned until he is able to make this offering with a suitable prayer. At the present time the practice is by no means universal. It is made, with very little ceremony, by priests and the female heads of their houses. The female heads of houses holding ceremonial objects make offerings to these objects before serving food. Each appointee to ceremonial office makes offerings at nightfall in the river, about a mile west of Zuñi. The food thus offered is carried by the river to the supernaturals at the village of the masked gods. Offerings of food are conspicuous at any ceremonial meal, and each man holding ceremonial office receives a package to be offered later in the river. With offerings in the house no prayer is spoken-at most only a few words are mumbled: "Eat; may our roads be fulfilled," or "May we be blessed with life. " With outdoor offerings, long prayers are spoken. Offerings, whether of food, corn meal, or prayer sticks, are never made specifically to one's own ancestors, but to the ancestors.
After the crops are harvested in fall ghosts' day or grandmothers' day is announced by the sakisti (sacristan of the ancient mission church).[2] On this day large quantities of food are prepared, only products of that year's harvest being used, a lamb of that spring's lambing, bread made of new wheat and corn, and anything else that has been raised. The melons are gone by that time, but some are always saved for the grandmothers. Before eating the evening meal women make their offerings in the fire, a few ears of corn, a dish of lamb stew, a loaf of bread, a roll of paper bread. After dark the men take even greater quantities to the river. The following prayer is used, probably, with this special offering.
This day my children,
For their fathers,
Their ancestors,
[3. In 1927 it fell on November 9. For the probable Catholic origin of the feast in All Souls' Day, see Parsons All Souls' Day at Zuñi, Acoma, and Laguna; Journal of American Folk Lore 30:495.]
5 For you who have attained the far off place of waters,[3]
This day
My children
Have prepared food for your rite.
10 Now our sun father
Has gone in to sit down at his sacred place.[4]
Taking the food my children have prepared at their fireplaces
(I have come out.)
15 Those who hold our roads,[5]
The night priests,[6]
Coming out rising to their sacred place
Will pass us on our roads.
20 This night
I add to your hearts.
With your supernatural wisdom
You will add to your hearts,
Let none of you be missing
25 But all add to your hearts.
Thus on all sides you will talk together.
From where you stay quietly
Your little wind-blown clouds,
Your fine wisps of cloud,
30 Your massed clouds you will send
forth to sit down with us;
With your fine rain caressing the earth,
With all your waters
You will pass to us on our roads.
With your great pile of waters,
35 With your fine rain caressing the earth,
With your heavy rain caressing the earth,
You will pass to us on our roads.
My fathers,
Add to your hearts.
40 Your waters,
Your seeds,
Your long life,[7]
Your old age
You will grant to us.
[3. That is, the dead.
4. The sun has two resting places: One above, to which he "comes out standing" at sunrise; one below the world, to which he "goes in to sit down" at sunset.
5. A:wonawil?ona--used of any supernaturals who influence human affairs. This is not a special deity, as Mrs. Stevenson believes.
6. That is the night itself, anthropomorphically envisaged.
7. Onaya:nak^ä--literally "road fulfilling."]
45 Therefore I have added to your hearts.
To the end, my fathers,
My children:
You will protect us.
All my ladder descending children [8]
50 Will finish their roads;
They will grow old.
You will bless us with life.
THE PREPARATION OF PRAYER STICKS AT THE WINTER SOLSTICE
Twice during the winter solstice ceremony each adult male makes prayer sticks. The first time he makes for himself offerings to the sun, and to the ancestors. For the grown women of the family he makes offerings for the moon and the ancestors; children offer to the ancestors. If he is a member of a society he makes the special offering appropriate to his rank in the society. These solstice offerings are quite different from monthly society offerings.
The offerings of each family are deposited in an excavation in the family field, generally the cornfield, despite the fact that these are at greater distances from the village. After the offerings are made everyone is supposed to abstain from animal food, in addition to the usual requirement of sexual continence. Abstinence from meat is required because of the offering to the sun, which employs only downy feathers, which are especially potent and carry with thorn the pledge of abstinence. Among the younger people only those who belong to societies fast from meat. The others would consider it wrong to do so. "While we were away at school we ate meat, and it is a bad thing to break one's custom."
On the fourth day each initiated male offers to the katcinas, and each male society member offers to the beast gods. These offerings are made in the cornfield or in the fields to the east of the village. That night, after dark, special offerings are made in the corrals for the increase of horses, cattle, and sheep, for clothing and ornaments, and for medicine. Each man uses a different kind of stick and guards this secret knowledge jealously.
There are prayers to be said at each stage of the process of prayer stick making. Prayers are always offered to the trees before cutting the sticks. Corn meal is offered to the "lucky" tree. This is not cut, but another is taken. The rest of the prayers are generally
[8. That is, human, the inhabitants of Zuñi.]
omitted until the stick is finished. Then the following brief prayer is spoken over it before it is set aside until the time comes to plant it:
This many are the days
Since our moon mother
Yonder in the west[9]
Appeared, still small;
When but a short space yet remained
Till she was fully grown,
Then out daylight father,[10]
Pekwin of the Dogwood clan,
For his sun father
10 Told off the days.
This many days we have waited.
We have come to the appointed time.
My children,
15 All my children,
Will make plume wands.
My child,
My father,[11] sun,
20 My mother, moon,
All my children will clothe you with prayer plumes.[12]
When you have arrayed yourselves in these,
With your waters,
25 Your seeds
You will bless all my children.
All your good fortune
You will grant to them all.
To this end, my father,
30 My mother:
May I finish my road;
May I grow old;
May you bless me with life.
AN OFFERING OF PRAYER STICKS AT THE WINTER SOLSTICE
This many are the days
Since at the new year
For those who are our fathers,
[9. The new moon, first appearing at sunset in the west.
10. Our human father. Father is a courtesy term applied to all supernaturals, all men who hold high office.
11. "My father, my child," the most intimate form of address, used only in relations of implying intense affection. "My father, my child," and "my mother, my child," are sometimes used as great endearments between husband and wife.
12. A common play upon words a'lhea?u means either to give into one's hand or to clothe one. Likewise i'lhea'u (reflexive) means either to take in one's hand or to clothe oneself.
13. Literally "the water object in the dish," the rain-bringing fetish of the priests. (M. C. Stevenson, 23d Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnology, p. 163.)]
5 Tcu'eto:we,[14]
The days[15] were made.
From all the wooded places
Breaking off the young straight shoots
Of the male willow, female willow,
10 In our hands we held them fast.
With them we gave our plume wands human form.
With the striped cloud wing
The one who is our father,
Male turkey,
15 We gave our plume wands human form.[16]
With the flesh of our mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a poorly made cotton thread,
20 With this four times encircling the plume wands,
And tying it about their bodies,
We finished our plume wands.
Having finished our plume wands
25 And offering our fathers their plume wands
We make their days.[17]
Anxiously awaiting their days.
We have passed the days.
After a little while
30 Your massed clouds,
Your rains,
We shall desire.
We have given you plume wands.
That with your waters,
35 Your seeds,
Your riches,[18]
Your long life,
Your old age,
You may bless us--
40 For this I have given you plume wands.
To this end, my fathers,
May our roads reach to dawn lake;[19]
May our roads be fulfilled;
May we grow old;
[14. The other half of the priestly fetish. This is the corn fetish.
15. The retreat of the priests.
16. Fashioned like human beings. The stick is the body, the feathers, the robes, the cotton cord is the belt, the paint is the flesh. This is the order of processes in the making of prayer sticks.
17. "To make days" is to observe the taboo period.
18. Clothing and ornaments, which constitute personal property, hence wealth.
19. The water that lies on the easternmost rim of the world. This is where the sun comes out, and stands, therefore, as the symbol of fulfillment.]
45 To where the road of our sun father goes
May our roads reach;
May our roads be fulfilled;
May we grow old;
50 May we be blessed with life.
A MONTHLY OFFERING OF PRAYER STICKS
At each full moon (in some societies at the new moon) each member of a society offers prayer sticks. In addition to special offerings prescribed by the society there are two to four short black sticks for the ancestors and, for males, one similar black stick, with the addition of a duck feather, for the katcinas. The sticks are buried in the corn field or at Red Earth, a point on the river bank east of the town. The prayer sticks are deposited with the following prayer, which was secured from one of the headmen of the Wood Society.
This many are the days
Since our moon mother,
Yonder in the west
Appeared still small.
When she became fully grown
Seeking yonder along the river courses
The ones who are our fathers,
Male willow,
Female willow,
Four times cutting the straight young shoots,
To my house
I brought my road.
This day,
With my warm human hands
I took hold of them.
I gave my plume wands human form.
With the striped cloud tail
Of the one who is my grandfather,
The male turkey,
With eagle's thin cloud tail,
With the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
With these four times I gave my plume wands human form.
With the flesh of the one who is my mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a poorly made cotton thread,
Four times encircling them and tying it about their bodies,
I gave the plume wands human form
With the flesh of the one who is our mother,
Black paint woman,
Four times covering them with flesh,
I gave my plume wands human form.
In a short time the plume wands were ready.
Taking the plume wands,
I made my road go forth.
Yonder with prayers
We took our road.
Thinking, "Let it be here,"
Our earth mother
We passed upon her road.
Our fathers,
There on your earth mother,
There where you are waiting your plume wands
We have passed you on your roads.
There where you are all gathered together in beauty
Now that you are to receive your plume wands,
You are gathered together.
This day I give you plume wands.
By means of your supernatural wisdom
You will clothe yourself with the plume wands.
Wherever you abide permanently,
At the place of the first beginning,
Touching one another with your plume wands,
You will bend down to talk together.
From where you abide permanently,
Your little wind-blown cloud,
Your thin wisps of cloud,
Your hanging stripes of cloud,
Your massed up clouds, replete with living waters,
You will send forth to stay with us.
They will come out standing on all sides.
With your fine rain caressing the earth,
With your weapons, the lightning,
With your rumbling thunder,
Your great crashes of thunder,
With your fine rain caressing the earth,
Your heavy rain caressing the earth,
With your great pile of waters here at Itiwana,[20]
With these You will pass us on our roads.
In order that you may come to us thus
I have given you plume wands. My fathers,
When you have taken your plume wands,
With your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
Your power,
Your strong spirit,
Will all your good fortune whereof you are possessed,
Me you will bless.
Corn meal is then sprinkled on the prayer sticks with the following prayer:
This day, my fathers,
I have given you plume wands.
The source of our water of life.
The source of our flesh,
Flesh of the white corn
Prayer meal
I give to you.
Taking your plume wand,
Your prayer meal,
with your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
Your long life,
Your old age,
With all your good fortune
You will bless us.
This is all.
PRAYERS TO DEAD WIFE, WITH OFFERINGS OF PRAYER MEAL AND PRAYER STICKS
When a man's wife dies for four days he observes the most stringent taboos. He remains continent; he abstains from eating meat, grease, and salt. He sits alone, away from the fire, and must not be touched. He should not speak or be spoken to. Each morning at dawn he drinks an emetic and goes out on the eastern road to offer black corn meal to the dead spouse. He holds the black meal in the left hand, passes it four times over his head, and throws it away as rite of exorcism. Then, using the right hand, he scatters white meal, and prays. These taboos are the same as those offered by a warrior who has taken a scalp, and are directed to the same ends, the removal of contamination and the propitiation of the ghost. The ghost, who is lonely, will try to visit her husband in dreams. To prevent this he uses black corn meal, "to make the road dark" or "to forget."
After the four days he plants prayer sticks and resumes normal life. For 12 months he should remain continent, lest the dead wife become jealous. During this period he is "dangerous." At the end of this period he has intercourse with a stranger to whom he gives a gift, the instrument for removing the contamination. She throws this away. Next day both plant prayer sticks. If he desires to shorten the period, he gets some man with esoteric knowledge to make him especially potent prayer sticks two or four sets-planted at intervals of four days, which are offered to the dead wife with the following prayer. These same rites are observed also by a widow and a warrior who has taken a scalp.
This is the only example which has come to my knowledge of any offering made to an individual, and even in this the ancestors are included. This prayer is also used with offerings of prayer sticks to the dead, on the fourth day after death, the day in which the spirit is believed to reach the land of the dead.[21]
My fathers,
Our sun father,
Our mothers,
Dawn
5 As you arise and come out to your sacred place,
I pass you on your road.
The source of our flesh,
White corn,
[21. Two versions follow, one dictated by a man, the other taken from the autobiography of a woman, in the account of the death of her first husband.]
10 Prayer meal,
Shell,
Pollen,
I offer to you.
Our sun father,
15 To you I offer prayer meal.
To you we offer it.
To you we offer pollen.
According to the words of my prayer
Even so may it be.
20 There shall be no deviation.
Sincerely
From my heart I send forth my prayers.
To you prayer meal,
Shell I offer.
25 Pollen I offer.
According to the words of my prayer
Even so may it be.
Now this day,
My ancestors,
You have attained the far-off place of waters.[22]
This day,
5 Carrying plume wands,
Plume wands which I have prepared for your use.
I pass you on your roads.
I offer you plume wands.
10 When you have taken my plume wands,
All your good fortune whereof you are possessed
You will grant to me.
And furthermore
You, my mother,[23]
15 Verily, in the daylight
With thoughts embracing,
We passed our days
Now you have attained the far-off place of waters.
I give you plume wands,
[22. The dead, whose abiding place is a lake.
23. A term of endearment used for one's wife or child in moments of great tenderness. Often "my mother, my child."]
Plume wands which I have prepared for your use.
Drawing your plume wands to you,
And sharing my plume wands,
Indeed, under no conditions shall you take anyone away. 24
Among all the corn priests' ladder descending children,
All the little boys,
The little girls,
30 And those whose roads go ahead,
Was one, perhaps even a valuable man,
Who, his heart becoming angry be cause of something,
Injured you with his power.[25]
35 That one only you will think to drag down.
All of your good fortune whatsoever
May you grant to us.
40 Preserving us along a safe road,
May our roads be fulfilled.
[24. The dead are lonely without the living and try to draw them away. The wife longs for her living husband, the mother for her children. Therefore these individuals stand in grave danger of death.
25. The sorcerer whose ill will caused the fatal illness.]
II. PRAYERS TO THE SUN
PRAYER AT SUNRISE
Now this day,
My sun father,
Now that you have come out standing to your sacred place,
5 That from which we draw the water of life,
Prayer meal,
Here I give to you.
Your long life,
Your old age,
10 Your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
Your power,
Your strong spirit,
15 All these to me may you grant.
PRESENTING AN INFANT TO THE SUN
On the eighth day of life an infant's head is washed by his "aunts"--that is, women of his father's clan, his most important ceremonial relatives. Corn meal is placed in his hand and he is taken outdoors, facing the east, at the moment of sunrise. Corn meal is sprinkled to the rising sun with the following prayer, spoken by the paternal grandmother:
Now this is the day.
Our child,
Into the daylight
You will go out standing.
5 Preparing for your day,
We have passed our days.
When all your days were at an end,
When eight days were past,
Our sun father
10 Went in to sit down at his sacred place.
And our night fathers
Having come out standing to their sacred place,
Passing a blessed night
15 We came to day.
Now this day
Our fathers,
Dawn priests,
Have come out standing to their sacred place.
Our sun father
Having come out standing to his sacred place,
Our child,
25 It is your day.
This day,
The flesh of the white corn,
Prayer meal,
To our sun father
30 This prayer meal we offer.
May your road be fulfilled
Reaching to the road of your sun father,
When your road is fulfilled
35 In your thoughts (may we live)
May we be the ones whom your thoughts will embrace,
For this, on this day
To our sun father.
40 We offer prayer meal.
To this end:
May you help us all to finish our roads.
THE P?EKWIN SETS THE DATE FOR THE SUMMER SOLSTICE
Before the summer solstice the p?ekwin makes daily observations of the sunset from a shrine east of the village. When the sun sets behind a certain point in the mesa he begins to count days with offerings of prayer sticks. There are six such offerings according to Mrs. Stevenson.[1] At dawn of the morning following the last offering he announces from the highest housetop in Zuñi that the summer solstice will take place after eight days.
Now that those who hold our roads,
Dawn ancients,
Youths,
Matrons,
5 Maidens,
Over their sacred place,
Have raised their curtain.
Here, on the corn priests' housetop
I stand up.
10 My fathers,
My sun father,
We have made your days.
Divine ones,
Remember your days.
[1. Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 148.]
15 When this many days, eight days, are past,
On the ninth day.
All together
We shall reach your appointed time.
This many days anxiously waiting
20 You shall pass the days.
I think it is this many days, eight days,
And then on the ninth day.
You will grant that all of us finish our roads.
PRAYER OF THE FIRE KEEPER AT THE WINTER SOLSTICE
The keeper of the New Year fire is appointed by the priests on the ninth day following the p?ekwin's announcement of the solstice. This is the day on which all people cut prayer sticks. During the day he collects wood from houses in the village and in the evening builds the New Year fire in he'?iwa kiva. On this evening the images of the gods of war are taken to the kiva for their all-night ceremony. The fire keeper must be a man of the Badger clan or a child of that clan. He is called tsu'pal-i'lona (the one who has the blood pudding; the fire is his tsu'palon:e, or blood pudding). During the ensuing ten days he must observe continence and eat no meat or other animal food. He sleeps and eats at his own house, but returns to the kiva to tend the fire, which must be kept burning throughout the period. He visits every house in the village to get wood for his fire.
At sundown on the ninth day of the second period[2] he comes to the kiva. Here p?ekwin has made a meal painting and set up an altar. When all the priests have arrived p?ekwin goes to summon the impersonators of P?a'utiwa and the four Sa'yalhia. They come unmasked, their masks having been taken to the kiva earlier in the day.
At sunset Ci'tsuk^a and Kwe'lele, gods from the east, enter the village from the east. They dance for a few minutes on the roof of the kiva and then go in. After brief prayers they go to the house of the Great Fire Society to eat. The masks belong to this society, and the impersonators must be chosen from the Great God order of the society.
Late at night they are again summoned to the kiva. Here are the priests, the impersonators of P?a'utiwa and the Sa'yalhia, men of the Dogwood and Sun clans who dress P?a'utiwa, and singers from He'iwa kiva. With Ci'tsuk^a and Kwe'lele go the headmen of the Great Fire Society and a group of singers from that society. The two choirs sing alternately and Kwe'lele and Ci'tsuk^a dance. The fire keeper sits all night beside the fireplace, within a circle of meal across which he must not step.
[2. See p. 535.]
At the first sign of dawn P?a'utiwa dresses. When he is ready the chief of the Great Fire Society kindles fire with the ancient drill which Kwe'lele carries. As soon as the fire appears Kwe'lele lights his torch. The fire keeper takes a brand from his fire and, accompanied by Kwe'lele with his torch, p?ekwin, Ko'mosona, P?a'utiwa, and the four Sa'yalhia, goes out to the east. At a point well beyond the last house they pause. The fire keeper lays down his brand, and Kwe'lele extinguishes his torch. All pray and sprinkle meal. Then the party returns to the kiva.
This is the sign to the village that the fire taboo is ended, and immediately everyone hastens to take out their fire and sweepings. When they return to the kiva the fire keeper and p?ekwin pray. Then the people go to their houses to take out the fire from their hearths. They return immediately, and the masked gods dance until daylight. At this time anyone may enter the kiva to receive the blessings of the gods.
The following prayer is spoken by the fire keeper when he returns from the east in the morning. It was dictated by a member of the Great Fire Society.
This many are the days
Since the sun, who is our father,
Stood yonder beside his left hand sacred place.[3]
5 Then our fathers
Having prepared plume wands for the rite of their ancestors,
And having breathed their prayers upon the plume wands,
With their sacred cigarette,
Their prayer meal
10 My fathers
Laid hold of me.
When the sun who is our father
Had yet a little space to go
To go in to sit down at his sacred place,
Our two fathers,
16 The ones who hold the high places,[4]
Once more assuming human form.
With their sacred possessions,
With their house chiefs,
Their p?ekwins,
Their bow priests,
With all of these,
They made their roads come in,
[3. i. e. the north, therefore the winter solstice.
4. The War Gods whose shrines are on mountain tops.]
25 And sat down quietly.
Then the one who is my daylight father
Laid hold of me.
Presenting me yonder to all the directions,
30 He seated me,
Giving me the world.
After a blessed night
We came to day.
Next day
35 Saying, "Let it be now,"
Our two fathers
Yonder passed their elder brothers on their roads.[5]
As they counted up the days for us
40 Eagerly awaiting their days
We passed the days.
When all of their days were past,
Then our two fathers
K^?ä'wulhia P?a'utiwa
45 We passed at their middle day.
Yesterday
When our sun father
Had yet a little space to go
To go in to sit down at his sacred place,
Yonder our fathers of all directions,
Water bringing birds,[6]
P?ekwin, priest,
From where he stays quietly
55 Making his road come forth,
Making his road come hither,
Thinking, "Let it be here,"
Fashioned his fathers massed cloud house,[7]
60 Spread out their mist blanket,
Sent forth their life-giving road,
Prepared their spring.
Then our two fathers,
K^?a'wulhia
65 P?a'utiwa
To his house chiefs,
His p?ekwins,
To his bow priests,
To all of these,
[5. The idols are taken to the mountain shrines.
6. The birds who sing before the rain. They are believed to be messengers of the supernaturals, sent to announce the rain. Hence p?ekwin, the speaker of the priests and announcer of ceremonies, is called figuratively "water birds."
7. The meal painting on the altar.]
70 Made his road come in.
They sat down quietly.
Yonder toward the east,
To our two fathers
White masked god,[8]
75 Black masked god,[9]
To where they were made ready
The prayers reached;
Carrying their waters,
Carrying their seeds,
80 Making their road come hither,
Going along one road,
They sat down quietly.
After a blessed night,
With our children we came to day.
85 When the ones who are our fathers,
Dawn old men,
Dawn youths,
Dawn boys,
Dawn old women,
90 Dawn matrons,
Dawn maidens,
Dawn girls,
Had risen standing to their sacred place,
95 Saying, "Let it be now,"
Four times
Drawing up our grandmother,[10]
And making her arise,
Making her go ahead
100 Yonder toward the east
With prayers
We made our roads go forth.
How the world will be,
How the days will be,
105 We desired to know.
Perhaps if we are lucky
Our earth mother
Will wrap herself in a fourfold robe
Of white meal,
110 Full of frost flowers;
A floor of ice will spread over the world,
The forests,
Because of the cold will lean to one side,
115 Their arms will break beneath the weight of snow.
When the days are thus
The flesh of our earth mother
Will crack with cold.
Then in the spring when she is replete with living waters
[8. Citsuk^ä.
9. Kwelele.
10. The fire.]
120 Our mothers,
All different kinds of corn
In their earth mother
We shall lay to rest.
With their earth mother's living waters
125 They will be made into new beings;
Into their sun father's daylight
They will come out standing;
Yonder to all directions
130 They will stretch out their hands calling for rain.
Then with their fresh waters
(The rain makers) will pass us on our roads.
Clasping their young ones in their arms
They will rear their children.
135 Gathering them into our houses,
Following these toward whom our thoughts bend,
With our thoughts following them,
140 Thus we shall always live.
That this may be
Eagerly we have awaited your day.
Now that all their days are at an end,
145 Eagerly waiting until another day shall come,
We shall pass our days.
Indeed it is so.
Far off someone will be my father,
The divine one,
150 He of the Badger clan.
Asking for his life-giving breath
His breath of old age,
His breath of waters,
His breath of seeds,
155 His breath of fecundity,
His breath of all good fortune,
Asking for his breath.
And into my warm body
Drawing his breath,
160 I shall add to your breath.
Do not despise the breath of your fathers,
But into your bodies
Draw his breath,
165 That yonder to where the life-giving road of your sun father comes out
Your roads may reach;
That you may finish your roads;
For this I add to your breath.
170 To this end, my fathers,
My children,
May all of you be blessed with light.
[11. Plural verb with singular subject, due possibly to rhythmic requirements. The correct form would be telia?u. Byron does this, too, and Blake.]
III. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI
Four days after the summer solstice the priesthoods begin their series of retreats to pray for rain. Each set in turn goes in at the house where their sacred bundle is kept. The four chief priesthoods associated with the four cardinal points go in for eight days each. They are followed by the p?ekwin, who goes in for four days. He is followed by the bow priest, who observes a 4-day retreat, although he does not stay in his house. After these the minor priesthoods, "the darkness people," follow in fixed order. They go in for four days each. The last come out about the first week in September, which is near the end of the rainy season.
Retreats always start in the evening, generally after sunset, and nights only are counted. They end at sunrise on the fourth or eighth morning following. The day before the retreat begins is spent by the priests in making prayer sticks. These are tied together in the after noon, and shortly before sunset the chief priest accompanied by an associate leaves to plant them in a distant spring. They return late at night. They go immediately into the inner room set aside for their retreat, where the other members have already assembled.. The chief priest sets up his altar--a meal painting, one or more feather-wrapped com fetishes, pots of black paint that have been brought from the underworld, stone knives, thunder stones, and finally the sacred bundle itself.
The first of the two prayers below is said with the offering of corn meal when gathering willow sticks, the second on setting the sacred bundle on the altar. They were dictated by a former member of the priesthood of the water serpent, and have been verified by a priest of the priesthood of the south.
PRAYER OF A PRIEST ON GOING INTO RETREAT
This day
Desiring the waters of our fathers,
The ones who first had being,[1]
In our house
Having prepared prayer meal,
Shells,
Corn pollen,
Hither with prayers
We made our road come forth.
This way we directed our roads.
Yonder on all sides our fathers,
Priests of the mossy mountains,
All those whose sacred places are round about,
Creatures of the open spaces
You of the wooded places,
We have passed you on your roads.
This day
Prayer meal,
Shell,
Corn pollen
We offer to you, my fathers.
Offering these to you,
Four times we offer them to you.
[1. The priestly bundles.]
You of the forest,
You of the brush,
All you who in divine wisdom,
Stand here quietly,
Carrying your waters
You will go before
Thus to Itiwana
Our roads will go.
The water filled rooms of your daylight children
Your road will enter.
Sitting down quietly,
After a blessed night
With us, your children,
You will come to day.
To-morrow
When he who holds our roads,
Our sun father,
Coming out to stand at his sacred place
Passes our roads,
Then we shall pass one another on our roads.
The divine ones
From wherever they abide permanently
Will make their roads come forth.
They will come.
And where they sit down quietly
All of us shall pass one another on our roads.
For our fathers,
Our mothers,
Those who first had being,
And also for our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
Rain maker p?ekwins,
Rain maker bow priests
For their rite
We shall give our plume wands human form.
We have given our plume wands human form,
With the massed cloud wing
Of the one who is our grandfather,
The male turkey,
With eagle's thin cloud wings,
And with the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer;
And with the flesh of the one who is our mother
Cotton woman,
Even a rough cotton thread,
A soiled cotton thread
With this four times encircling our plume wands
And tying it about their bodies,
We have given our plume wands human form.
Then also with the flesh of our mother,
Black paint woman,
Covering them with flesh,
We have prepared our plume wands.
When our plume wands were ready,
Saying, "Let it be now."
Taking our plume wands,
Our plume wands which had been finished,
Rising, we came out of our house.
With prayers we made our roads come forth.
At the place called since the first beginning
Rock wedge,[2]
Where our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
In their rain-filled inner rooms[3]
Were all gathered together in beauty
To receive their plume wands,
There we passed them, on their roads.
Passing them on their roads
There we gave our fathers plume wands,
Our fathers,
By means of their divine wisdom
Laid hold of their plume wands.
On all sides
They will talk together, touching one another with the plume wands,[4]
Yonder at the north encircling ocean
You will hold discourse together touching each other with them.
And then also
Yonder at the west encircling ocean,
You will hold discourse together,
Touching one another with them,
And then also yonder toward the south,
[2. A shrine in the mountains southwest of Zuñi, used by the priests and by personators of the masked gods.
3. Inside the spring. Springs are the homes of the rain makers.
4. The prayer sticks constitute the means of communication.]
You will hold discourse together,
Touching one another with them;
Then also yonder toward the east,
You will hold discourse together, touching one another with them.
Then also above
You will hold discourse together, touching one another with them;
And then also in the fourth womb,[5]
You will hold discourse together, touching one another with them.
You will encircle the world with your discourses.
My fathers,
Grasping your plume wands,
You will see your plume wands.
You will see whether they have been finished with precious paint,[6]
Or else are unfinished.
With your spittle,
With your flesh,
With your divine wisdom,
They will be made over afresh into human beings;
They will be strong.
From wherever you abide permanently
You will make your roads come forth.
Your little wind blown clouds,
Your thin wisps of clouds,
Your great masses of clouds
Replete with living waters,
You will send forth to stay with us.
Your fine rain caressing the earth,
Your heavy rain caressing the earth,
Here at Itiwana,
The abiding place of our fathers,
Our mothers,
The ones who first had being,
With your great pile of waters
You will come together.
When you have come together
Our mothers,
Our children,
All the different kinds of corn,
Nourishing themselves with their father's waters
Tenderly will bring forth their young.
Clasping their children[7]
All will finish their roads.
Then our children,
Our ladder-descending children,
Will gather you in.
Into all their houses.
You will make your roads enter.
To stay there quietly.
Then also tenderly
Their young will multiply
Multiplying our young,
Those toward whom our thoughts are bent,
You will live.
You will not think to hurry to some other place.[8]
Indeed, this shall not be.
But always in their houses
You will remain at rest.
In order that our children's thoughts may be bent to this,
For this you are our father,
You are our mother;
For this you who first had being,
Perpetuating your rite of the first beginning
Sit here quietly.
Holding all your country,
Holding all your people,
You sit here quietly.
Even as you sit here quietly,
Even as you listen to us,
We pray to you.
With your words,
Divine ones,
With your words
You hold all your people.
Do not let any one fall from your grasp[9]
When he has gone but a little ways!
In order that this may not be,
Our father,
Our mother,
The one who first had being,
Even as you listen to us
We pray to you.
Our father,
Our mother,
The one who first had being,
Keeping your days,
Your days that have already been made,
[5. The fourth underground world, the place of origin of the people.
6. Paint which has been brought from the underworld. It is the property of the priests. A tiny bit added to ordinary black paint makes the prayer stick "finished" (telikinan ya:na) as distinct from the "unfinished" or "worthless" prayer stick (telikinan cimato).
7. The young ears, wrapped in their leaves.
8. When the spirit of the corn leaves the country the ears in the storerooms shrivel up and waste away.]
We pass our days.
Whenever your days are at an end,
Then we shall fulfill our thoughts.
Our mother,
The one who first had being,
To wherever you abide permanently,
To your fourth inner room,
You will make your road go in.
Then again, holding your country,
Holding your people,
You will sit down quietly for us,
Therefore as children to one another
We shall always remain.
My child,
My mother,
According to my words,
Even so may it be.
Do not let go of your people;
Let not your thoughts be thus.
Let no difficulty befall any of our daylight children,
Our ladder descending children,
When they have gone but a little ways on their road!
That this may not be
I commission[10] you with my prayers.
Because of my words
You will sit down quietly.
This many are the days,
And when your days are at an end,
You will sit down quietly.
Although we say we have fulfilled your thoughts
No! we have not yet fulfilled your thoughts.
Our office never lapses.
When we come to another day,[11]
Then again eagerly awaiting your rite
We shall pass our days,
For the winter eagerly waiting
We shall pass our days.
This is all.
Thus with plain words,
My father,
My mother,
My child,
Thus you sit down quietly.[12]
[10. Literally, "I set you up outside the door," used of appointing an object or person to any ceremonial or civil office.
11. The next period of retreat. The rite is handed down in a self-perpetuating group through the generations.
12. The last part of the prayer refers to the bundle on the altar rather than the prayer stick offering.]
PRAYER OF A PRIEST DURING HIS SUMMER RETREAT
This many are the days,
Since those who are our fathers,
Those who are our mothers,
The ones who first had being
5 k^?ä'etoew:
Tcu'eto:we
Had kept for them their days.
This many days,
Anxiously waiting,
10 We passed our days.
When all these days were past,
Now we have come to the ap
pointed time.
Our fathers,
Our mothers,
15 In your fourth inner room
You stay quietly.
This day we have reached the appointed time.
Our fathers,
20 Our ancestors,
Yonder, you who were priests
when you were alive,
We have reached your appointed time.[13]
This day
25 Your day has been made.
The one who is my father,
The one who is my mother,
Four times I shall hold you fast.
[13. In the songs used during the retreat all the deceased members of the priesthood as far back as tradition goes are invoked by name--a notable exception to the taboo on the use of the names of the dead. The dead priests who abide with the rainmakers are believed to be present inspirit. The sense of continuity is stronger in the priestly rituals than in other Zuñi rites.]
30 This day
With the flesh of the white corn,
Prayer meal, commissioned with our prayer,
This day with prayer meal
35 Four times we shall spread out the mist blanket.[14]
We shall fashion the house of massed clouds,
We shall fashion the life-giving road,
Four times we shall fashion your spring.
40 This day,
My father,
My mother,
Four times I shall set you down quietly.
Four times you will sit down quietly.
45 Holding all your world,
Holding all your people,
Perpetuating your rite had since
the first beginning,
You will sit down quietly among us.
When you have sat down,
50 At your back,
At your feet,
We shall sit down beside you.
Desiring your waters,
Keeping your days for this
55 We shall pass our days.
Our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
Rain maker P?ekwins,
From wherever you abide permanently
60 You will make your roads come forth.
To the one whom you call father,
To the one whom you call mother,
Four times with all your waters
65 To us your mother,
Your fathers,
You will come.
In order that you may thus come to us,
Our father,
[14. The meal painting on the altar.]
70 Our mother,
Perpetuating your rite had since the first beginning,
This one[15] sits quietly here.
Your day is made.
Keeping your days we pass our days.
75 Our mothers,
The ones who first had being
Keeping your days,
We pass our days.
That all our fathers,
80 Our mothers,
Our children,
That all these may be filled with the water of life,
Anxiously awaiting the making of your days,
85 We have passed our days.
Our children,
All the different kinds of corn,
All over their earth mother
Stand poor at the borders of our land.
90 With their hands a little burnt,
With their heads a little brown,
They stand at the borders of our land.
So that these may be watered with fresh water
95 We keep your days.
That all our children
May nourish themselves with fresh water
Carefully they will rear their young.
100 And when our daylight children
Have nourished themselves with fresh water
We shall live happily
All our days.
This is all.
105 Thus speaking plain words
I set you down quietly.
THE P?EKWIN GOES INTO RETREAT
The retreat of the p?ekwin follows next after the priests of the four directions. He is priest of the sun, and is associated, according to Mrs. Stevenson, with the zenith. This association, however, does not seem firmly fixed.
[15 The sacred bundle.]
The p?ekwin has no eton:e or priestly bundle. He has pots of black paint brought from the underworld and undoubtedly other ceremonial paraphernalia. But his altar lacks the water and seed-filled reeds which constitute the most sacred and potent possessions of the other priests. He is thought to be so pure in heart that he has no need of magic to make his prayers effective. Therefore, before going into retreat he plants his prayer sticks not at a spring, but in his corn field. He does not bring back a jug of the sacred water of some spring to place on his altar. For the first part of his retreat "he tries himself." He sits down before an altar consisting only of his paint pots on a painting of meal. It lacks even the bowl of medicine water. As soon as the first rain falls he may mix his medicine in the fresh rain water. If no rain falls, he must continue until the end without even this frail aid to prayer. He is tested at each retreat, and it is always a point of special note whether or not his days are blessed with rain.
The following prayer is recited at the beginning of his retreat. The first part is spoken outside when he plants his prayer sticks, the latter half after he returns to his home.[16]
This many are the days,
Since the new year,
The cycle of the months of our fathers,
The ones that first had being.
This many days
We have awaited our time.
It has come to summer.
My fathers,
My mothers,
10 The ones that first had being,
Your day goes on.
Not long ago,
At the middle of the year[17]
I made my fathers' days.[18]
15 This many were the days of the rain makers of all directions,
And now that my fathers' days are at an end,
20 Yonder, wherever the roads of the rain makers come forth,[19]
Where people pray to finish their roads,
There you stand at the borders of our land,
Male willow, female willow.
Four times breaking off the straight young shoots,
[16. Dictated by a man formerly associated with the Priesthood of the Water Serpent.
17. The summer solstice. The pekwin plants several times at this time. After that he must keep count of the days and see that each priesthood goes in on schedule time.
19. The retreats of the four chief priesthoods.
20. At springs and along watercourses.]
25 To my house
I brought my road.
Sitting down quietly,
Throughout a blessed night
With our children[20] we came to day.
30 This day, my fathers,
You who here were p?ekwins,
You who used to take care of the world,
You who used to be chiefs of the downy feather,[21]
35 And furthermore, my sun father,
My child,
This day,
When you came out standing to your sacred place,
40 This day
In my house
For your rite
I fashioned plume wands in human form.
With the striped cloud wing of my father,
45 Male turkey,
With the striped cloud wing of oriole, p?ekwin priest,[22]
Arid blue jay, p?ekwin priest,
And the wings of all the different birds of summer,
With these four times
I gave my plume wands human form.
With the flesh of my mother,
My grandmother,
55 Yucca fiber,
Cotton woman,
Even a soiled cotton thread,
With these I gave my plume wands human form.
With the flesh of the one who is my mother,
[20. The willow sticks.
21. Prayer sticks offered to the sun, the moon, and the rain makers are made with downy feathers of the eagle. After planting these sticks the suppliant must refrain from animal food for four days. The downy feather is considered the p?ekwin's because he always plants to the sun. The other priests use it when rain is urgently needed and thereafter must abstain from animal food. Prayer sticks to the ancestors, deceased members of societies or priesthoods, and the katcinas are made with turkey feathers. It is as guardian of the calendar that the p?ekwin "takes care of the world,"
22. The bird associated with the north. The birds of the six directions are the p?ekwins or heralds of the directions. The p?ekwin, who is the herald of the sun, is frequently referred to as, "all the birds of summer, p?ekwins." The feather of the blue jay is the feather of the priests which they are entitled to wear in the hair on ceremonial occasions.]
60 The one who first had being,
Black paint woman,
With her flesh making the flesh of my plume wands,
I gave them human form,
Saying, "Let it be now."
65 Taking my plume wands,
The plume wands which had been prepared,
I made my road come forth.
I made my road go forth.
Somewhere in my water-filled fields[23]
70 I passed my earth mother on her road.
My fathers,
My ancestors,
You who used to be p?ekwins,
You who used the downy feather,
You who used to take charge of the world,
75 And furthermore my child,
My father,
Sun,
My child, my mother, moon,
My fathers,
80 Divine ones,
This day
I give you plume wands.
Taking your plume wands,
There where you abide permanently,
85 Clasping them in your arms,
Caressing them,
With your supernatural wisdom,
You will distribute them amongst you.
After a little while
To my house
90 My road will reach.
Making your days, I shall pass the days.
[He deposits the plume wands, then he returns to his ceremonial house, sets up his altar, which consists of dishes of sacred black paint and bowls of prayer meal. The prayer continues:]
This day, my fathers,
[23. He plants in his cornfield, not at a sacred spring.]
95 You who are my child, sun,
You who are my mother, moon,
This day
I have passed you on your roads.
This day, upon the flesh of the white corn,
Prayer meal,
Breathing my prayers
Four times I have spread out your mist blanket;
I have fashioned your cloud house;
105 I have fashioned your road.
Now that this is at an end
Your days are made.
After a little while
From where you abide permanently
110 You will make your road come forth.
Yonder from the south,
Where, they say, is the abiding place of summer,
My fathers,
Send forth your quick breath.[24]
115 Send forth your massed clouds to stay with us,
Stretch out your watery hands,
Let us embrace!
To Itiwana you will come
With all your people,
120 Hiding behind your watery shield[25]
With all your people;
With your fine rain caressing the earth,
With your heavy rain caressing the earth,
Carrying your weapons,
125 Your lightning,
(Come to us!)
Raise the sound of your thunders!
At Itiwana
With your great pile of waters
May you pass me on my road.
That this may be
I have made your days.
When your days are at an end,
Meeting me with all your waters,
May you stay with us,
[24. The sudden showers of summer, which at Zuñi always come from the southeast.
25. The rain makers cover themselves with clouds as a warrior with his shield.]
135 Do not cause people to speak ill of your days,[26]
But with waters caressing the earth
Let your days be filled.
With your waters
140 You will pass me on my road.
Those which all my ladder descending children
Have sown with magical rites,
All the different kinds of corn,
Yonder all over their earth mother,
145 They stand poor at the borders of our land.
With their hands a little burnt,
With their heads brown,
They stand poor at the borders of our land.
That these may be nourished with fresh water,
150 Thus runs the thought of my prayer.
When the time of my days is at an end,
Though I say "my days are at an end,"
No--it is not so.
155 Waiting anxiously until another day comes
We shall pass the days.
My fathers,
Now I have fulfilled your thoughts.
This is all.
THE BOW PRIEST IN RETREAT IN SUMMER
On the day the p?ekwin comes out of retreat in summer the bow priest begins to count days. He is not a rain priest. He has no altar; he has no rain-making fetish; his sacred possessions are associated rather with war. Therefore, instead of remaining in meditation and prayer in his ceremonial house, he makes offerings at the various shrines of the gods of war on mountain tops around Zuñi. The first day he goes to the north, to Twin Mountains; the second day to the west--the place actually visited is a shrine to the south on a knoll near the road to the Salt Lake. The third day he goes to the south, Face Mountain, a shrine southeast of Zuñi; the fourth day to the east, a knoll near the Black Rock road. At each of these shrines he offers corn meal and turquoise with prayers for rain and fertility. He offers these in his capacity of priest rather than as warrior.
[26. The p?ekwin is severely criticized should it fail to rain during the days of his retreat. Criticism does not fall so heavily on other priests should they fail.]
This many days,
Making the days of my two fathers,
The ones who hold the high places,[27]
5 Keeping their days,
I have lived.
My fathers,
Rain maker priests,
Rain maker p?ekwins
And you, far off at the fourth rim of the encircling ocean,
10 You who are our fathers, rain maker bow priests,
Tsik^?ähiya,[28] K^?älhawani,[28]
From wherever you abide permanently
Send forth your misty breath;
Your little wind blown clouds,
15 Your thin wisps of cloud,
Your black streaks of cloud,
Your masses of clouds replete with living waters,
You will send forth to stay with us.
With your fine rain caressing the earth,
With your heavy rain caressing the earth,
20 With your great pile of waters here at Itiwana
You will pass us on our roads.
Desiring this, my fathers,
I have made your days.
25 When you pass me on my road
All my ladder descending children
Will refresh themselves with your living waters.
That the crowns of their heads may sometimes be wet with dew,
In order that this may be
You, my fathers, yonder on all sides,
[27. Or "those who guard the housetops"--the twin gods of war.
28. Supernaturals associated in their dual capacity of warriors and rain makers with Sudden thunder storms. They live in springs and have long streaming hair. (Tsik^?ähiya means "quick moving hair.") A dirigible which flew over Zuñi some years ago was identified with K^?älhawani, who books "like an icicle " when he appears to mortals. K^?älhawani is sometimes impersonated in mask with a tablet headdress and long flowing hair reaching to his knees. The third supernatural usually mentioned with Tsik^?ähiya and K^?älhawani is Kupictaiya (cf. Keres Kopictaiya), called by Mrs. Stevenson lightning makers. There is some confusion in the minds of the Zuñi as to whether these are individuals or classes of supernaturals. The latter is more in keeping with Zuñi ideology.]
30 You who dwell in high places,
For this you live at sacred places
Round about on all the mossy mountains.
My fathers,
To all your ladder descending children
35 You will grant your power.[29]
In order that my children may have strong hearts
It is now your day.
From wherever you stay permanently
Your massed clouds filled with living water, may you send forth.
40 Making your road come forth from
where you stay permanently,
With your rain caressing the earth,
With your terrible lightning,
Make your thunders resound!
45 At Itiwana may you pass me on my road.
When you have passed me on my road,
My mothers,
My children,
All the different kinds of corn,
50 Nourishing themselves with their fathers' waters,
Tenderly will bring forth their young.
When they have finished their roads,
When they are old,
55 My children,
My ladder descending children,
Will bring in their children,
All the different kinds of corn,
Into their houses.
That they may always be the ones toward whom our thoughts bend,
60 For this all my children carefully have reared their young.
All my children
Will make their roads come into their houses.
Staying there permanently,
Your young increasing,
You will always remain.
[29 Or weapons.]
65 That the thoughts of my ladder
descending children
May bend to this,
That this may be,
My fathers,
Thus runs the thought of my prayer.
Thus all my children
70 May always be well provided with seeds.
Desiring this,
I watch over our daylight fathers,
The ones who here have in their keeping
The rites of our fathers,[30]
Those who first had being,
Our daylight fathers,
Who perpetuate the rites which they hold in their keeping,
The rites of those who first had being;
80 Sitting down among my daylight fathers
Watching over my fathers--
That one am I.
My fathers,
You know me well.
85 Do not let me be a poor person.[31]
My fathers,
You who hold the high places, your representative am I.
I have a bandoleer,[32]
I have an armlet;[33]
90 Because of this
I am my father's mouth.[34]
All my ladder descending children,
All of them I hold in my hands,
95 May no one fall from my grasp
After going but a little ways--
Those yonder toward the east,
In all the villages that stand against the place of the rising sun,
[30. The priests who possess sacred bundles. The bow priests are their messengers and the guardians of their secret rites.
31. A person with no ceremonial prerogatives.
32. A bandoleer embroidered with shells and containing hair from the scalps which he has taken since his installation as bow priest. It is a dangerous object which the warrior hangs by the door to protect the house. It is too dangerous to be brought into back rooms. Its contaminating influence must be kept especially from seeds and water.
33. An arm band embroidered in shell, part of the warrior's regalia.
34. The twin deities who led the people out from the underworld are called "the mouth of the sacred bundles" (K^?ä'eto:we a wan auwatin:e). These individuals, while distinct from the twin gods of war, are not unrelated See origin myth, p. 549.]
100 Even to all those villages
That stand against the place of the setting sun,
Even every little bug,
Even every dirty little bug,
Let me hold them all fast in my hands,
105 Let none of them fall from my grasp--
In order that this may be,
My fathers,
I ask you for life.
May my children's roads all be fulfilled;
May they grow old;
110 May their roads reach all the way to dawn lake;
May their roads be fulfilled;
In order that your thoughts may bend to this,
Your days are made.
Now your days are at an end.
Whatever I have wished
115 I have spoken
All our prayers which we have completed for each other;
Thus I have fulfilled our thoughts.
Eagerly awaiting until it shall be another day,
Until the winter,
120 I shall now pass my time.
My fathers,
Your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
Your power,
Your strong spirit,
All this you will grant us;
May my road be fulfilled,
May I grow old,
Even until I go with strong hands grasping a bent stick,[35]
Thus may I grow old.
[35. That is, leaning on a cane, a common symbol for long life and old age. At the winter solstice the feather offerings of society members all contain bent prayer sticks as a prayer for old age.]
IV. PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT
THE BOW PRIEST MAKES PRAYER STICKS AT THE WINTER SOLSTICE
My two fathers,
You who dwell in high places[1]
Ma?ase:wi[2]
Uyuye:wi
5 For you it is the new year.
Since it is the new year,
All the beings that dwell in mossy mountains,
The beings who dwell in shady places,
The forest beings,
10 The brush beings,
Oak being
Willow being[3]
Red willow being[3]
lhanilhkowa being[3]
15 Cottonwood being
Taking the straight young shoots of all these,
These we shall make into prayer plumes.
For my fathers,
20 The divine ones,
I have destined these prayer plumes.
When my fathers
The divine ones
Take hold of their prayer plumes,
25 When they clothe themselves with their prayer plumes,
Then all to my children
Long life,
Old age,
All good fortune whatsoever,
30 You will grant;
So that I may raise corn,
So that I may raise beans,
So that I may raise wheat,
So that I may raise squash,
35 So that with all good fortune I may be blessed.
[1. The gods of war, whose shrines are on mountain tops. The phrase might also be rendered as "those who guard the housetops."
2. The Keresan name for the elder of the two gods of war. His Zuñi name, which is esoteric, is Matsailema. According to Mrs. Stevenson he is the younger brother. Both this name and that of Uyuye:wi were unknown to the interpreter to whom the prayer was read, but her father, who carves the image of the younger brother, knew the names.
3. The identifications are uncertain.]
PRAYERS BEFORE GOING ON A WAR PARTY
Before going on the warpath the bow priests are summoned to their ceremonial house. The chief bow priest addresses them:
Now this many days
Because of the thoughts of the enemy
Our thoughts have been troubled;
5 Our appetite has failed.
This very day
That by which they live,
Turquoise,[4]
To my fathers I have offered
At all their abiding places.
11 Yonder into the enemy's country
We shall take the warpath.
Because of the enemy,
Because of their thoughts,
15 We wish in vain see one another,[5]
We can not see him of whom we think.
Because it is thus,
To be avenged
We have made up our minds.
20 My children,
You shall set your minds to be men.
You shall think to provide yourselves with good weapons.
Then, perhaps, we shall have the good fortune,
To get that which we wish,
25 That for which we ask--
Namely that with the enemies' flocks,
Their clothing,
Their precious stones,
Their good shell beads,
30 That with these our houses may obtain hearts,
For this we have sent forth our prayers.
Waiting anxiously until the appointed time shall come,
Cleansing our hearts,
Cleansing our thoughts,
35 Thus shall we live.
Indeed we shall not be alone.
Because yonder all about
Abide our fathers.
[15. Turquoise, above all else, the gift to the gods of war.
16. Some of our number have died.]
40 Spreading word about among them,
You will think to give them good turquoise.
To this end, my children,
Through all the time set aside for them,
Eagerly you will await their day.
After a good night
May you come to day.
And to-morrow
50 After a good day may you come to evening.
And as each day comes,
Eagerly may you wait their day.
55 May your thought not be vacillating.
Indeed, though I call myself poor,
Far off I shall have someone for my father.
60 For there is one who by virtue of the dry bow[6]
Holds us all as his children.
His representative am I.
Asking for life from him
65 I shall add to your breath.
And furthermore,
Emerging into the daylight
Yonder on all the mossy mountains
All about they have set their sacred places,[7]
70 The ones who hold the high places,
Ahayuta yellow,[8]
Blue,
Red,
White,
75 Many colored,
The dark one,
These were bow priests.
Holding us as their children
80 They abide in all their sacred places
round about.
To all these places
Sending forth my prayer to them,
[6. Pi'lhan k?usna, dry bow, used metaphorically for the war chief. The supernaturals, in this case the war gods, exert power through their human representatives.
7. At the time of the emergence.
8. The war gods, as inhabitants of their six shrines, associated with the six directions.]
I ask for their life-giving breath,
85 Their breath of old age,
Their breath of riches,
Their breath of waters,
Their breath of seeds,
Their breath of fecundity,
90 Their breath of power,
Their breath of strong spirit,
Their breath of all good fortune of which they are possessed--
Asking for their breath,
95 And into my warm body drawing their breath,
I shall add to your breath.
To this end, my children:
May You be blessed with life.
The date for starting is set. Any man who wishes to join the party tells the bow priests, and the destination is determined according to the size of the party. During the interval offerings are made by the bow priests at the various shrines referred to in the preceding prayer. The night before they leave all volunteers meet at the ceremonial house of the bow priests. Each man deposits prayer meal, corn pollen, and some precious material--shell, turquoise, red paint, or iridescent black paint--in each of four corn husks. These are immediately taken to four distant shrines, by the elder and younger brother bow priests, the war chief, and the society chief of the bow priesthood. On reaching the shrine the emissary says:
How are you this evening?
(He answers himself, speaking in the person of the god:)
Happy. Have you come? Sit down.
Now, indeed, you have passed us on our roads.
5 Indeed, words not too long your words will be.
If you let us know what they are,
Always we shall remember them.
Is it not so?
THE MAN: Indeed it is so.
10 As you know,
To all your different abiding places
I have gone about,
With words of taking our road into
the enemy's country.
15 To-morrow upon that
The sun will arise.
THE GOD: Is that so?
That must not be,
We can not part with you.
20 THE MAN: Nevertheless there is no choice.
To do that very thing I have made up my mind.
And furthermore,
Thinking to bring you fine shell,
Prayer meal,
Corn pollen,
Red paint,
Sparkling paint,
Eager for this I have passed my days.
30 Now this day
We have reached the appointed time.
Therefore we have passed you on your road.
THE GOD: Is that so?
Nevertheless, in spite of your speaking thus,
35 We can not part with you.
We have your plume wands,
We have your shells,
We have your prayer meal.
THE MAN: Yes, that is why I have spoken words
40 Of going to the enemy's country.
Because on account of the enemy's thoughts
Our children have been destroyed.
45 Our flocks have been destroyed.
Because of the enemy's thoughts,
We wish to see our relatives,
And thinking of them we fail in it.
50 THE GOD: Is that so?
Very well, although we cherish you,
You think thus.
Our elder brothers yonder,
The ones who abide in different places,
55 Do they also know it?
THE MAN: Yes, certainly.
At all their abiding places,
I have bent down to speak to them.
60 THE GOD: Well, the one who is my elder brother,
The one who stays at Long House Top,
Does he know?
THE MAN: Yes, at a time when he knows it I pass you on your road.
THE GOD: The one at Echo's abiding place, does he know?
THE MAN: Yes, even when he knows,
I have passed you on your road.
65 THE GOD: The one who stays Where the rainbow bends over,
Does he know?
THE MAN: At a time when he knows,
I have passed you on your road.
THE GOD: Those yonder, where all talk together,
Do they know?
THE MAN: Yes, when they already know,
70 I have passed you on your road.
THE GOD: Very well. Now, perhaps, you have taken thought for
your good weapons?
THE MAN: Yes, I have taken thought.
THE GOD: Very well,
75 Our father, our child,
You shall set your mind to be a man.
Truly you shall not be alone.
Perhaps all your fathers,
80 In all their different abiding places,
Are in agreement.
THE MAN: Now this night,
My prayer meal,
My shell,
85 My corn pollen,
My sparkling paint,
My red paint,
My water roll,[9]
You have taken.
90 If you let me know how the world will be
How the days will be
That I shall always remember.
[9. The cigarette.]
He goes off a little way, and sitting down waits for an omen. The four messengers return at the same time to the ceremonial house and report what they have seen. Plans are made according to the divinations.
PRAYERS OF THE SCALP DANCE
Whenever an enemy is killed the slayer, if not already a member of the bow priesthood or one of the other two warrior societies, the Hunters (Saniak^?äkwe) or the Cactus Society (K?ocikwe), must immediately join the bow priesthood to protect himself from the malevolence of the slain enemy. The initiation takes place in the course of the scalp dance which is held to celebrate the victory. The purpose of the scalp dance is twofold. First, to purify the scalper from the contaminating contact with the dead and make him safe for human association and by placing him under the protection of the war gods, through membership in their cult, the bow priest hood, save him from pursuit by the ghost; the second purpose is to propitiate the dead enemy, strip him of his power for evil, and turn to good account his potentialities as a rain maker. This propitiation of the scalp is primarily the office of the scalp chief, who also retains guardianship of the scalps reposing in the scalp house.
Accompanying these important secret rites of purification and propitiation are the great public festivities. Throughout the twelve days of the ceremony unrestrained merrymaking accompanied by sexual license is indulged in by young and old of both sexes. These three strands run side by side, all culminating in the great ceremonies of the final day.
The order of events in this long and elaborate ritual has been described in the accounts by Mrs. Stevenson[10] and Doctor Parsons[11] with varying emphasis on the different aspects, according to the affiliation of the informants.
For convenience in reading the following prayers the events may be briefly summarized.
The returning war party camps overnight outside the village. At dawn four men chosen to announce their return ride toward the village uttering their war cry. They are met by the scalp chief, who inquires concerning the exploits of the war party.
During the day the scalp chief secretes the scalp at a distance from the village in a diminutive shelter of brush. The scalper and his "elder brother," the member of the bow priesthood who has "caught " the novice, take turns in watching over it. Toward evening they go through a sham conflict and take the scalp, bringing it to a place on the plain where p?ekwin has prepared an altar. Here they are met
[10. Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 578.
11. Scalp Ceremonial at Zuñi.]
by men and women appointed to take part in the coming ceremonies, the priests, the scalp chief, the bow priesthood, the Ant Society, the guardians of war bundles, and the male populace. There is ceremonial smoking by all present. Prayer sticks are planted by the scalper in a near-by ant hill, and many songs are sung and prayers offered. Finally the scalp is placed on the foot of the aunt of the scalper, who kicks it four times. Encircling the village four times, in counterclockwise circuit, the party goes in. The scalp is set upon a tall pole in the plaza amid general rejoicings, and the period of festivity is announced first by p?ekwin and then by the bow priest.
The scalper goes into retreat in the ceremonial house of the bow priests. For four days he eats no meat or grease or any hot food. He sits away from the fire, sleeps little, does not speak, and is untouchable. He drinks emetics and goes out each morning to pray for deliverance from the scalp. He must also observe the sexual taboos placed upon the widowed.[12] The woman who brought in the scalp must also observe all these taboos. The days are spent in preparation for the final ceremonies.
On the fifth day the scalp is washed by two men appointed for this purpose. Thus is the enemy received into the company of the rain makers who Eve in the scalp house. Meanwhile the public festivities have begun. There are public dances each day, two selected groups performing on alternate days, while at night young and old of both sexes dance about the scalp pole.
About the sixth day a man of the Deer clan and a man of the Bear clan start work on the images of the gods of war. On the twelfth night these and all their paraphernalia are taken into the house of the bow priests. Here, in an all-night ceremony, the novice is finally taken into their company to share their supernatural prerogatives, including the special protection of the gods of war.
The following day is the "great dance." The images of the gods of war, the various war bundles, and the chief priestly bundles are set up on an altar in the plaza, behind which sit all the high officials of the Zuñi hierarchy. Throughout the day various dancers take turns in dancing before this altar. Toward evening the bow priests sing the songs given them at the institution of their society by the gods of war.
After this the altar is demolished and the meal painting obliterated. The sacred bundles are returned to the houses where they are kept. The images of the gods of war are taken to their houses by members of the bow priesthood, and next day carried to appropriate shrines (not the ones that are visited during the winter solstice). Late at night the scalp is removed from the pole by the scalp chief and deposited by him in the scalp house, with special prayers for protection in his dangerous office.
[12. See p. 632.]
The following prayers represent but the least fragment of this complex ritual. They deal almost entirely with the office of scalp chief; that is, the propitiation of the scalp. They were dictated by an old man, a son of a former scalp chief, now deceased.
At dawn the scalp chief meets four men who announce the return of the war party:[13]
Now, neglecting your children,
Neglecting your wives,
Yonder into the country of the enemy
You made your road go forth.
5 Perhaps one of the enemy,
Even one who thought himself virile,
Under a shower of arrows,
A shower of war clubs,
10 With bloody head,
One of the enemy,
Reached the end of his life.
Our fathers,
Beast bow priests,
15 Took from the enemy,
His water-filled covering.[13a]
Now you will tell us of that,
And knowing that we shall live.
20 Is it not so?
The four announcers reply:
Indeed it is so.
Neglecting our children,
Neglecting our wives,
Yonder into the enemy's country
25 We made our road go forth.
Indeed it is so.
We started out.
We went.
Yonder at Rock Cave we arrived.
30 There we spent the night.
Early next day we arose.
We went on.
At Ox-Eye-Place
[13, Twenty-third Ann Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 579.
13a. K^?acima po?'yan:e, the scalp. The usual ceremonial appellation.]
35 We arrived.
There we spent the night.
Next day we went on.
Yonder at Cattail Spring we arrived.
There, when we arrived at their camp site,
We attacked them.
There this one,
(And one of the enemy)
Fought together. . . .
(The account breaks off here. The informant lacked imagination to continue the narrative of the exploits of the war party.)
In the evening the scalp is brought into the village.[14] At the close of the ceremonies on the plain the scalp chief deposits in an excavation between two mounds of bread which he collected earlier in the day at the houses of the priests. The offering is specifically to the slain Navaho.
This day
Into the corn priests'[15] country,
You will make your road enter.
With the fruit of the corn priest labor
5 You will add to your heart.[16]
So that if any of the corn priests
ladder descending children
Should by mistake cut off you road,[17]
No evil consequence [18] may come to him because of it.
10 And furthermore,
You who are my grandfather,
Male turkey, [19]
Weakening the enemies' hearts,
You will remain here always.
15 So that your children,
Their breath drifting hither only,
When they attain their house,
They will make their roads come in.[20]
Longing for them
20 You will live.
To this end, add to your hearts.
[14. See Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 581.
15. The priests, hence Zuñi.
16. He offers bread cooked in the houses of the priests.
17. Cross their road while they encircle the village.
18. i'yatonan:e, literally, an exchange, especially bad dreams or hallucinations--the usual means whereby supernaturals punish the breaches of mortals--provided, always, proper precautions are not taken.
19. Wing feathers of the male turkey, which had lain on the meal painting, are deposited in the bole with the food. Turkey feathers are used on prayer sticks for the dead.
20. May more of the enemy be killed and brought in thus.]
After the scalp has been set up in the plaza the p?ekwin addresses the people:
Now this day
This many of the children of the corn priests,
Neglecting their children,
Neglecting their wives,
5 Went out yonder into the enemy's country.
Then suddenly, one of the enemy,
Even one who stayed quietly in his hut,
10 Even one who thought himself a man,
In a shower of arrows,
In a shower of stones,
In a shower of war clubs,
With bloody head,
15 The enemy
Reached the end of his life.
The ones who are our fathers,
Beast bow priests,
With their claws,
20 Tore from the enemy
His water-filled covering.
Into the country of the corn priests
The enemy made his road enter.
25 Four times encircling the town,
The corn priests water-filled court
He made his road enter,
In the corn priests' water-filled court
30 Setting him up,
When his days are made,
Eagerly you shall await his time.
When all the enemy's days are passed,
35 When those who are our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
With their fresh waters
Have sprinkled the enemy,[21]
40 Whenever his day is made,
Tirelessly unwearied
You shall pass the time.
For indeed, the enemy,
[21. The washing of the scalp on the fifth day.]
45 Even though he was without value,
Notwithstanding he was a being of this kind
Yet he was a water being;
He was a seed being.
50 Desiring the enemy's waters
Desiring his seeds
Desiring his wealth
Eagerly you shall await his day.
55 Whenever his days are made,
Throughout the days,
Throughout the nights,
Tirelessly, unwearied,
60 You shall live.
Indeed, even though you ache from singing,
Even though you fain would sleep,
In order to win the enemy's waters,
65 His seeds,
His wealth,
His power,
His strong spirit,
To win these.
70 Throughout the nights
Throughout the days,
Tirelessly, unwearied
You shall live.
Then indeed, if we are lucky,
To some little corner
Where the dust lies thick,
(You will steal away.)
In order to procreate sturdy[22] men
And sturdy women,
Tirelessly you will live.
To procreate strong males,
To procreate sturdy females,
85 To be the ones toward your thoughts may bend,
Eager for this,
You will keep the days.
For indeed, the enemy,
Even though on rubbish[23]
[22. Children conceived at this time are under the special protection of the gods of war, and are therefore especially strong.
23. The Navajos have no cultivated crops.]
90 He lived and grew to maturity,
By virtue of the corn priests' rain prayers
(He becomes valuable;)
Indeed, the enemy,
Though in his life
95 He was a person given to falsehood,
He has become one to fortell
How the world will be,
How the days will be.
That during his time,
100 We may have good days,
Beautiful days,
Hoping for this,
We shall keep his days.
105 Indeed, if we are lucky,
During the enemy's time
Fine rain caressing the earth,
Heavy rain caressing the earth,
(We shall win.)
110 When the enemy's days are in progress,
The enemy's waters,
We shall win,
His seeds we shall win,
His riches we shall win,
His power,
115 His strong spirit,
His long life,
His old age,
In order to win these,
120 Tirelessly, unwearied,
We shall pass his days.
Now, indeed, the enemy,
Even one who thought himself a man,
In a shower of arrows,
125 In a shower of war clubs,
With bloody head,
The enemy,
Reaching the end of his life,
130 Added to the flesh of our earth mother.
Beast bow priests,
With their claws,
Tore from the enemy
His water-filled covering.
135 Then the enemy
Into the corn priests' country
Made his road enter.
Now shout!
O ------------.
Again--
O ------------.
Again--
O ------------.
Once more--
O ------------.
P?u-hu hu
Huh hu
We ------------
The elder brother bow priest addresses the people in the same vein. Then the scalp chief offers to the scalp a handful of bread saved from his earlier offering.
Now, this day
That you have been set up
In the corn priests' rain-filled court,
All the children of the corn priest
5 Will be dancing for you.
All the children of the corn priest
Will pass you on your road.
They will add to your heart.
10 Should anyone by mistake touch you
May no evil consequence befall him because of it.
With this fruit of the corn priests' labor
Add to your heart.
Your long life,
15 Your old age,
Your waters,
Your seeds.
Grant them.
To cleanse the thoughts
20 Of whoever has angry thoughts,
For this you will stand up here.
After four days the scalp is washed at any spring outside the town or in the river. Care is taken that the water used for the washing does not flow back into the river to bring death to those who drink of it. The scalp washer bites the scalp to get the power of the beast gods. "He acts like an animal," and therefore he does not need, in order to save his life, to observe the taboos generally required by contaminating contact with the dead. Prayer sticks are planted before the ceremony. At the conclusion the bowl is broken and cast away
and offerings of food are thrown about on the ground. During the ceremony of washing, the choir sings new songs made for the occasion and the scalp washer prays:
Now this day
Our sun father,
Having come out standing
To his sacred place,
A little space yet remains
Ere he goes in to sit down at his other sacred place.
Now four times raising our niece,[21]
10 And making her stand up,
Her road going first,
Hither with prayers,
We have made our road come forth.
Here, near by, our fathers,
15 Rain maker bow priests,
Where your watery road comes forth,
Where you are waiting,
We have passed you on your road.
We have offered you plume wands.
20 Taking your plume wands,
With them you will take firm hold
Of the enemy's water-filled covering.
With your fresh water
25 You will sprinkle him.
Then again, if your hands go first,
Our hands following,
We shall meet no evil consequence.[25]
You who are our fathers,
30 Rain maker bow priests,
K^?älhawan:i,
Tsik^?ähaya,
K?upictaya
Beast bow priests,
35 By virtue of your thoughts
The enemy
Reached the end of his life.
When with your clear water
You have sprinkled the enemy,
[24. Brothers' daughter; i. e., the scalp. The rite of head washing is always performed by the paternal aunt. No explanation is given for inversion of sex.
25 That is, from contact with the scalp.]
40 When into the corn priests' country
He has brought his road,
When in the corn priests' water-filled court
He has been set up,
All the corn priests' children
45 With the song sequences of the fathers,
Will be dancing for him.
And whenever all his days are past,
Then a good day,
50 A beautiful day,
A day filled with great shouting,
With great laughter,
A good day,
With us, your children,
55 You will pass.
Thus the corn priests, children
Winning your power,
Winning your strong spirit,
Will come to evening.
To this end, my fathers,
60 Now let us take hold of our niece.
After the dancing of the last day the scalp chief takes down the scalp. He and his associates remain in hiding on the outskirts of the village until midnight. Then they proceed singing to the scalp house. Each has under his tongue several grains of black corn to prevent pursuit by the ghost.[26] The scalp chief places the scalp in the jar in the scalp house and prays:
Now this many are the days
Since the enemy
Reached the end of his life.
Our fathers,
5 Those who hold the high places,
Beast bow priests,
Tore from the enemy
His water-filled covering.
Into the corn priests' country,
They made his road enter.
10 And in the corn priests' water-filled court
Standing him up,
They made his days.
This many are the days.
And when the set number of days
had all been counted up,
[26. Compare with use of black corn to bring forgetfulness of dead relatives.]
15 Way back, when all these days had past,
The ones who are our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
With their clear water
Took firm hold of him.[27]
20 Again in the corn priests' court
Setting him up, they made his days.
This many days
The corn priests' children
25 With their fathers' song sequences
Have consumed in dancing.
Then yesterday,
When the number of their days was at an end,
Those who are our fathers,
30 The two who hold the high places,[28]
With their elder brothers' plume wands,
Their prayer feathers,
Their shells,
In these wrapping themselves they renewed their human form.[29]
35 Holding their world,
Holding their people fast,
Sitting down quietly,
With us their children
After a blessed night[30]
They came to day.
40 This very day
When he who is our sun father,
Coming out standing to his sacred place
Passed us on our roads,
45 Saying, let it be now,
Those who are our fathers,
The ones that first had being,[31]
Came out standing
Into the daylight of their sun father.
Near by, in the corn priests' court,
Our two fathers,
The ones who hold the high places,
With all their sacred things
[27. The washing of the scalp.
28. The gods of war. The allusion is to the making of the images.
29. The completion of the images.
30. In the house of the bow priests.
31. The sacred war bundles, and the bundle of the chief priesthood.]
55 Made their roads enter.
Yonder from all sides,
Those who are our fathers,
All the water bringing birds,
P?ekwins, priests,[32]
60 Made their roads come forth.
They made their roads come hither.
With his hand,
With his heart
His fathers' cloud house he fashioned,[33]
Their mist blanket he spread out,
65 Their life-giving road he sent forth,
Their perfect spring he prepared;
Then our two fathers,
Those who hold the high places,
With their house chiefs,[31]
70 Their p?ekwins,
Holding all their sacred things
Sitting down quietly
Throughout a blessed day,
With us, their children, they came to evening.
75 When the one who is our sun father
Had gone in to sit down at his sacred place,
And our night fathers,
Our night mothers,
80 Night priests,
Slowly rising to their sacred place,
Had passed us on our roads,
We passed you on your road.
85 You, Navaho priests,[35] have died.
Truly during your lives
You dealt falsely,
Although that was your nature in life,
[32. There is only one p?ekwin, but he is the representative or human counterpart of all the summer birds. The translation is unavoidably awkward.
33. The meal painting on the altar.
34. K^?äk?'wa:mosi, the first priesthood of the hierarchy.
35. The inmates of the scalp house.]
90 Recently, by virtue of the corn priests water-bringing words,
You have passed one another on your road.
When you reveal to us[36]
How the days will be,
How the world will be,
Knowing that,
We shall pass our days.
To this end, my nieces,[37]
Add to your hearts.
So that your people you may waft hither only,
So that you may speed them hither,
On this do not fail to fix your thoughts.[38]
This is all.
He deposits the scalp in the scalp house, replaces the cover and comes back to the village. On his way back he mounts to four housetops, leaving on each a grain of black corn "to make his road dark." At his own house the ladder has been turned upside down. As soon as he has mounted it, it is righted so that the ghost can not follow him up. He comes into the house without speaking, hangs up his blanket and goes right out. Standing on the housetop facing the east, holding in his hands what yet remains of the black corn, he prays:
This many are the days
Since our children
Neglecting their little ones,
Neglecting their wives,
5 Yonder into the enemy's country
Made their road go forth.
Presently, even where the enemy
Stayed peacefully in their huts
Our fathers,
10 The ones who hold the high places,
Having commanded the enemy to be as women,
In a shower of arrows,
A shower of war clubs,
15 With bloody head,
The enemy reached the end of his life.
Our fathers,
Beast bow priests,
[36. The scalp chief hopes for some omen at this time.
37. The scalps.
38. May we kill more of the enemy and imprison them here to serve our ends.]
20 With their claws,[39]
Tearing from him his rain filled covering,
Commanded him to be the one to count those who have their homes above--
All little sparkling stars.[40]
The enemy,
30 Having added to the flesh of our mother earth,[41]
Hither into the corn priests' country,
He made his road go.
35 When his road came here to Itiwana,
Our two mothers,
Taking hold of him fast,
The country of the corn priests,
Four times successively encircling
Into the corn priests' rain filled court
Making their roads come in,
There they set him up.
His days were made.
45 When we had lived eagerly awaiting his days,
The rain maker priests,
With their fresh water,
50 Took firm hold of the enemy.
Then the days were made
For those who hold the high places.
Through all these days,
Mindful of their days,
55 You came to the time.
Then yesterday,
Our two fathers,
Those who hold the high places,
Once more assuming human form,
60 After a blessed night
With us their children
They came to day.
This day[42]
When he who is our sun father
[39. Sa'wanika, any weapon, and abstractly, power.
40. The fallen enemy is left face upward and commanded to count the stars; that is, taunted to do the impossible.
41. His blood fertilizes the earth. Wherever an enemy falls is formed an ant hill--a symbol, probably, of fecundity. Therefore prayer sticks are planted in ant hills, and the Ant society figures prominently in scalp-dance ceremonies.
42. By this time it is nearly day. The. images of the war gods are taken to appropriate shrines, where they replace older ones which are removed and ,laced on a pile of similar ones behind the shrine.]
65 Has come out standing to his sacred place,
Saving, let it be now,
Our two fathers,
The ones who hold the high places,
70 Yonder will pass their elder brothers on their roads.
Wherever they pass the divine ones on their roads
Taking their places,
They will sit down quietly.
75 Yonder on all the mossy mountain tops,
All about they will have their sacred places.
All the forests
All the brush
Being made representatives in prayer
80 That all the corn priests' children
May hold fast to life;
That this may be so,
The divine ones,
Taking one another's places,
Sit down quietly.
85 Holding all their world,
Holding all their people fast,
They will sit down quietly.
And then also these others,[42]
Asking in prayer for life for their children
They will add to our breath,
Seeking our relatives,
Our elders,
Near-by in all their houses
95 Wherever they lie sleeping,
These they will hold fast.
will have their
And also our children,
Those who watch over the ones through which we prosper,[44]
100 Those who for the sake of their children,
For the sake of their flocks
Yonder on all sides
Wander over their earth mother,
Who even on the bare ground stand at the edges of our land--
[43. The old images that are laid aside.
44. The herders of sheep.]
105 All these also they will hold fast.
I have sent forth my prayers.
Our children,
Even those who have erected their shelters
At the edge of the wilderness,
110 May their roads come in safely,
May the forests
And the brush
Stretch out their water-filled arms
To shield their hearts;
115 May their roads come in safely;
May their roads all be fulfilled,
May it not somehow become difficult for them
When they have gone but a little ways,
120 May all the little boys,
All the little girls,
And those whose roads are ahead,
May they have powerful hearts,
Strong spirits;
125 On roads reaching to Dawn Lake
May you grow old;
May your roads be fulfilled;
May you be blessed with life.
130 Where the life-giving road of your sun father comes out,
May your roads reach;
May your roads be fulfilled.
Taking out the black corn, he passes it around four times in front of him. Reentering the house, he repeats the prayer, still holding the corn in his hand. At the end, he again passes it around counter clockwise before him, as a rite of exorcism, and sets it aside to be planted in spring. Then his aunts wash his head and bathe him. The following day he deposits prayer sticks at amitolan t?ep?o?ulikwi (where the rainbow bends over), a shrine to the gods of war, located in the canyon southwest of Zuñi. The prayer is similar.
V. PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS OF THE
MASKED GODS. I
THE COMING OF K^ÄKLO
In former times the preliminary initiation of small children took place every fourth year. In these years the chief of the cult group in charge of the K^äklo ritual received from the priests at the winter solstice a prayer stick commanding his participation.
The ceremony is held in March or April. Eight days before the actual whipping of the children K^äklo appears to announce the approaching ceremony and command those concerned to prepare for it. In each kiva he intones a long chant describing in great detail the mythological sanction of the, coming ceremony.[1] After visiting all the kivas he departs.
After eight days he comes again. Again he visits each kiva, repeating his chant. At dawn he is ready to depart. As he leaves, the gods who perform the initiation ceremonies appear and enter the village.
The following prayer is spoken by the impersonator of K^äklo at some time during his preparations for his ceremony, probably at the moment of taking out the mask before his second appearance.
This many are the days
Since the moon who is our mother
Yonder in the west a small thing
First became visible.
When she reached maturity
5 Then the one who is my father,
K^äklo, p?ekwin priest,
perpetuating his rite had since the first beginning--
Yonder from his perfect mountain
Made his road come forth.
10 He made his road come hither.
Into Itiwana his road entered,
There, wherever the roads of his children come forth
He made his road enter.
His words came forth.
[1. The text recorded by Mrs. Stevenson (Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 80) is incomplete. This is a telescopic version, a mnemonic device consisting merely of a list of place names at which events and ceremonies described in the fuller version take place. The complete chant, which is intoned in very rapid rhythm, takes about six hours to perform--it is longer even than the sayataca chant. It is in the keeping of a cult group of four men who take turns in impersonating the god.]
15 All the ladder descending children of the corn priest
Desire the breath of their fathers,
Priests of the masked gods;
Since somehow it was not clear to which clan they belonged,
20 K^äklo, p?ekwin priest, made his road come hither.
To all the ladder descending children of the corn priests (he came)
In order that their children may have someone whom they call their second father,
That they may have one whom they call their second mother,
25 Now that they have sent for us
For this we have passed you on your roads.
I have told off the sequence of your days,
Anxiously awaiting your time,
I have told off the sequence of your days.
30 Seemingly now all the eight days are past,
It is the ninth night,
Now all of us
Shall pass you on your roads.
We shall pass a blessed night together,
And to-morrow,
35 When our sun father
Has come forth standing to his sacred place,
Throughout a blessed day,
We shall come to evening.
When our children
Into the corn priest's court have brought their roads,
40 Our fathers,
Priests of the masked gods,
With their powerful weapons
Four times will strike our young ones,
In order that this may be
45 We have passed you on your roads.
This is all.
Thus with plain words
We have passed you on your road.
To-morrow
50 Our young ones
The plume wands of their fathers,
Priests of the masked gods
They will fashion into human form.
When to our fathers,
55 Priests of the masked gods,
We have given these plume wands,
Then making their days,
Keeping their sacred days,
We shall pass our days.
60 And so, our fathers,
Your long life,
Your old age,
Your power,
Your strong spirit,
65 You will give to us,
So that we may be people blessed in all things.
Yonder toward the place of dawn
We shall give our fathers prayer meal.
70 Anxiously waiting we shall pass our days.
When all their days are at an end
With our clear water
We shall bind our children fast,
So that their roads may reach to dawn lake
75 So that our young ones' roads may be fulfilled.
PRAYER OF THE IMPERSONATOR OF P?A'UTIWA
P?autiwa is the katcina chief at Katcina village. It is he who determines the order of masked rituals and dances, and sends forth masked beings to dance for his daylight children at Zuñi. The great masked ceremonies are held expressly by his order. They can only be held when he commands them at the new year. In folklore he appears frequently in the rôle of the divine lover of mortal maidens.
He appears three times annually at Zuñi--twice during the winter solstice, and at the mola:wia which closes the great masked festival of the late fall. He comes, therefore, at the beginning and end of the year. He is one of the most beautiful of all Zuñi impersonations. The mask is turquoise blue, elaborately adorned with the most precious feathers, in particular the priceless tail feathers of the macaw. He is fully clothed in rich clothing, including four embroidered white cotton blankets and innumerable, strings of the finest turquoise. His gait is slow and stately. He always goes sprinkling corn meal before him. It is altogether an impersonation of the greatest splendor and solemnity.[2]
[2. See pl. I and Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pl. xxviii.]
The winter solstice ceremonies and P?autiwa's part in them are described on pp. 535 and 908.
After P?autiwa has visited all the kivas he goes out toward the West. After undressing, at a point on the river, he is met by men of the Sun clan who escort him to the house of the house chief. Here are assembled all priests of the council, and members of the Dogwood clan. On entering, the impersonator of Pautiwa offers a long prayer recounting the duties of his office and invoking a blessing on the people. The house chief replies, thanking him, and then asks him what be has seen in his rounds of the village. He then relates what omens have been observed in the four excavations. The following prayer recited when he enters the ceremonial room, was dictated by a member of the Dogwood clan:
Now this many are the days
Since there yet remained a little space
Ere our sun father
Stood close beside his left hand sacred place,
5 When our daylight father of the Dogwood clan,
P?ekwin, priest,
For his fathers,
The ones that first had being--
K^?äeto:we,
10 Tcu'eto:we,
Mu'eto:we
Mu'eto:we Lhe'eto:we
All the society priests,
For them he counted up the days.
15 When we had lived through the full number of his days,
And when all the days were past,
He thought of those said to be the bearers of messages
To all the different directions,
The forest beings,
20 The brush beings.
When for their sun father,
Their moon mother,
Our daylight children
Had counted up the days
And when we come to the middle division of the days,[3]
25 Our children,
Whoever of them thought to grow old,
Taking prayer meal,
Taking shell,
Taking corn pollen,
[3. The fifth day of the p?ekwin's count. This is the traditional day for gathering willow sticks for making prayer sticks. As a matter of fact sticks are brought in at any time.]
30 Yonder toward all directions
One by one they made their roads go forth.
Yonder finding those who have been granted domain
On all the mossy mountains,
Along the slopes of the mountains,
In all the shady places,
36 The forests,
The brush,
And at the feet of some lucky one
40 Offering prayer meal,
Shell,
Corn pollen,
Among their slender finger tips
45 They looked about.
Breaking off the young green shoots of some lucky one,
And drawing them toward him[4]
Even from where they abide quietly,
50 Holding their long life,
Holding their old age,
He brought them hither.
Now this many days
In our houses,
55 With us, their children,
They have stayed.
Then, when all their days were past,
With their warm human hands,
They took firm hold of them.
60 For their ancestors,
Their children,
The ones who have attained the far off place of waters,[5]
For their sun father,
For their moon mother,
65 For their need
We prepared plume wands.
With the massed cloud robe
Of the one who is our grandfather,
Male turkey,
[4. Changes from singular to plural, from first to third person, are frequent in Zuñi prayers which make little effort toward coherence or clarity of expression. Indeed, obscurity is a prized feature of the style of the men "who know how to pray." Lucidity is characterized as childish.
5. The dead. Sticks are offered to the ancestors, the sun, and the moon.]
70 With eagle's thin cloud wing,
And with the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
With these four times wrapping our plume wands,
75 We gave them human form.
With the flesh of our grandfather,
Giant yucca
Even a roughly made cord,
Even a dirty cord,
80 With this four times encircling the plume wands
We tied it about their bodies;
With water-bringing hanging feathers,
We made them into living beings.
With the flesh of our two mothers,
Black paint woman,
85 Clay woman,
We clothed our plume wands with flesh;
Giving them flesh, we gave them human form.
90 Then our two fathers,
The ones who hold the high places,[6]
Wrapping themselves in their elder brothers' plume wands,
Their elder brothers' prayer feathers,
Their elder brothers' shell beads,
95 They became living beings;
Holding all their world,
Holding all their people fast,
The two sat down quietly.
Then while yet a little space remained
Ere our sun father
Went in to sit down at his sacred place,
Yonder from all directions,
Our fathers, water birds,
105 P?ekwin priests,
By means of their supernatural wisdom
Made their roads come in.[7]
Having brought their roads hither
Thinking, "Let it be here,"
[6. The images of the gods of war are carved and setup in the houses of the image makers. See pp. 526, 535.
7. The p?ekwin makes the altar painting in He'iwa kiva. The p?ekwin is here conceived plurally as representative of the summer-bringing birds.]
110 His fathers' massed cloud house he fashioned,
Their mist blanket he spread out,
Their life-giving road he fashioned,
Their perfect spring he prepared.
115 When all was ready our two fathers,
The ones who hold the high places,
And their house chiefs,
Their p?ekwins,
Their bow priests,
120 All with their sacred possessions,[8]
Made their roads come in.
Perpetuating their rite handed down since the first beginning,
The two sat down quietly.
Listening for this,
125 All the society priests
Kept to their houses.[9]
And to wherever they staid in,
Along a single road
The divine ones came to them.
Sitting down quietly
130 Throughout a blessed night
With us, their children, they came to day.
Next day,
Saying, "Let it be now,"
Our two fathers,
135 The ones who hold the high places,
Met their elder brothers,[10]
Changing places with them
The divine ones sat down quietly,
140 And counted the days for us.
When all our days were passed in anticipation,
And when we came to the middle division of the days,
The ones who are our fathers
Those of the Dogwood clan
[8. The war gods come into the kiva, followed by the various sacred war bundles, and parts of the rain. making bundles of the chief priesthoods.
9. The priests wait in the kiva until they are visited by the Ne?we:kwe. Then they start their ceremonies, and, on hearing their drum, the other societies that have been waiting start their own ceremonies.
10. The war gods are taken out to their shrines, where they are set up to replace the images of previous years.]
145 Desiring one another sat down in council.
Among all our ladder descending children
We looked about.
Toward whoever was trustworthy
Our fathers, who once had been thus,[11]
150 Bent their thoughts,
Their thoughts following,
The living ones chose me
To be the one to keep their prayers.
155 Yonder from all sides,
From wherever they abide permanently
The divine ones made their roads come forth.
They made their roads come hither,
Their roads went first,
160 The others followed at their backs.
Into my house
The divine ones made their road enter.
After they had sat down quietly
165 We in the daylight
Met one another.
The divine ones' prayers leading,
Our words following,
170 With prayer meal
We held one another fast.
That I might be the one to represent our father,
K^?äwulhia, P?autiwa,[12]
176 My daylight father,
He of the Dogwood clan who holds this rite,
For this with prayer meal
He held me fast.
180 Now that this many days
Eagerly we have lived.
Yesterday the appointed time arrived,
[11. The selection is made by members of the cult group; that is, by former impersonators of the god. The choice is inspired by deceased impersonators.
12. In prayers, he is always referred to under the double name. No explanation of the first part could be elicited. The dual form of the verb and the pronoun is used.]
185 When all my fathers,
Passed me on my road,
Yonder from all sides
The divine ones made their roads come forth.
190 They made their roads come hither
Whenever it was that they first took hold of our plume wands,
In the brush,
The straight green shoots of some lucky one
195 Drawing toward them,
They held them fast.
Holding in our hands
Plume wands ordained for our two fathers,
K^?äwulhia,
P?autiwa,
202 Thus we came to evening.
With the massed cloud robe
Of him who is our grandfather,
Male turkey,
205 With eagle's thin cloud wing,
With the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
210 With these four times wrapping our plume wands
We gave them human form;
With the one who is our grandfather,
Giant yucca,
Even a roughly made thread,
215 Even a dirty thread,
With this four times encircling them,
We tied it about their bodies;
With our mothers,
Black paint woman,
Clay woman,
220 With their flesh four times we clothed our plume wands all over with flesh,
Putting flesh on our plume wands
We gave them human form.
Then when yet a little space remained
Ere our sun father went in
To sit down at his ancient place
For our two fathers
We made the bundle of wood[13]
The bundle of sticks,[13]
230 The bundle of twigs--[13]
That which is generally called the water terrace.
Then perpetuating their rite had since the first beginning,
The two assumed human form.
Holding all their world
235 Holding all their people fast,
With us their children
They came to day.
When he who is our sun father,
Coming out standing to his ancient place
Passed us on our roads,
240 Saying, "Let it be now,"
The divine ones leading
We following at their backs,
Yonder to the south,
245 With prayers we made our road go forth.
Reaching the place
Whence my fathers make the
world over anew,[14]
250 Representing my father,
K^?äwulhia P?autiwa
I assumed his person.[15]
Carrying his waters,
255 His seeds,
And carrying my fathers' perfect[16] plume wands,
I made my road come hither.
I offered my fathers plume wands,
260 Praying to know how the world would be,
I offered my fathers plume wands.
Drawing my plume wands to them
How the days will be.
[13. These are three esoteric names for a large bundle of prayer sticks, the common name of which is K^ä'etcine, "water steps," so called from the fact that it is arranged like a terraced house, with the longer sticks in the center. With characteristic Zuñi double entendre it might mean also the steps by which the rain gods descend from heaven.
14. P?autiwa comes from the land of summer. Therefore he clothes himself and comes in from the south.
15. He puts on the mask, thereby assuming the form and personality of the god. This power to change one's personality resides in the mask which is the body of the god.
16. The telhna:we or staves of office made by the priests and "finished" with their sacred paint.]
265 They revealed to me.
Knowing that,
I prayed that throughout the country of the Corn priests
Our earth mother might be wrapped
In four layers of green blanket,
That the land might be full of moss,
Full of flowers
Full of corn pollen--
275 Sending forth prayers that it might be thus,
I offered my fathers' plume wands.
Four times I made my road encircle
The land of the Corn priests
280 Then yonder, wherever the water roads of my kiva children come out,
I laid down plume wands.
Then far off to his own country
My father
285 Made his road go forth
Carrying my fathers' plume wands,
Carrying his prayer meal,
I made his road go forth.
290 Far off at the place of the first beginning
Touching them with my plume wands,
With all the others he will hold discourse.
Our fathers will take hold of our plume wands.
205 Then in that way
Their long life,
Their old age,
They will grant to us.
300 That our roads may reach to where
the life-giving road of our sun
father comes out,
That we may finish our roads--
This they will grant us.
This day in accordance with whatever you wished,
305 Whatever you wished when you appointed me,
I have fulfilled your thoughts.
With thoughts in harmony
May we live together.
310 For even while I call myself poor,
Somewhere far off
Is one who is my father.
Beseeching the breath of the divine One,
K^?äwulhia P?autiwa,
315 His life giving breath,
His breath of old age
His breath of waters,
His breath of seeds,
His breath of riches,
320 His breath of fecundity,
His breath of power,
His breath of strong spirit,
His breath of all good fortune whatsoever,
Asking for his breath
325 And into my warm body drawing his breath,
I add to your breath
That happily you may always live.
To this end, my fathers,
330 My children:
May you be blessed with light.
VI. PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS OF THE
MASKED GODS. II
PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE CA?LAKO CEREMONIES
During the taboo period of the winter solstice[1] ceremony the priests select men who are to impersonate the priests of the masked gods during the coming year. They are notified of their appointment, and on the final day of the winter solstice are summoned to Hei'?wa kiva to receive their staves of office--the feathered staves which the impersonator of P?autiwa left there the night before.
The men who are chosen must be known to be above reproach men of pure heart and kindly disposition, who will not neglect any of the taboos attaching to their office and who will be diligent in their prayers.
Their duties begin the evening of the day on which they receive their sticks of office. Every day at sunrise they must offer meal to the sun with prayers for their people. They must go out of the village toward the cast for their prayer. Many Zuñis pray each morning, but on priests and impersonators of the gods this observance is obligatory. Every evening after dark they sacrifice food in the river to the west of the village.
On their first evening following their appointment they start their nightly meetings with the trustees of their ritual to learn the long prayers and complicated rites connected with their office. These nightly meetings continue throughout the year until their days are fulfilled in November. The 10 Koyemci meet in the house of their father, the impersonators of the priests of the masked gods--Cula:witsi Sayataca, Hututu, the two Yamuhato meet in the house of the impersonator of Sayataca. The little boy Cula:witsi and his ceremonial father are required to attend only the four nights following the planting at the new moon. The Ca?lako impersonators meet formally only on these four nights each month, but hold informal meetings in between. The first prayer that is learned is the one that accompanies the monthly offerings of prayer sticks.
At each full moon all the impersonators plant together at springs in the mountains south of Zuñi.
On these days they gather early in the morning in their ceremonial houses to make their prayer sticks. Long prayers are recited at the conclusion of their work, Then after a feast they leave for the shrines, which lie to the south at a distance of 4 to 8 miles. The prayer sticks are deposited beside the spring in regular order, and
[1. See p. 535]
long prayers are offered. The impersonators of Sayataca recite the prayer, the others joining in according to the extent of their knowledge. Toward sunset the party approaches the village, marching in regular order across the plains, singing songs of the masked dancers.
Throughout the year each group of impersonators must work for the household which is to entertain them a the great public festival. From midsummer on every day is spent in labor for their hosts. They do all the work of the fields and build the new home in which the gods are to be received.
On the morning of the tenth planting, which takes place early in October, the impersonators of Sayataca and Molanhakto receive from the priest the two day counts--cotton strings containing 49 knots. One knot is untied each morning until the day of the great public ceremony. During this period there are plantings at intervals of 10 days at rock shrines to the southwest of the village.
The public ceremonies start on the fortieth day,[2] with the arrival of the Koyemci in the evening. They come masked, visiting each of the four plazas to announce the coming of the gods in eight days. They then go into retreat in the house of their father, where they remain in seclusion, with the exception of appearances in the plaza, until the festival is concluded fifteen days later.
Four days after the appearance of the Koyemci the Sayataca party come in in the evening and go into retreat in the house of the impersonator of Sayataca. On the same night the Ca?lako impersonators go into retreat in their respective houses.
On the eighth day there is another planting of prayer sticks with elaborate ceremonies at which the gods are summoned from the village of the masked gods.
After they are clothed and masked they approach the village. The giant Ca?lako gods wait on the south bank of the river but the priests of the masked gods--Cula:witsi, Sayataca, Hututu, two Yamuhakto, and two Salimopia--enter the village in mid afternoon. After planting prayer sticks in six excavations in the streets of the village they repair to the house where they are to be entertained for the night. This is always a new or at least a renovated house, and the visit of the gods is a blessing, a dedication. Prayer sticks are planted inside the threshold (formerly under the outside ladder) and in a decorated box suspended from the center of the ceiling. The walls of the house are marked with corn meal. In all excavations in the center of the floor seeds of all kinds are deposited. Similar rites are performed later in the evening by the six Ca?lako and the Koyemci in the houses where they are to be entertained.
[2. That is, if the ceremony is not postponed. However, almost without exception, a postponement of 10 days is necessary.]
After the blessing of the house the gods are seated by the p?ekwin, their masks raised. Reed cigarettes are brought and each god smokes with the person seated opposite him, exchanging with him the customary terms of relationship. Then the host (in the Sayataca house, the village chief serves as host) questions the gods concerning the circumstance of their coming. In the long recital that follows he reviews all the events leading up to the present moment, and invokes upon the house a the blessings of the gods, especially the blessing of fecundity.
This litany chanted in unison by the four leaders (Cula:witsi is not required to learn it) takes about six hours to perform. It is chanted in loud tones and very slowly in monotone, except for the last syllable of each line, which is higher in pitch, heavily accented, and prolonged. The chants of the Ca?lako, which omit the recital of the 29 springs visited by the gods on their way to Zuñi and curtail other portions, take from one to two hours to perform.
All are finished at about 11 o'clock at night, when an elaborate feast is served in all the houses. After this all the masked personages dance until day in the house of their hosts.
At the first sign of approaching dawn Sayataca ascends to the roof of the house where he has spent the night, and facing the east, unties the last knot in his counting string while he intones another prayer. Returning to the house, he repeats the prayer. He then thanks the members of the society choir who furnished the music during the night. The dancing continues until sunrise, when the heads of all impersonators are washed by the women of the house where they were entertained, as a symbol of their permanent association with these houses.
At about noon, after planting prayer sticks and performing magical ceremonies in a field on the south of the river, the Ca?lako gods and the Sayataca group depart for their home in the west. This closes their year, and the impersonators of the Sayataca group and the six Ca?lako are now free after the exacting period of service. The Koyemci, however, are not yet free. Throughout the year their duties have been heavier. They hold nightly meetings and participate in the monthly plantings of the other impersonators. Furthermore, at all of the dances of the summer series (six in all, lasting from one to eight days) they must come out and "play," observing all the usual taboos from the evening preceding the dance until the final departure. They may appear also in winter, and if they do must observe the same restrictions. If any extra dances are inserted into the calendar in the summer and fall, as frequently happens, the Koyemci are required to attend.
For five nights following the departure of the Ca?lako gods, dancers from each of the six kivas are supposed to visit all the houses which have entertained the gods. Some of them dance in the plaza during
the day. Throughout this period the Koyemci remain in strict retreat in the house where they were entertained. At night they dance in their house; during the day they "play" in the plaza and attend any dancers who appear there. These are days of great festivity.
On the fifth evening they eat early and sparingly, and from this time on food and drink are taboo until the following night. Speech also is forbidden them, nor may they appear unmasked. After they enter upon this period the character of their dancing changes, becoming more solemn. They do not indulge in their usual obscenity. On the following morning they come out early and are taken to be washed in the house of the village chief. Here the women give them gifts of food. On coming out, they are taken by men of their fathers' clans to the houses of their fathers' sisters. Here they receive gifts from all members of the fathers' clan. Each impersonator will receive as many as thirty slaughtered sheep, as many baskets of corn or wheat flour, bread, melons, and miscellaneous gifts of clothing, frequently of great value. The gifts are brought to the plaza, where they remain until night. Meanwhile the Koyemci attend upon the various dancers until later at night.
At nightfall the last of the dancers, the Molawia, have departed. Then the Koyemci, in pairs, visit every house in the village to invoke upon it the blessings of the gods. At each house they receive gifts of food from the female inhabitants. Returning to the plaza, they take their prayer sticks out to plant. They return to the house of their father late at night, and removing their masks for the first time all day give them to their father to return to the house where they are kept. When he comes back he thanks his children for their year of work and sets them free. Then for the first time since the preceding evening they drink, and after eating and bathing return to their homes. Their retreat, fifteen days, is the longest in Zuñi ritual.
The following prayers are only a fragment of the whole ritual. In addition to those recorded there are long series of prayers spoken at the time, of appointment to office, for making prayer sticks, for offering corn meal to the sun (different in summer and winter) and food to the ancestors, for untying the knots of the day count, for each stage of dressing for the public ceremony, and for each offering of prayer sticks. In addition, the host and officials of the Katcina society have many long prayers.
Each of the six Ca?lako impersonations has a different chant, and that of the Koyemci is again different.
PRAYER OF THE IMPERSONATORS OF THE MASKED GODS WITH MONTHLY OFFERING OF PRAYER STICKS
And now indeed it is so.
At the New Year
Our fathers
5 Four times prepared their precious plume wands.
With their plume wands they took hold of me.[1]
This many days
Anxiously we have awaited our time.
10 When the moon, who is our mother
Yonder in the west
As a small thing appeared,[2]
Carrying our fathers' precious plume wand,
15 With our own poor plume wand
Fastened to our fathers' plume wand,
At the place called since the first beginning
Snow hanging, or where snow hangs,
20 To our fathers,
Priests of the masked gods,
Cula:witsi, p?ekwin priest,
Sayataca, bow priest,
Hututu, bow priest,
25 Yamuhakto, bow priests,
To all the masked gods,
(Our plume wands we gave.)
Where they were to receive their plume wands,
All happily gathered together,
There we passed them on their roads.
30 This day
We shall give you plume wands.
Keeping your days,
Throughout the cycle of your months,
Throughout the summer,
35 Anxiously we shall await your time.
Our fathers,
Yonder toward the south
Wherever your roads come out,
We have given you plume wands.
[1. The appointment of the impersonator at the winter Solstice.
2. The new moon. The first planting may be at the new moon or at the fall moon, depending upon how quickly the appointments of the Ca?lako impersonators and the nine Koyemci are made.]
40 When your springs were at an end,
Our fathers,
In their rain-filled room
Met together.
45 The flesh of their mother, cotton woman,
Four times counting up,
They gave their day counts human form.[3]
Of our two fathers,
Sayataca, bow priest,
50 Molanhaktu, house chief,
They had need.
The two passed their fathers on their roads.
With the flesh of their mother,
55 Cotton woman,
Four times counted up, and given human form,
With this they took hold of them.
From where our fathers stay,
Carrying the day count
60 They made their roads go forth.
To their own houses
Their roads reached.
A little later
65 Carrying their fathers' day count
With their plume wands fastened together,
They made their roads go forth.
Yonder we took our way.
70 At the place called since the first beginning.
Aiyayak^ä,[4]
Our fathers,
Rain makers,
Our fathers,
75 Priests of the masked gods,
Where they were all gathered together,
We passed them on their roads.
Giving them our fathers' plume wands,
80 Giving them their day count,
This many days
The days of their counting string,
Anxiously we have awaited our time.
[3. Kohaito, "setting the day for the gods." The presentation of the day count with its 49 knots theoretically fixes the date of the festival. Kohaito may take place at the new moon or the full moon of October.
4. The place used to be Halon Kwaton. See below.]
85 When all their days were past,
When their day-count was at an end
Again we prepared plume wands.
Carrying our plume wands
At the place called since the first beginning
90 Rock Face,
We passed our fathers on their roads.
Meeting our fathers,
We gave them plume wands.
Keeping their days
Anxiously waiting
We passed our days.
100 This many are the days--
And when their days were at an end,
Over there, following your springs,
We gave you plume wands.
When all your days are past,
105 Our fathers,
Priests of the masked gods
Bow priests of the masked gods
Cula:witsi p?ekwin priest,
Sayataca bow priest,
110 Hututu bow priest,
Yamuhaktu bow priests,
Ca?lako bow priests,
All the masked gods
There from your home set with mountains,
115 Bringing your waters,
Bringing your seeds,
Bringing all your good fortune,
Our fathers,
You will make your roads come forth.
120 "Yes,[5] now every one of us will come forth.
Our fathers at Itiwana,
We shall pass on their roads.
Let no one be left behind.
All the men,
[5. From this point to the end the speaker quotes from the Ca?lako chant. The frequent changes of tense throughout the prayer make it impossible to fix it in the calendar. The Zuñi use of tense is not the same as ours.]
125 Those with snow upon their heads,
With moss upon their faces,
With bony knees,
No longer upright, but bent over canes,
Now all of us
130 Shall pass our fathers on their roads.
And the women,
With snow upon their heads,
Even those who are with child,
135 Carrying one on the back,
With another on the cradle board,
Leading one by the hand,
With yet another going before,
Even all of us
140 Shall pass you on your roads.
Indeed, it is so
The thoughts of our fathers,
Who at the New Year
With their precious plume wands
Appointed us
146 Their thoughts we now fulfill.
This is all.
Thus with plain words we have passed you on your roads.
150 Now we fulfill the thoughts of our fathers.
Always with one thought
We shall live together.
This is all.
155 Thus with plain words we have passed you on your roads.
For whatever our fathers desired
When at the New Year
160 They sent forth their sacred words,
We have now fulfilled their thoughts.
To this end: My fathers,
My mothers,
My children,
165 Always with one thought
May we live together.
With your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
170 Your power,
Your strong spirit,
All your good fortune,
With all this may you bless us."
SAYATACA'S NIGHT CHANT
And now indeed it has come to pass.
When the sun who is our father
Had yet a little ways to go to reach his left-hand altar,[3]
Our daylight father,
P?ekwin of the Dogwood clan,
Desired the waters, the seeds
Of his fathers,
Priests of the masked gods.
Then our fathers,[4]
Sharing one another's desire, sat down together
In the rain-filled room
Of those that first came into being.[5]
Yonder following all the springs,
They sought those ordained to bring long life to man,[6]
Those that stand upright,
But (like the waters of the world),
Springing from one root, are joined together fast.[7]
At the feet of some fortunate one
Offering prayer meal,
Turquoise, corn pollen,
Breaking the straight young shoots,
With their warm human hands
They held them fast.
Taking the massed cloud robe of their grandfather, turkey man,
Eagle's mist garment,
The thin cloud wings and massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
With these four times clothing their plume wands,
They made the plume wands into living beings.
With the flesh of their mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a thread badly made,
A soiled cotton thread,[9]
Four times encircling their wand they made their belts;[10]
With rain-bringing prayer feathers
They made them into living beings.
With the flesh of their two mothers,
Black paint woman,
Clay woman,
Clothing their plume wands with flesh,
They made them into living beings.
When they said, "Let it be now,
The ones who are our fathers
Commissioned with prayers
The prayer wands that they had fashioned.
When the sun who is our father,
Had gone in to sit down at his ancient place,[11]
Then over toward the south,
Whence the earth is clothed anew,[12]
Our father, K^?äwulhia P?autiwa,[13]
Perpetuating what had been since the first beginning
Again assumed human form.[14]
Carrying his fathers' finished[15] plume wands
He made his road come hither.
Wherever he thought, "Let it be here,"
Into his fathers' rain-filled room,
He made his road to enter.
And when our sun father,
Had yet a little ways to go
To go in to sit down at his ancient place,
Yonder from all sides
[3. I. e., the south, therefore, at the winter solstice.
4. The priests.
5. E'to:we, the fetishes of the priests.
6. The red willow, the wood most commonly used for prayer sticks.
7. According to Zuñi cosmology, springs are outlets of a system of underground waters. By analogy, a shrub whose shoots are joined to a common rootstock is used to bring rain.
8. This one is not cut.
9. That is, so long as it is cotton.
10. A characteristic word play, literally, "they brought it around to be tied" or " they reached their belts."
11. Sunset.
12. The south wind and the summer birds bring summer from the south.
13. Mrs. Stevenson calls him komosona (head of the masked god cult) of Kolhuwalawa. He is described as "the highest chief." None of the gods can come to Zuñi save by his order. The plans are made at the New Year, when he leaves the crooks for all the dancers.
14. The impersonator dons the mask and becomes the god, and inversely the god assumes human form. As a matter of fact, in the evening the impersonator comes unmasked, the mask having previously been taken to the kiva.
15. Finished with the special paint used by priests, which was brought from the underworld at the time of the emergence.]
Rain-bringing birds,[16]
P?ekwin, priest
From where he stays quietly,
Made his road come forth.
Making his road come hither,
Into his fathers' rain-filled room,
He made his road to enter.
With his wings,
His fathers' cloud house[17] he fashioned
Their bed of mist[17] he spread out,
Their life-giving road[18] Is of meal he sent forth
Their precious spring[19] he prepared.
When all was ready,
Our father, K^?äwulhia P?autiwa
Reaching his house chiefs,[20]
His p?ekwin
His bow priests,
He made his road to go in.
Following one road,
Sitting down quietly,
A blessed night
The divine ones
With us, their children, came to day.
Next day, when our sun father
Had come out standing to his sacred place,[21]
Saying, "Let it be now.
Over there to the south,
Whence the earth is clothed anew,
Our father, K^?äwulhia P?autiwa,
Perpetuating what had been since the first beginning,
Again assumed human form.
Carrying his waters,
Carrying his seeds,
Carrying his fathers' precious plume wands,
He made his road come forth.
He made his road come hither.
The Country of the Corn priests,
Four times he made his road encircle.[22]
Yonder wherever all his kiva children's rain-filled roads come out[23]
His precious plume wands
He laid down.
Then turning he went back to his own country.
My father picked up the prayer plume,
And with the precious prayer plume
Me he appointed.[24]
The moon, who is our mother,
Yonder in the West waxed large;
And when standing fully grown against the eastern sky,[25]
She made her days,
For my fathers,
Rain maker priests,
Priests of the masked gods.
I fashioned prayer plumes into living beings.
My own common[26] prayer plume,
I fastened to the precious prayer plume of my fathers.
At the place since the first beginning called cotton hanging,
I brought my fathers[27] prayer plumes.
Drawing my prayer plumes toward them,
[16. An esoteric designation for the p?ekwin.
17. The meal painting on the altar.
18. A line of meal reaching from the altar to the ladder, along which impersonators walk.
19. The bowl of medicine water placed on the altar.
20. The chief priesthood.
21. Sunrise. P?autiwa enters the village just after sunset. in fact, by the time he has visited all the kivas. It is quite dark. However, the ceremonies on the plain, where he dresses, begin shortly after noon.
22, P?autiwa in coming in at this time encircles the village four times in narrowing circles, symbolic of the search for the middle.
33 At the hatchways of all the kivas; Pautiwa does not enter the kivas. He leaves the plume wands on the roofs. The description is of the leaving of the crooks for the six Ca?lako impersonations. The crooks for the Sayataca group and the Koyemci are brought to He'iwa kiva by the impersonator of Pautiwa when he comes unmasked for the night ceremonies of the New Year. They have already been distributed before his afternoon appearance with the Ca?lako crooks.
34 The "Ca?lako crook" left by P?autiwa is taken by one of the kiva officials who is waiting in the kiva to receive it. He takes it home. Next evening members are summoned to his home for the ceremony of installation. The "crook" contains one long and two short sticks. The long stick and one short one are given to the man who volunteers to entertain the gods. The short stick is planted at the first full moon of the New Year. The long one is kept in the house until the last day of the Ca?lako festival, when it is given to the father of the Koyemci, who plants it with his own prayer sticks that night. The other short stick is given to the impersonator and is planted by him at the first full moon, as described in the following passage.
35. At the full moon.
36. Painted with common paint.
37. His ancestors, the deceased impersonators of Sayataca, and the katcinas.]
They spoke to those inside the place of our first beginning.[28]
Yonder following all the springs,
On all the mossy mountains,
In all the wooded places,
At the encircling ocean,
With my prayer plumes,
With my sacred meal,
With my sacred words,
They talked to those within.
Winter,
Summer,
Through the cycle of the months,
Though my prayer plumes were but poor ones,
There toward the south,
Wherever my fathers' roads come out[29]
I continued to give them prayer plumes.
And when the cycle of months was at an end
My fathers[30] made their rain roads come in
To their fathers,
Their mothers,
Those that first came into being.
Sharing one another's desire, they sat down together.
With the flesh of their mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a cord badly made,
A soiled cotton cord,
With this four times
They made the day counts[31] into living beings.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
They sent for me.
I came to my fathers,
Where they were waiting for me.
With their day count
They took hold of me fast.
Carrying their day count
I came back to my house.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
And carrying the prayer plumes which
I had prepared,
Yonder to the south
With prayers, I made my road go forth.
To the place ever since the first beginning called "Ants go in,"[32]
My road reached.
There where my fathers' water-filled roads come out,
I gave them plume wands;
I gave them prayer feathers;
There I asked for light for you.
That you may finish your roads,
That you may grow old,
That you may have corn,
That you may have beans,
That you may have squash,
That you may have wheat,
That you may kill game,
That you may be blessed with riches,
For all this I asked.
Then over toward the west[33]
Where the road of my fathers comes in,
I gave them plume wands.
And now, when all of their days were past,
Over toward the west,
[28. The rain makers.
29. At various springs in the mountains south of Zuñi. At the present time these are visited in the following order: Uhanaa (snow hanging), January; Alhapatsi (rock wedge), February; At?sinakwi (painted rock), March; Picuk^?aia. (poison water weed spring), April; k^?änulha (mesa wall spring, lit., water against some thing), May; Toloknana, two plantings, in June and July; k^?ate:tci (evil smelling water), August; Opump?ia (sack of meal hanging), September; Ayayakya (bluebird), October (ko haito). The matter, however, is not so simple, and there are always arguments as to the dates and places of planting. The first planting need not be at the full moon. If the New Year is at the full moon the first planting maybe immediately after or delayed a month. If it takes place the end of January there is disagreement concerning the advisability of planting twice at Toloknana and as to whet tier the last planting at Ayayakya should be made at the full moon or the first quarter. The final decision rests with the personator of Sayataca. No matter when the plantings are made, it is always necessary at the end to postpone the festival because the houses are not ready. This is done after consultation with the p?ekwin, so that the dates may not conflict with his dates for the winter solstice.
30. The priests.
31. A cotton string containing 49 knots. Starting with the following morning, one knot is untied each morning, the last being untied at daybreak the morning the gods go out after their night of dancing in the houses. One such string is given to the Sayataca impersonator, one to the father of the Koyemci.
32. Halon Kwaton, at the foot of Corn Mountain. M. C. Stevenson records ko haito as being made at this place. In 1927 and in preceding years this ceremony took place at Ayayakya, on the opposite side of the valley.
33. Th plantings to the west are at intervals of 10 days They are not at springs.]
Where the gray mountain stands,[34]
And the blue mountain,
Where rain always falls,
Where seeds are renewed,
Where life is renewed,
Where no one ever falls down,[35]
At the abiding place
Of those who are our children,[36]
There I met them on their roads.
There where the one who is my father
Had prepared my seat
Four times my father[37] sprinkled prayer meal.
On the crown of my head
Four times he sprinkled prayer meal.
And after he had sprinkled prayer meal on his rain seat,
Following him,
My prayer meal
Four times I sprinkled.
My father's rain seat
I stood beside.
My father took hold of me.
Presenting me to all the directions,[38] he made me sit down.
When I had sat down,
My father
Took his grandson,
Reed youth.
Within his body,
He bored a hole going through him.
Four times drawing toward him his bag of native tobacco
Into the palm of his hand
He measured out the tobacco.
Within his body
He placed mist.[39]
He took his grandmother[40] by the hand,
And made her sit down in the doorway.[41]
Having made her sit in the doorway,
Four times inhaling, he drew the mist through.
With the mist
He added to the hearts[42]
Of the rain maker priests of all directions.
It is well;
Praying that the rain makers
Might not withhold their misty breath,
With his prayers
He added to their hearts.
He handed it to me.
Four times inhaling,
Into my body
I made the mist pass through.
Then with the mist,
I added to the hearts of my fathers of all
the directions.
When this was at an end,
We greeted one another with terms of kinship:
Father,[43]
Son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grand
son; ancestor, descendant.
With this many words we greeted one another.
When all this was at an end,
My father questioned me:
"Yes, now indeed
You have passed us on our roads.
Surely you will have something to say, some words that are not too long."
Thus he spoke to me.
"Yes, indeed it is so.
Back at the New Year,
All my fathers
Desiring something,
With their precious prayer plume
Appointed me.
Yonder toward the south,
At all the places where the roads of the rain makers come out,
[34. Ko?lhuwalawa, katcina village. Actually the impersonator is dressed, with elaborate ceremonies, at Ak^?ohana t?i'nakwi, a shrine about 2 miles southwest of Zuñi. Here two mounds of corn meal are made to represent the mountains at Kolhwala:wa. Komosona, chief of the katcina cult, officiates as the "father."
35. I. e., dies.
36. The katcinas.
37. Sayatca, the god, represented by komosona.
38 Holding his shoulder and moving him gently to the north, west, south, east, up, and then seating him.
39. Cipololon:e, a common wordplay. Cipololon:e means both mist and smoke, ceremonially. The ordinary word for smoke is lhik^?aian:e. The significance of the rite suffers in translation.
40. Fire. In ritual smoking the cigarette is lighted with live coal from the fireplace.
41. At the end of the cigarette.
42. The common terms for offerings to supernaturals, used especially of offerings of smoke and food.
43 Stevenson and Parsons give different translations (See p. 762).]
I have continued to offer you prayer plumes.
Now that the cycle of your months is at an end,
Now that the counted number of your days has been told off
Now that this many days
Anxiously we have awaited your day,
Now this day,
We have reached the appointed time.
Now I have passed you on your roads."
Thus I spoke to them.
When I had spoken thus,
Hurriedly, without delay,
My father took hold of me.
From the very soles of my feet
Even to the crown of my head
He clothed me all over with all things needful.
When all this was at an end,
Then also with that which is called my belt,
His prayer meal,
He covered my navel.
With his bundle that covered it all over.
He took hold of me,
His bundle reached all around my body.
When all this was at an end,
Then also the different kinds of seeds four times he placed over my navel.[44]
All different kinds of seeds his bundle contained:
The seeds of the yellow corn,
The seeds of the blue corn,
The seeds of the red corn,
The seeds of the white corn,
The seeds of the speckled corn,
The seeds of the black corn,
And also that by means of which you may have firm flesh,
Namely, the seeds of the sweet corn;
And also those which will be your sweet tasting delicacies,
Namely, all the clans of beans
The yellow beans,
The blue beans,
The red beans,
The white beans,
The spotted beans,
The black beans,
The large beans,
The small beans,
The little gray beans,
The round beans,
The string beans;
Then also those that are called the ancient round things--[45]
The striped squash,
The crooked-neck squash,
The watermelons,
The sweet melons,
And also those which you will use to dip up your clear water,
Namely, the gourds;
And then also the seeds of the piñon tree,
The seeds of the juniper tree,
The seeds of the oak tree,
The seeds of the peach tree,
The seeds of the black wood shrub,
The seeds of the first flowering shrub,
The seeds of the k^?apuli[46] shrub
The seeds of the large yucca,
The seeds of the small yucca,
The seeds of the branched cactus,
The seeds of the brown cactus,
The seeds of the small cactus;
And then also the seeds of the wild grasses,
The evil smelling weeds,[47]
The little grass,
Tecukta,
Kucutsi,
O'co,
Apitalu,
Sutok^a,
Mololok^a,
P?iculiya
Small p?iculiya,
Hamato
Mitalik?o;
And then also the seeds of those that stand in their doorways,[48]
Namely the cat-tails,
The tall flags,
[44. Every masked dancer carries a package of seeds in his belt. It is his "heart." At the close of any dance the priest who thanks the dancers takes some of the seeds to plant. Those carried by Sayataca are planted in the floor of the house he dedicates. (See p. 873.)
45. Native squashes.
46. An unidentified shrub sometimes used for prayer sticks.
47. None of these have been identified. Many are food plants.
48. The doorways of the rain makers, the springs.]
The water weeds,
The water cress,
The round-leafed weed;
Across my navel
His bundle reached.
And then also, the yellow clothing bundle[49] of the priest of the north
The blue clothing bundle of the priest of the west,
The red clothing bundle of the priest of the south,
The white clothing bundle of the priest of the east,
The many colored bundle of the priest of the above
The dark colored bundle of the priest of the below;
Across my navel
His bundle reached.
When all this was at an end,
My father spoke to me:
"Thus you will go.
Your daylight fathers,
Your daylight mothers,
Your daylight children
You will pass on their roads.
And wherever you come to rest,
We shall come to you.[50]
Assuredly none of us shall be left behind--
All the men,
Those with snow upon their heads,
With moss on their faces,
With skinny knees, no longer upright, and leaning on canes,
Even all of these;
And furthermore the women,
Even those who are with child,
Carrying one child on the back,
Holding another on a cradle board,
Leading one by the hand,
With yet another going before,
Even all of us,
Our daylight fathers,
Our daylight mothers,
Our children,
We shall pass on their roads."
Thus my father said.
Having spoken thus,
He took hold of me.
Presenting me to all the directions he made me arise.
With his prayer meal
Four times he sprinkled his water filled ladder.
After him,
Four times I sprinkled my prayer meal.
Taking four steps,
Four times striding forward,
Standing, I came out.
[Having come out standing,
Yonder to all directions I looked;[51]
I looked toward the north,
I looked toward the west,
I looked toward the south,
I looked toward the east.
Hither, toward the place of dawn,
I saw four roads going side by side.
Along the middle road,
Four times my prayer meal I sprinkled.
There I made the sound of the water-filled breath of the priest of the north.[52]
Taking four steps,
Four times striding forward,
To the place known since the first beginning as Great Lake,[53]
My road came.
Where my father's road comes out
I stood in the doorway.
That which formed my belt,
My prayer meal,
Four times sprinkling inside,
I opened their curtain of scum.[54]
After that,
Four times sprinkling prayer meal inside
Standing I came in.
When I came in standing,
[49. U'tenan he'k?un:e. A word of esoteric meaning; utenan:e is clothing and ornaments, any movable wealth. It is not the ordinary word for clothing. P?ekwin possesses hek?une instead of e'tone. In the Corn dance the leaders carry hek?une on their heads. P?ekwin makes it, and no one knows what it contains inside the rich wrappings. 'U'tenan hek?une seems to be a symbol of wealth.
50. The gods who are believed to be present in spirit on this night.
51. At this point in the prayer the chief wo?le rises and whirls a rhombus, symbolizing the breath of the rain makers.
52. The north wind. Wind brings rain.
53. One of the springs at which the a:'ciwi stopped on their journey in search of the middle place.
54. In this case he actually enters the spring. The term, "to open the scum," is, however, used esoterically to refer to the entrance of any impersonator into a kiva or other ceremonial room.]
My father[55]
Hurrying without delay
Where he had prepared his rain seat,
His prayer meal
Four times he sprinkled.
On the top of my head
His prayer meal
Four times he sprinkled.
After him
Four times sprinkling my prayer meal,
My father's rain seat
I stood beside.
As I stood up beside it
My father took hold of me,
Yonder to all the directions presenting me,
He made me sit down.
Having seated me
The one who is my father
Took the water bringing cigarettes which he had prepared.
Four times drawing it toward him,
He took his grandmother by the hand
And made her sit down in the doorway,
Four times inhaling, he drew the mist through.
With the mist
He added to the hearts of fathers,
Rain maker priests.
Thus it is well; around,
In order that the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath.
With mist he added to their hearts.
When all this was at an end,
My father handed it to me.
Four times inhaling, I drew the mist through.
Into my body drawing the misty breath,
With the mist
I added to the hearts of my fathers.
This is well;
In order that the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath,
With mist I added to their hearts.
When all this was at an end,
We greeted one another with terms of kinship:
Father,
Son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson; ancestor, descendant.
With these words we greeted one another.
When all this was at an end
My father questioned me:
"Yes, now at this time
You have passed us on our roads.
Surely you will have something to say, some word that is not too long,
If you let us know that,
I shall know it for all time."
Thus my father spoke.
When he had spoken thus, (I answered)
"Yes, indeed it is so.
Yonder to the south,
Following wherever your roads come out,
I have been bringing you prayer sticks,
I have been bringing you prayer feathers.
Now this day,
Having reached the appointed time,
I have passed you on your roads."
"Is that so. With plain words you have come to us.
We are clothed with your prayer sticks;
We hold your prayer meal;
With your prayer plumes in our hair we are sitting in here waiting.
Here where we are just standing
Where we are just sitting on our haunches,
You have come to us.
When the sun who is our father
Has yet a little ways to go,
Before he goes in to sit down at his sacred place,
Nearby your daylight fathers,
Your daylight mothers,
Your children,
You will pass on their roads.
Wherever you come to rest,
All together we shall come to you. All the men,
Those with snow upon their heads, with moss upon their faces,
With skinny knees,
No longer upright but leaning on canes;
And the women,
Even those who are with child,
Carrying one upon the back,
Holding another on the cradle board,
[55 The inhabitants of the spring, differently interpreted as rain makers, some special, unnamed class of beings living in springs, or simply alhacina'we, the ancestors.]
Leading one by the hand,
With yet another going before.
Yes, with all of these,
Your daylight fathers,
Your daylight mothers,
Your children,
You will pass on their roads.
And wherever you come to rest
We shall come to you."
Thus my father spoke.
When he had spoken thus,
He took hold of me.
Yonder to all the directions
Presenting me
He made me arise.
After he had made me arise
With his prayer meal
His water-filled ladder
He sprinkled.
After him sprinkling my prayer meal
Standing, I came out.][56]
Coming out standing
Yonder to all directions I looked.
I looked to the north,
I looked to the west,
I looked to the south,
I looked to the east,
Hither toward Itiwana [57] I saw four roads going side by side.
Along the middle road,
My prayer meal
Four times I sprinkled before me.
Then I made the sound of the rain-filled breath of the rain maker priest of the below.
Taking four steps,
Four times striding forward,
Where descends the watery road.
Of my daylight fathers,[58]
My daylight mothers,
I stood.
Then I consecrated[59] the place
Where my father's watery road descends.
That none of his children might fall from the ladder,[60]
Having still one rung left to go,
Having still two rungs left to go,
Having still three rungs left to go,
Having still four rungs left to go;
In order that none of his children should fall down
I consecrated the place where his watery road descends.
When all this was at an end
The one who is my father
On the crown of my head
Four times sprinkled prayer meal.
On his watery wood pile[61]
[56. The bracketed portion is repeated unchanged, except for two words, for the other 28 springs visited by the A'ciwi during their migrations. In addition to substituting the names of the springs, the different winds are invoked in the following order: West, south, east, above, below, north, west, etc. The springs are visited in the following order which is not that of the ca?lako (see p. 771): 2. te'wulh i'ti-wa pik^?aia le?ana k^?änakwi, the place called water cress in the valley; 3, he?i patcikwi, cliff dwelling; 4, ha'nlhipink^akwi, place of stealing; 5, k^?äna pa'lhtokwi, last spring; 6, k^?äna i'tiwakwi, middle spring; 7, t?o'pa pi'k^?aiakwi, the other watercress spring; 8, ko'lowisi k^?akwekwi, Kolowisi's home; 9, p?atsik^?änakwi, dripping spring; 10, p?o'cowakwi, grass bending over; 11, lw:k^?anakwi, ashes spring; 12, to'seluna k^?a'nakwi, cat tail spring; 13, a'miltolan k^?a'iakwi, rainbow spring; 14, k^?äpkwenakwi, water flowing out (Ojo Caliente); 15, wa'tsita?nakwi, dog's corner; 16, ca?lak?onakwi, ca?lako place; 17, u'hanakwi, snow hanging place; 18, a'lhapatsikwi, rock wedge place; 19, a't?sinakwi, pictograph place; 20, pi':cuk^?aiakwi, poison water weed spring; 21, k^?ä'nula-kwi, mesa wall spring; 22, to'loknanakwi (no translation); 23, k^?ä':tetcikwi, evil smelling water; 24, o'p?ump?iakwi, where the sack of flour hangs; 25, a'yayak?akwi, bluebird place; 26, ha'lon kwa'tonankwi, where ants go in; 27, t?o'wa yä'lakwi, Corn Mountain (substitute "toward Itiwan:a" for "toward the east"); 28, matasak^a hepatina le?ana k^?anakwi, the place called matsak^a hepatina; 29, k?o'lin k^?ai'akwi e'tsak^a hepatinakwi, sulphur spring, commonly called hepatina.
57. The middle; i. e., Zuñi. The word in common use is ci'wina:kwi.
58. The outer ladder. Sayataca still enters through the roof. None of the prayers make any mention of the planting of prayer sticks in the six permanent excavations in the street of the village. In 1927 these were visited in the following order: T?ek^?alhnawa, o'na:wa, pa'lhtowa, tsi'a?a:wa, hek^?äpawa, te'?witolha'na. Their house was in the large plaza. In these excavations Cu'la:witsi, Sa'yataca and Hu':tutu deposit telikina t?sume (strong prayer sticks) to the Uwanami of the six regions. They are colored with the appropriate colors.
59. He deposits a double prayer stick just inside the threshold of the door, where every one passes. This was formerly planted under the ladder. Like those placed in the roof, these are colored blue and yellow and are male and female, respectively.
60. That is, die before their time.
61. K?äcima t?apela is an archaic expression for a load of firewood made by laying short sticks across two long poles.]
Four times he threw prayer meal upward.
Then after him,
My prayer meal
Sprinkling before me,
Where my father's water-filled road ascends
I made my road ascend.
The one who is my father
Four times sprinkled prayer meal before him.
After him
Four times sprinkling prayer meal before me,
Standing, I came in.
As standing I came in
I could scarcely see all my fathers,
So full was his house.
Then my father's rain-filled room
I rooted at the north,[62]
I rooted at the west,
I rooted at the south,
I rooted at the east,
I rooted above,
Then in the middle of my father's roof,[63]
With two plume wands joined together,
I consecrated his roof.
This is well;
In order that my father's offspring may increase,
I consecrated the center of his roof.
And then also, the center of my father's floor,
With seeds of all kinds,
I consecrated the center of his floor.[64]
This is well;
In order that my father's fourth room
May be bursting with corn,
That even in his doorway,
The shelled corn may be scattered before the door,
The beans may be scattered before the door,
That his house may be full of little boys,
And little girls,
And people grown to maturity;
That in his house
Children may jostle one another in the doorway,
In order that it may be thus,
I have consecrated the rain-filled room
Of my daylight father,
My daylight mother.
When all this was at an end,
The one who is my father[65]
Four times sprinkled prayer meal
Where he had prepared my seat.
Following him,
Four times sprinkling prayer meal before me,
Where my father had prepared my seat,
I stood beside it.
My father took hold of me.
Presenting me to all the directions, he made me sit down.
After my father had seated me,
The rain invoking cigarette which he had prepared
My father drew toward him.
He took his grandmother by the hand
And made her sit in the doorway.
Having seated her in the doorway,
Four times inhaling he made the mist pass through;
Into his body
He drew the misty breath.
With the mist he added to the hearts of his fathers.
This is well:
That the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath,
With mist
He added to the hearts of his fathers.
He handed it to me.
Four times inhaling I made the mist pass through;
[62. Consecrating the walls of the house. Each of the impersonators makes one stroke downward on each wall, using for this purpose whatever he is carrying. Cula:witsi uses his torch, Sayataca, Hututu, the two Yamuhakto use their telhna:we, the Sälimopia their yucca. This is not done above and below.
63. In the decorated box made to receive them. The box is called teckwin:e, the word used for any permanent or temporary altar or sacred place. The sticks are painted blue and yellow; the blue one is male,
the yellow female, The female has a face painted on one side. They are deposited with the face toward the east. They are called wihawe, "babies." This term is used for prayer sticks in the excavations visited by P?a'utiwa at the New Year, from which he foretells the future, and for the dolls given at the winter solstice ceremonies to barren or unlucky women to insure conception or safe delivery.
64. The seeds are deposited in a permanent excavation carefully concealed. Sometimes at the winter solstice articles of clay are deposited in this excavation.
65 P?ekwin seats the personators in the Sayataca house, and they smoke with the priests. (See M. C. Stevenson.)]
Into my warm body
I drew the misty breath.
With mist I added to the hearts of my fathers.
This is well:
That the rain makers may not with hold their misty breath,
With mist I added to their hearts.
When all this was at an end,
We greeted one another with terms of kinship:
Father,
Son, elder brother, Younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson; ancestor, descendant.
With this many words we greeted one another.
When all this was at an end,
My daylight father questioned me:[66]
"Yes, now indeed
You have passed us on our roads,
The one whom all our fathers,
Desiring something,
Appointed at the New Year.
Yonder to the south
Wherever emerge the precious roads of our fathers,
Rain maker priests,
Rain maker P?ekwins,
Rain maker bow priests.
With your prayer plumes-poorly made though they were,
You have asked for light for us.
Now this day, the appointed time has come."
Thus my father said to me.
Now our fathers,
Cula:witsi, p?ekwin priest,[67]
Sayataca, bow priest,[68]
Hututu, bow priest,
The two Yamuhakto, bow priests,
Perpetuating their rite,
Have once more assumed human form.
Their seeds,
Their riches,
Their fecundity,
The seeds of the yellow corn,
The seeds of the blue corn,
The seeds of the red corn,
The seeds of the white corn,
The seeds of the speckled corn,
The seeds of the black corn,
The seeds of the sweet corn,
All the clans of beans,
All the ancient round things,
The seeds of all the different trees,
The seeds of all the wild weeds,
I carry over my navel.
Those which we brought,
These seeds we now leave here
In the rain-filled rooms
Of our daylight fathers,
Our daylight mothers.
When in the spring,
Your earth mother is enriched with living waters,
Then in all your water-filled fields,
These, with which you will renew yourselves,
Your mothers,
All the different kinds of corn,
Within your earth mother
You will lay down.
With our earth mother's living waters
They will once more become living beings.
Into the daylight of our sun father
They will come out standing.
They will stand holding out their hand to all the directions,
Calling for water.
And from somewhere,
Our fathers with their fresh water
Will come to them.
Their fresh waters
They will drink in.
They will clasp their children in their arms;
Their young will finish their roads.
Into your house,
You will bring them,
To be your beloved ones.
In order that you may live thus,
In the rain-filled rooms
Of our daylight fathers,
[66. P?ekwin speaks.
67. The cula'witsi personator, usually a boy 10 to 13 years of age, is always referred to as p?ekwin t?sana, the little sun priest.
68. Sayataca is never called k^!ä'kawam:osi, house chief, as Mrs. Stevenson reports. The koyemci are the k^!ä?kwa:mosi. In prayers their father is always called mo'lan haktu k^?a'kwemosi ci'wani.]
Our daylight mothers,
Our daylight children,
The seeds which we brought tied about our waists
We leave here now.
This is well;
That going but a little ways from their house
Our fathers may meet their children;[69]
That going about, as they say,
With your water-filled breath
(You may meet) antelope,
Mountain goats.
Does,
Bucks,
Jack rabbits,
Cottontails,
Wood rats,
Small game--even little bugs;
So that thus going out from your houses,
With the flesh of these
You may satisfy your hunger.
This is well,--
In order that my daylight fathers' rain-filled rooms,
May be filled with all kinds of clothing,
That their house may have a heart,[70]
That even in his doorway
The shelled corn may be spilled before his door,
That beans may be spilled before his door,
That wheat may be spilled outside the door,
(That the house may be full of) little boys,
And little girls,
And men and women grown to maturity,
That in his house
Children may jostle one another in the doorway,
In order that it may be thus,
With two plume wands joined together,
I have consecrated the center of his roof.
Praying for whatever you wished,
Through the winter,
Through the summer,
Throughout the cycle of the months,
I have prayed for light for you.
Now this day,
I have fulfilled their thoughts.
Perpetuating the rite of our father,
Sayataca, bow priest,
And giving him human form[71]
I have passed you on your roads.
My divine father's life-giving[72] breath,
His breath of old age,
His breath of waters,
His breath of seeds,
His breath of riches,
His breath of fecundity,[73]
His breath of power,
His breath of strong spirit,
His breath of all good fortune whatsoever,
Asking for his breath,
And into my warm body
Drawing his breath,
I add to your breath now.
Let no one despise the breath of his fathers,
But into your bodies,
Draw their breath.
That yonder to where the road of our sun father comes out,
Your roads may reach;
That clasping hands,
Holding one another fast,
You may finish your roads,
To this end, I add to your breath now.
Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day
May we greet one another with love;[74]
Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day
May we wish one another well
Verily may we pray for one another.
To this end, my fathers,
My mothers,
My children:
[69. Game animals.
70. An empty house "has no heart." The heart of the house is anything which has been used by human beings.
71. The syntax of this passage is obscure. The reference is to the complete identification of the god with the impersonator.
72. O'naya:nak^a, literally, road finishing.
73. T?e'apk?unan:e, a word difficult to render into English. It includes children, domesticated animals, and game.
74. I'yanik^inawa, literally, "call one another by terms of relationship." The impersonator remains a "child" of the house he has dedicated and calls the host and hostess father and mother.]
May you be blessed with light;
May your roads be fulfilled;
May you grow old;
May you be blessed in the chase;
To where the life-giving road of your sun father comes out
May your roads reach;
May your roads all be fulfilled.
SAYATACA'S MORNING CHANT
And now indeed it has come to pass
This past day,
I stood beside the water-filled ladder
Of my daylight fathers,
My daylight mothers,
My daylight children.
8 We who had stood there,
In the rain-filled room
Of our daylight fathers,
Staying quietly we came to day.
12 Now our dawn fathers,
Dawn old men,
Dawn youths,
Dawn boys,
Dawn old women,
Dawn matrons,
Dawn maidens,
Dawn girls,
[79. At the first sign of dawn Sayataca with p?ekwin ascends to the roof of the house and unties the last knot in the counting string, as a sign that his year is ended. He chants the following prayer, stretching out the string at the end of each line. The prayer is afterwards repeated in the house.]
20 Rising, standing at their sacred place,
Have come to meet us now.
My children,[80]
There in the rain-filled rooms
Of your daylight fathers,
Your daylight mothers
You have stayed throughout the night.
27 Finally, my children,
Make haste now,
Get ready now.
30 Yesterday our daylight fathers,[81]
Whoever of them wished to grow old,
Working on plume wands came to evening;
Working on prayer feathers they came to evening.
And furthermore our mothers,[82]
35 Whoever of them wished to grow old,
In order to add to the hearts of their ancestors,
Their children,[83]
40 Sitting weary by the fireplaces,
They came to evening.
With aching knees,
With sweat running down their faces,
With burned fingers,
Sitting wearily they came to evening.
45 And whoever else wished to grow old,
Preparing prayer meal[84]
They gave it to us.
Taking only that,
The plume wands they gave us,
[80. The other impersonators, including the Ca?lako, but not the Koyemci, who do not leave for six days. As a matter of fact, the dancing continues in all the houses until broad daylight. In Mrs. Stevenson's day this prayer closed the ceremonies.
81. The priests and the men of the house and their close relatives (in 1927 several members of the clan of the house) make prayer sticks for all members of the Sayataca party.
82. The women who cook for the feast, the women of the house, their blood relatives, members of their clan.
83. Before the food is eaten in the night each of the seven impersonators takes a bit from each dish. All go out together and bury the food at Wide River, as an offering to a:lhacina:we. (See M. C. Stevenson for a different account.) The food was not buried under the ladder in 1927.
84 The gods are sprinkled with meal by all observers during their progress around the village in the afternoon of their entrance.]
50 The food[85] which they cooked for us, and gave us to take along.
Taking only that,
We shall make our roads descend.[86]
With the song cycles of our fathers,[87] yonder,
Life-giving priests,
55 Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests,
We danced the night away.
Now at last, my children,
60 Hasten now,
Get ready now.
At the new year
All my fathers
With their precious plume wand
65 Appointed me.
There to the south
Following where come out the
roads of my fathers,
Rain-makers, priests,
70 Even with my own poorly made plume wands,
I continued to give my fathers plume wands.
And when all the cycle of their months was at an end,
75 At the place called since the first beginning Ayayak^a[88]
Meeting my fathers,
I gave them plume wands.
Their day count having been counted up,
80 There to the west,
Where my fathers' road comes in,
I continued to give them plume wands.
When all these days were past,
86 The one who is my father
Took hold of me;
Where he had laid a seat
Four times he sprinkled prayer meal upon it.
[85. The bowls of food from which the offerings are made during the night are immediately taken by the girls of the house to the houses of the impersonators, as a gift from the house. This is also done in the morning, when other gifts are also taken, a butchered sheep, piece of calico, and sometimes blankets.
86. That is, go out. When they come in they "climb up" (the ladder).
87. The choir of the medicine society that sang for them.
88. The spring at which kohai to was made in 1927.]
90 The top of my head
Four times he sprinkled.
Where his seat was laid
He took hold of me.
Presenting me to all the directions,
He made me sit down.
95 Taking his grandson,
Reed youth,
Within his body,
Four times he bored a hole going through.
Four times drawing toward him his bag of native tobacco.
100 He put his hand in.
Into the palm of his hand
Four times he measured out tobacco.
Into his body,
Four times he stuffed the mist.
105 He took his grandmother by the hand,
Four times inhaling he drew the mist through;
Into his body
He drew the misty breath,
Yonder on all sides
110 With mist he added to the hearts of his fathers.
He handed it to me.
Four times inhaling I made the mist pass through.
Into my body
I drew the mist.
115 Yonder on all sides.
With mist I added to the hearts of my fathers.
This is well:
120 That the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath,
With mist I added to their hearts.
When all this was at an end,
Then we greeted one another with terms of kinship:
Father, son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson, ancestor, descendant,
125 With this many words we greeted one another.
When all this was at an end
My father questioned me:
Indeed now it seems you will have something to say, some word that is not too long
130 So finally, if you let me know it,
I shall know it for all time."
Thus my fathers spoke.
135 "Yes indeed it is so.
There to the south,
Following where my fathers' watery roads come forth
I have been asking for light for you.
140 Yesterday we reached the appointed time.
Perpetuating the rite of the one who is our father,
Sayataca, bow priest,
And once more giving him human form
145 I came out standing.
I looked to the north,
I looked to the west,
I looked to the south,
I looked to the east,
150 Hither, toward the place of dawn,
I saw four road going side by side.
Along the middle road.
Four times I sprinkled prayer meal.
155 Then I made the sound of the water-filled breath of the rain maker priest of the north.
Taking four steps,
Four times striding forward,
The water filled woodpile
Of my daylight father
160 I stood beside.
My father
Four times sprinkled my head with prayer meal.
166 His rain filled woodpile,
He sprinkled with meal.
After him,
170 I sprinkled my prayer meal on it.
This night
The thoughts of all my fathers,
Whatever they wished
When they appointed me with their precious plume wand,
I have fulfilled.
The breath of my father,
Sayataca, bow priest,
180 His life-giving breath
His breath of old age
His breath of waters,
His breath of fecundity,
His breath of seeds,
185 His breath of riches,
His breath of power,
His breath of strong spirit,
His breath of all good fortune whatsoever,--
Asking for his breath,
190 And into my body
Drawing his breath.
I add to your breath now.
And furthermore, the yellow clothing bundle of the priest of the north,
The blue clothing bundle of the priest of the west,
195 The red clothing bundle of the priest of the south,
The white clothing bundle of the priest of the east,
The many colored clothing bundle of the priest of the above,
The dark colored clothing bundle of the priest of the below,
All kinds of good fortune whatsoever,--
200 Asking for the breath of these,
And into my warm body
Inhaling their breath,
I add to your breath.
To this end, my children:
205 May you be blessed with light;
May your roads be fulfilled;
May you grow old;
Yonder to where the road of your sun father comes out,
210 May your roads reach
Together may your roads be fulfilled.
NIGHT CHANT OF HEK^ÄPA:KWE CA?LAKO
Host:[92] Father!
Ca?lako: Son!
Host: Elder brother!
Ca?lako: Younger brother!
5 Host: Uncle!
Ca?lako: Nephew!
Host: Grandfather!
Ca?lako: Grandson!
Host: Great-grandfather!
10 Ca?lako: Great-grandson!
Host:
This night
The ones who are our fathers
Masked god priests,
All the masked gods.
15 At their precious mountain,
Their precious lake,
Perpetuating what has been since the first beginning,
Have assumed human form.
Carrying your waters,
20 Carrying your seeds,
Making your roads come forth.
Making your roads come hither,
You have passed us on our roads
This night.
25 We see you,
From the soles of your feet
Even to the crowns of your heads,
Clothed in all fine things
You have passed us on our roads.
30 Looking at you
We know you have passed us on our roads.
Surely because you have some thing to say, some word that is not too long,
You have passed us on our roads.
If you let us know that
[92. The host sits opposite the impersonator, and together they smoke a cigarette of native tobacco, and passing the cigarette back and forth, exchange terms of relationship. There are certain peculiarities in the terms used. Talemo: tale, brother's son, any male whose father belongs to my clan, hence, "my son," man speaking. There is no term for son. tca'le, "child" is use in describing a relationship; tsawak^: "youth," in referring to a person. This is not a term of relationship. Alemo: used only in this connection. Ordinarily nana is used reciprocally for grandfather, grandson. Toclemo, uwak^ämo used only in this connection. There are no equivalents. Possibly these, and alemo, are obsolete terms. They do not always appear in the same order in the texts. (See pp. 713, 732.) The vocative suffix, too, is used only thus. A man, in receiving a present, always in receiving a gift of tobacco, will say tatcumo or papamo, to which the answer is talemo or suwemo. To a woman he sometimes says kukumo (elder sister). She answers hanimo (younger brother or sister) or ta'lemo (brother's son).]
35 Thinking of that, we shall always live,
Is it not so?
Guests: It is so.
Ca?lako:
Now, indeed, it has come to pass.
At the New Year
All my fathers[92]
Prepared precious plume wands.
5 When they were ready
With sacred words,
They commissioned them,
When our sun father
Had gone in to sit down at his ancient place,
10 After a blessed night
They came to day.
Next day
When our sun father
15 Coming out standing to his ancient place,
Passed us on our roads,
Then our fathers
Four times drew toward them
The plume wands commissioned with their prayers.
20 The one who is our father,
K^?äwulia P?autiwa,
With their plume wands.
Four times they held fast.
Saying, "Let it be now."
25 Carrying his fathers' plume wands,
He made his road come forth.
Over to the south
He made his road go.
30 Thinking, "Let it be here,"
Perpetuating what has been since the first beginning,
Once more he assumed human form.
Carrying his father's plume wands
35 He made his road come forth.
Into Itiwana
He made his road enter.
Four times he made his road go round,
Then into Itiwana
[93. The priests of the council: The three priests of the north, the head priests of the east, west, and south, and the p?ekwin.]
40 He made his road enter
Wherever his children's roads come out,[94]
His precious plume wands
He laid down.
After he had laid them down,
To his own country
45 He made his road go forth.
Then our fathers[95]
Drawing toward them their plume wands,
To their own houses
Made their roads return.
50 Now this many days
Eagerly they have awaited the time.
Among all their ladder descending children [96]
They looked about.
And though we were ignorant
(They sent for us [97])
55 Then those who are our fathers
Passed us on their roads.
When they passed us on their roads
Our fathers drew toward them
60 Their father's plume wand.
Drawing it toward them
They handed it to us
That we might be the ones to impersonate our father,
Ca?lako, bow priest;
For this with their plume wand
They held us fast.
Carrying their plume wand
We made our roads come forth.
To our houses,
70 Our roads reached.
This many are the days
We have eagerly awaited the time
When the moon who is our mother,
[94. At the entrances to the kivas.
95. The dance directors or w:we of the kivas.
96. Human children.
97. The two impersonators, elder and younger brother. They take turns in wearing the mask. Both intone the prayer.]
75 Yonder in the west,
Had grown to maturity.[98]
Carrying our fathers' precious[99] plume wand,
To which we had fastened our own common[1] plume wand,
80 Carrying these plume wands,
Yonder to the south,
We made our roads go.
At the place called since the first beginning
Snow hanging,
85 We met our fathers on their roads.
Where their watery roads come forth[2]
We stood in the doorway.
90 There we gave our fathers plume wands,
We gave them prayer feathers,
We gave them rain-bringing cigarettes,
We gave them prayer meal.
Making their days,
95 Throughout the sequence of their months
Eagerly we awaited our time.
Whenever the time came,
Yonder to the south,
Throughout the sequence of the months of summer,
100 Wherever the roads of our fathers come out,
We gave them plume wands.
When all their springs were at an end,
105 Our fathers,
For that which was soon to be
Met all together in their water-filled room.
With the flesh of their mother,
[98. The 10 plantings at the springs to the south are generally at the full moon. If the moon is waxing at the New Year there may be 11 plantings (two at toloknana in midsummer). The first and last plantings may be when the moon is 6 days old. See p. 712, note.
99. Literally "finished," I. e., with the paint brought by the priests from the underworld. This is part of the sacred paraphernalia of the priests and forms part of their altars at seasons of retreat. A tiny bit is scraped off and mixed with other paint.
1. Painted with ordinary paint.
2. At springs.]
110 Cotton woman,
Even a roughly made cotton thread,
A soiled cotton thread,
And with beads,
Even if only a single bead
Borrowed somewheres from among all the village branches,[3]
And with the pollen of their fathers,
Their mothers,
Their children,
120 The different kinds of corn,
And with turquoise,
Keeping it in their hearts,
They gave their day count human form.
Then our fathers,
125 Sayataca, bow priest,
Molanhakto,[4] house chief priest,
Passed their fathers on their road.
The day count to which they had given human form,
130 Four times drawing toward them,
With their day count
They took firm hold of their fathers.
Carrying the day count,
135 They made their roads come forth.
To their houses
Their roads reached.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
Carrying the plume wands which they had prepared,
140 Carrying their father's day count,
They made their roads go forth.
There to the south,
We made our roads go.
145 At the place called since the first beginning
Ants-go-in[5]
We passed our fathers on their roads.
[3. Zuñi is the center, the trunk of the tree, the other pueblos are the branches. The Zuñis do not classify the Hopis with the "village people," as they call the eastern pueblos.
4. "Carrying squash (round things) on the head," the father of the Koyemci. The name is characteristically ambiguous, referring both to the knobs on the mask and the squash seeds in the knobs. All the Koyemci are called Molanhaktu in songs and prayers. Koyemci is merely a nickname. They are distinguished by name, Molanhaktu a wan atcu, molanhaktu a wan pekwin, molanhaktu ocotsi, etc.
5. The ceremony no longer takes place at this spring, which is at the foot of Corn Mountain, and at the base of the K^äkima, but at Ayayakya, on the west side of K^äkima Canyon. (Seep. 712 for the names of the springs visited.)]
150 There we gave them our father's plume wands;
There with our father's day count
We counted the sequence of the days.
This many days,
155 Anxiously we have awaited the time.
Yonder to the west
We gave our fathers plume wands.
160 When the number of their days was at an end
For that which was soon to be
We again prepared plume wands.
When our plume wands were ready,
There to the west,
At the place called since the first beginning
165 Village of the masked gods,[7]
Where the gray mountain stands,
And the blue mountain,
Where their altar stands above,
Where their altar lies beneath,
170 Where our fathers abide,
We met them on their roads.
Where their water filled doorway opens outward,
We stood in the doorway.
175 There where our fathers' road comes out,
At their water-filled woodpile,
Four times we sprinkled prayer meal inside.
180 Four times stepping down
Standing we came in.
Coming in standing,
There our fathers,
(Our ancestors) rain old men,
185 We passed on their roads.
(Our ancestors) rain old women
We passed on their roads.
We saw them.
Not one of them was missing;
[6. The plantings to the west (i. e., southwest) are at intervals of 10 days. They are not at springs. They are at the following places: Panitaime, anelawan tekyapoa, suskan acoktan:e (suma'cokta), akohana
t?inakwi. The last planting, at akohana t?inakwi, is on the fortieth day, the day the Koyemci enter.
7. The ceremony takes place at Ca?lako house, an inclosure on the west side of the hill surmounted by white rocks. The Ca?lako wo?le of each kiva impersonates the "father."]
190 At the blessed place where they were all gathered together,
We saw them.
Then with our prayer meal
Four times we sprinkled the tops of their heads.
195 This we did to all.
When this was at an end,
The one who is our father,
Overhearing us,
Prepared rain seats for us.
200 His prayer meal
Four times he sprinkled upon us.
Following him
Our father's rain seats
We stood beside.
205 Then the one who is our father
Took hold of us.
Presenting us to all the directions he made us sit down.
We sat quietly;
We waited for his words.
210 Our father four times drew toward him
The rain cigarette which he had prepared.
Taking his grandmother by the hand,
He made her sit in the doorway.
215 Four times the mist passed through.
With the mist,
We added to the hearts of our fathers,
Our beloved ones of all the directions,
Asking for the waters
Of our fathers of all the directions
When all this was at an end,
Into our bodies
We drew the misty breath.
225 Drawing in our breath
With the terms of kinship
We greeted one another:
Father, son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson; great-grandfather, great-grandson,
Thus we greeted one another.
When all this was at an end,
230 The one who is my father
Questioned me:
"Yes, now, even now,
You have passed us on our roads.
Surely because of some words of our fathers,
Spoken at the New Year,
235 Because of some words of importance, some word that is not too long,
You have passed us on our roads.
So finally, if you let us know that,
Thinking always of that,
We shall pass our days."
240 Thus our father spoke to us, did he not?[8]
--Even so.--
"Yes, indeed it is true.
This many days
Throughout the winter,
245 Throughout the summer,
There to the south,
We brought you plume wands,
Wherever your roads come out,
Though our plume wands were but poorly made,
250 We brought you plume wands,
We brought you prayer feathers,
We brought you rain cigarettes.
When all this was at an end,
Now for that which is soon to be
255 We have passed you on your roads."
Thus we said to our father, did we not?
--Even so.--
When we had spoken thus
(Our father spoke.)
260 "Indeed, these are your days.
Now that we have remembered your days
You have come to us,
My two children."
Saying this,
Our father took hold of us.
From the soles of our feet
To the crowns of our heads,
[8. The impersonator turns to his alternate for corroboration. He answers "Hatchi'."]
Clothing us with all things needful,
270 He made us ready.
When he had made us ready Four times
With our cover of thin clouds[9] he fitted us.
When he had reached the end, (he spoke):
275 "This is all.
With plain words
You have passed us on our road.
When our sun father
Has gone in to sit down at his ancient place,
And when our night fathers,
Our mothers,
Over their ancient place,
Have raised their dark curtain,
285 All together
Our daylight fathers,
Our mothers,
Our children,
We shall pass on their roads."
290 Thus our father spoke to us,
Did he not?
--Even so.--
"Yonder, our daylight fathers,
Our children,
All of us shall pass on their roads."
Thus our father said to us.
Now that we four times have gone ahead
Our fathers,
Even those with snow upon their heads,
300 With moss upon their faces,
No longer upright but leaning on canes,
Even all of them
305 Will pass us on our roads.
And furthermore the women,
Even those who are with child,
Holding another on the cradle,
With another going before
[9. The buckskin caps worn by the Ca?lako impersonators. They are the same as those worn by the war chiefs. in the war dance the scalp is called k^?äcima p?o?yane (water cover).]
310 Leading one by the hand
Even all of them
Will come out to meet their fathers
Their mothers
Their children.
Thus speaking to us,
Our father took hold of us.
Presenting us to all the directions
320 He made us arise.
On our heads
Four times he sprinkled prayer meal,
325 On his rain-filled woodpile
He sprinkled prayer meal for us.
After him,
330 We sprinkled our prayer meal.
Then the one who is our father
His water-filled woodpile
He sprinkled for us.
Four times sprinkling prayer meal going out,
335 Stepping up four times,
We came out standing.
Yonder toward a directions we looked.
Hither toward Halona Itiwana,[10]
We saw four roads going side by side.
340 Along the middle path sprinkling prayer meal before us,
Hither we took our way.
At the places,[11] called since the first beginning
Great lake,
Hanlhipinkya,
345 Cliff house,
Last spring,
Middle spring,
Water-cress spring,
Kolowisi's house,
[10. The places at which they stopped, after leaving Koluwala'wa in their wanderings in search of the center of the world. There are 29; two, k^?äpkwenakwi (water coming out, Ojo Caliente) and watsita?nakwi (dog place), are omitted from the present version. They follow Rainbow Spring. The emergence myth (and Sayataca's talk) give the last three springs as t?owa yallakwi (Corn Mountain), matsakya hepatina, k?olink^?aiakwi etsakya hepatina (sulphur spring, commonly called hepatina). The present account gives the three places where the impersonators deposit plumes on their way in: White rocks; Where the masked dancers come out (Grease Hill); Hepatina.
11. Cushing translates this "The middle anthill of the world." It is a bracketing of two names by which Zuñi is known. Halonawa in a more restricted sense refers to the ruin on the south bank of the river.]
350 The other Water-cress spring,
Dripping spring,
Bending grass,
Ashes spring,
Cat tail spring,
355 Rainbow spring,
Ca?lako place,
Snow hanging,
Rock wedge,
Painted rock,
360 Poison weed spring,
Mesa wall spring,
Toloknana,
Evil smelling water,
Sack of flour hanging,
365 Bluebird place,
Where ants go in,
White rocks sitting,
Where the masked dancers come out,
Sulphur spring, otherwise called hepatina,
(At all these places),
370 We passed our fathers on their roads.
Wherever their rain-filled door was open outward,
Where their roads come out,
Four times we gave them prayer meal.
Yonder toward all directions we looked,
Hither, toward Halona Itiwana,
Our daylight fathers' fourfold road we saw.
380 And now, at last, it seems,
Here we shall take our road,
Thus we said too one another.
Along the middle road four times sprinkling prayer meal before us
Hither we took our way.
385 Our daylight fathers'
Our daylight mothers' watery roads coming out,
We saw.
Sprinkling prayer meal
Where come forth the watery roads
Of our daylight fathers,
We sat down in the doorway,[12]
Four times rising
We came in.
[12. The mask borne aloft on a pole, with embroidered blankets held out by hoops concealing the bearer, is set down outside, while the two impersonators bless the house. When they are finished the mask is brought in and set down beside the altar while the prayer is chanted.]
395 The water-filled room of our daylight fathers,
Our daylight mothers,
Our daylight children,
Four times we rooted all about: [13]
400 The north root,
The west root,
The south root,
The east root,
The upper root,
405 The lower root
This we brought to an end.
When this was at an end,[14]
Our daylight father,
To where his rain seat had been spread
410 Four times he threw out prayer meal.
Our daylight father took hold of us;
Presenting us to all directions
He made us sit down.
415 We sat down quietly
We waited for his words.
Our daylight father
Four times drew toward him his water roll.
Taking his grandmother by the hand
He made her sit in the doorway.
Four times into his body
He drew the mist.
With mist he added to the hearts of his fathers.
425 That so long as we enjoy the light of day we may greet one another as kindred
We now greeted one another.
Fathers,[15]
Sons;
Elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson; great-grandfather, great-grandson.
With this many words we greeted one another.
[13. The marking of the walls with corn meal. The roof and floor am not marked.
14. The text makes no mention of the deposit of plume wands in the roof and of seeds in the floor. This, presumably, is an omission, since the rite is performed as in the Sayataca house, and is fully described in
the Sayataca chant.
15. For the first two terms, plurals are used tatcuwe, talewe (the regular plural of tatcu is a:'tatcu). Tale is the usual word for brother's son, or any male "child" of one's clan. This explains its use instead of the expected tcal?e.]
430 Then we made an end of this.
Now that this is at an end,
The ones who are our fathers
From their abode set with mountains,
Set with lakes,
435 Making their roads come forth,
Making their roads come hither,
They have passed you on your roads.
This night,
Bringing a their good fortune,
440 They have passed you on your roads.
Their seeds of corn: the yellow ones,
The blue ones,
The red ones,
The white ones,
445 The speckled ones,
The black ones,
The sweet corn seeds;
All the different clans of beans,
The yellow beans,
450 The blue beans,
The red beans,
The white beans,
The many colored beans,
The black beans,
The string beans,
The small beans,
The little spotted beans,
All the different tiny beans;
With all these seeds bundled about our waists,
460 We have passed you on your roads.
And then also the seeds of all the forest trees:
The seeds of the piñon tree,
The seeds of the oak tree,
The seeds of the first-flowering shrub,
465 The seeds of all the small shrubs;
And then all the ancient round ones:
The striped squash,
The crooked-neck squash,
The watermelons,
470 The sweet melons,
The gourds;
The seeds of the large yucca,
The seeds of the small yucca,
The seeds of the cactus,
475 All of these.
With these tied about our waists,
Provided with this bundle over our navels,
We have passed you on your roads.
For you we leave these seeds.
480 This is all.
Thus with plain words
We have passed you on your roads.
Here for you we leave these seeds.
When in the spring,
Your earth mother is wet,
In your earth mother
You will bury these seeds.
Carefully they will bring forth their young.
Bringing them back,
490 Toward this your thoughts will bend.
And henceforth, as kindred,
Talking kindly to one another,
We shall always live.[16]
And now indeed it has come to pass.
The thoughts of our fathers,
Who at the New Year
With precious plume wands appointed us--
Their thoughts we now have fulfilled.
500 Always with one thought
We shall live.
This is all.
Thus with plain words
We have passed you on your roads.
505 This our father's waters,
His seeds,
His riches,
His power,
510 His strong spirit,
All his good fortune whatsoever,
We shall give to you.
To the end, my fathers,
My children,
515 Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day,
We shall greet one another as kindred.
[16. A passage of double meaning. It refers to the relationship between man and corn and the speaker and the household which has welcomed him.]
Verily, we shall pray that our roads may be fulfilled.
To where your sun father's road comes out
May your roads reach.
May your roads be fulfilled.
WASHING THE HEAD OF CA?LAKO IMPERSONATOR
The female head of the house washes the head of the Ca?lako impersonator at the close of the all-night ceremonies, at about 8 o'clock in the morning. The other women present sprinkle water on his head.
This day,
My two children,
With our clear water
We shall hold you fast.
5 My child,
In order that your road may be fulfilled,
Reaching yonder to where the road of our sun father comes out,
For this with our clear water,
10 We hold you fast.
Somehow because of the thoughts of our fathers,
The ones who appointed you with their plume wand,
15 Throughout the winter,
Throughout the summer,
Yonder to the south
Wherever the roads of our fathers come out,
20 With your plume wands
You have asked continually for life for us.
This day
You have fulfilled their thoughts.
With our waters
We hold you fast.
Our child,
Always talking together kindly,
So long as we still can see one another,
That thus our roads may be fulfilled
30 For this, with our waters
We have bound you fast.
[17. The dual, used in the first sentence, should be used consistently to the end, because the prayer is supposedly addressed to the two impersonators. After the first sentence, the singular is used.]
The thoughts of your fathers
You have fulfilled.
35 Do not forget your house.
Here in your own house
You will go about happily.
Always talking together kindly
We shall pass our days.
40 Our child,
Your road will be fulfilled;
Your road will reach all the way to Dawn Lake.
May your road be fulfilled;
May you grow old;
May you be blessed with life.
"WASHING" THE KOYEMCI
The Koyemci are actually bathed in the house of the priests, and each receives a gift of food from each of the women who participate in the ceremony, the wives and daughters of priests of the council. Later at the houses of their "aunts" they are also "washed." Here the rite is entirely symbolic. Corn meal is sprinkled on the head and gifts are presented. This, too, is called "washing." Ritual washing of the head is always the function of the paternal aunt.
The wives of the priests:
This day, my fathers,
Mo'lanhakto, priests
You have passed us on our roads.
With our clear water
We hold you fast.
My children,
May your roads reach to Dawn Lake,
May your roads be fulfilled;
May you grow old.
In order that you may grow old,
With our clear water
We have bound you fast.
In the ancestral house of his father, meal is sprinkled on his head by his paternal aunt and all the women of his father's clan with the following prayer. The two women's prayers are characteristically brief.
My father,
This day,
With our clear water
We have held you fast.
May your road reach to Dawn Lake
May your road be fulfilled,
May you grow old.
His father's brother hands him a bundle of prayer sticks made for him by male members of the clan.
The uncle:
This many are the days
Since our fathers,
Priests of the masked gods,
Cula:witsi, p?ekwin, priest
5 Sayataca, bow priest,
Hututu, bow priest,
Yamuhaktu, bow priests,
Ca?lako, bow priests,
All the masked gods
10 Made their roads come hither.
Wherever perfect plume wands had been left for them,
They made their roads ascend.
Sitting down quietly they came to day.
Next day,
15 Laying down all their gifts
Their seeds,
Their riches,
All that they had brought tied about their waists
20 Back to their own country
They took their way.
Leaving their children[18] to stay quietly
They took their way.
25 And wherever plume wands had been left for them
Their children
With their words issuing forth,
With their sighing breath,
Stayed in our houses.
All their days being past
30 This day
For the one who is our father,
Molanhakto,
We have prepared plume wands.
35 Our children,
Whoever of them wished to grow old,
Upon the plume wands which they had prepared
Breathed their sacred words.
Here to our house
[18. The katcinas, who remained behind to dance in all the Ca?lako houses.]
40 With these we pass you on your road.
This day with these our plume wands
We hold you fast.
With these plume wands
45 We hold one another fast.
Whenever our father,
Saying let it be now,
Makes his road go forth,
Then also reinforcing with your words,
The prayers which we have laid upon our plume wands,
To our fathers
You will give the plume wands.
Our fathers' day has been made.
55 Their waters eagerly awaiting
We pass our days.
My child,
Verily at the new year,
Our fathers appointed you with their plume wand,
The perfect plume wand which they had prepared.
This many days
Anxiously awaiting your time
We have passed our days.
65 Throughout the cycle of our fathers' months,
Throughout the summer,
Yonder toward the south,
70 Wherever the roads of our fathers come forth,
Even with your poorly made plume wands
You have been asking for life for us.
Now this day,
We have reached the appointed time.
Holding this plume wand,
Anxiously you will pass the day.
When our sun father
Has gone in to sit down at his sacred place
80 Saying, Let it be now,
You will make your fathers' road go forth.
Then again reinforcing with your own words
The prayers which we have laid upon these plume wands,
To your fathers
Give these plume wands.
With them you shall ask for life for us.
The Koyemci takes the prayer sticks and thanks the giver, invoking on those present all the blessings of the gods. The prayer sticks are planted with his own at night.
DISMISSAL OF THE KOYEMCI
The Koyemci remain all day in the plaza in attendance on the various sets of dancers. At nightfall the last of the dancers, the Molawia, have departed. Then the Koyemci in pairs visit every house in the village, to invoke upon it the blessings of the gods. At each house they receive gifts of food from the female inhabitants. Returning to the plaza, they take their prayer sticks out to plant. They return to the house of their father late at night, and removing their masks for the first time all day give them to their father to return to the house where they are kept. When he comes back, he thanks his children for their year of work, and sets them free. Then for the first time since the preceding evening they drink, and after eating and bathing, return to their homes. Their retreat, fifteen days, is the longest in Zuñi ritual. The following is the prayer of the father of the Koyemci, setting them free.
This many are the days,
My children,
Since with their plume wand they appointed us.
5 Throughout the winter,
And the summer
Anxiously we have awaited our time.
Hither toward the south
We have given our fathers plume wands.
For all our ladder descending children
We have been asking for life.
15 Now we have reached the appointed time.
This night
We have fulfilled the thoughts of our fathers.
Always with one thought
20 We shall live.
My children,
This night
Your children
Your families,
Happily you will pass on their roads.
Happily we shall always live.
Even though we say we have fulfilled their thoughts
No indeed
30 Anxiously awaiting until we shall again come to our appointed time
We shall live henceforth.
My children,
Thus I have finished my words for you.
35 To this end, my children:
May you now go happily to your children.
40 Asking for life from my fathers
Yonder on all sides,
Asking for my fathers' life-giving breath,
Their breath of old age,
And into my warm body,
Drawing their breath,
I add to your breath.
To this end, my children
May your roads be fulfilled;
May you grow old;
May you be blessed with life.
VII. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT
THE GREAT FIRE SOCIETY CHIEF SETS UP HIS ALTAR
The Great Fire Society convenes for the first time in November at the full moon. Before sunset the male members assemble at their ceremonial house. The women bring food to the house and leave their sacred corn fetishes to be placed on the altar. The tablet altar has been set up against the west wall of the room. At sunset the choir begins to sing very softly a set of eight songs known as "For Pouring in the Water." At the beginning of the fourth song two men go out to offer food in the river. The society pekwin rises and makes the meal painting and sets up the corn fetishes. At the fifth song the society chief takes the bowl for the medicine water, at the sixth he mixes the medicine, at the seventh he puts in sacred colored pebbles, during the eighth he "smokes" the altar. The following prayer is spoken in a low voice by the society chief while performing these rites.
The procedure is followed whenever the society altar is set up. It is followed by a rite of exorcism which leads into the main body of the ceremony. It is about the same for all societies. The peculiar style of the following prayer may be due to the fact that it is accompanied by song.
This many are the days
Since our moon mother
Yonder in the west,
As a small thing became visible.
Now yonder in the west,
Standing fully grown against the sky
She makes her days.
Our spring children,'
Whoever wished to grow old,
Carrying prayer meal,
Carrying shells,
Yonder, with prayers,
One by one they made their roads go forth.
Yonder they met those
Who since the first beginning
Have been given the world,[2]
The forests,
The brush.
At the feet of some lucky one
Offering prayer meal,
Shell,
Among their finger tips,
They looked about.
Breaking off the young shoots
Of some fortunate one,
And drawing them toward them,
These very ones who stayed there quietly,
Bearing their long life,
Bearing their old age,
He brought back.
Into the rain filled rooms
Of his daylight fathers,[3]
His mothers,
His children,
He made their roads come in.
This many days the divine one[4]
[1. Members of the society, who have drunk from the sacred "spring"; the bowl of medicine water that stands on the altar.
2. The shrubs whose wood is used for prayer sticks.
3. That is, human. The ceremonial room of the society.
4. K^?äpin a:'ho?i, literally "raw persons," as distinct from the "daylight people" "who are cooked" through having been born on a bed of warm sand.]
Have remained with us their children.
Now this very day
For the rite of our fathers,
Beast priests,[5]
We have prepared plume wands.
When yet a little space remained,
Ere our sun father
Went in to sit down at his sacred place[6]
Coming to my earth mother,
Have I offered plume wands to my fathers,
And returned to my house.
Then yonder from all sides
Those who are my fathers,
The divine ones,[7]
With none among them lacking,
Will make their roads come forth,
Hither they will come.
Then having made my fathers' massed cloud house,[8]
Having spread out their mist blanket,
Having sent forth their life giving road,
Having laid down their rainbow bow,
Having laid down their lightning arrow,
I shall sit down quietly.
I shall set down my white shell bowl.[9]
Then from afar on all sides
You, my fathers,
Will come.
Yonder from the north,
The rain maker priests,[10]
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times they will make their road come in.
Yonder from the west
The rain maker priests,
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times they will make their road come in.
Yonder from the south,
The rain maker priests,
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times they will make their road come in.
Yonder from the east
The rain maker priests,
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl.
Four times they will make their roads come in.
Yonder from the above
The rain maker priests,
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times they will make their roads come in.
Yonder from below
The rain maker priests,
Bringing their waters,
Will make their roads come in.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times they will make their roads come in.
When you have all sat down quietly
Our young ones[11]
Will refresh themselves with your waters.
Then to dawn lake reaching,
Their roads will be fulfilled.
And furthermore, yonder in the north,
You who are my father,
Mountain lion,[12]
[5. We:'ma a:'ciwan:i, the special protectors of the medicine societies and the source of life, medicine power, and witchcraft.
6. Late afternoon, the usual hour for making offerings of prayer sticks.
7. The beast gods, who are present in spirit throughout the ceremonies.
8. The meal painting on the altar; the "house" is the terraced outline, the "blanket" the filling of fine meal, the "road" the line of meal, generally crossed at four points, leading from the altar to the door at the farther end of the room.
9. For mixing the medicine water.
10. U'wanami--during this invocation he pours the water with a gourd, four gourds of water.
11. T?e'apk?una:we--children, also domesticated and game animals. The word is used as a general term for fecundity. Here specifically the members of the society.
12. He now invokes in turn the beast gods of the six directions, meanwhile addling pulverized roots with medicinal properties.]
You are life-giving society chief;
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly
We shall be one person.[13]
And, furthermore, yonder in the west
You who are my father, bear,
You are life-giving society chief;
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly
We shall be one person.
And, furthermore, yonder in the south
You who are my father, badger,
You are life-giving society chief;
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly
We shall be one person.
And, furthermore, yonder in the east
You who are my father, wolf,
You are life-giving society chief;
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly,
We shall be one person.
And furthermore, yonder above
You who are my father, knife-wing,
You are life-giving society chief.
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly
We shall be one person.
And furthermore, yonder below
You who are my father, gopher,
You are life-giving society chief.
Bringing your medicine,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
Watch over my spring.
When you sit down quietly
We shall be one person.
And furthermore, yonder in the north
On all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Where the ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient yellow stone,[14]
You will make your road come hither
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in,
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.
And furthermore, yonder in the west
On all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Wherever the ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient blue stone,
You will make your road come hither
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.
[13. During the final ceremony of the societies at the winter solstice when the sick are cured the identification is felt to be complete for those who have esoteric knowledge. At that time there is a complete change of personality; the shamans rush about uttering the cries of animals. They are very much feared. It is especially the prerogative of the bear to give this power of magical impersonation.
14. He adds small round pebbles believed to have been brought from the underworld at the time of emergence. As a matter of fact any curiously shaped or colored pebble that may be picked up is believed to have magical properties. A collection of these forms part of every shaman's equipment. There are prayers and simple rituals for each one.]
And furthermore, yonder in the south
On all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Wherever the ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient red stone,
You will make your road come hither,
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road cone in
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.
And furthermore, yonder in the east
On all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Wherever the ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient white stone,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.
And furthermore, yonder above
On all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Wherever the ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient many colored stone,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.
And furthermore, yonder below,
Oil all the mossy mountains,
On the tops of the mountains,
And along their slopes,
Wherever ravines open out,
You hold the world in your keeping;
Ancient dark stone,
You will make your road come hither.
Where lies my white shell bowl,
Four times making your road come in
You will sit down quietly.
Then with your living waters
Our young ones will nourish themselves;
Reaching to Dawn Lake
Their roads will be fulfilled.[15]
SUMMONING A SHAMAN
When anyone is sick and it is decided to call a shaman to cure him, the family decide whether or not they consider the case sufficiently serious to warrant summoning one of the societies to come as an organization to perform its curing ritual. This is done only when they believe death is threatened and it is felt that the full power of the society is needed to save the patient's life. In such cases the patient is given to the society, and the family undertakes to see that he is initiated within a reasonable time. This is a last resort, since the expense of initiation is very great.
In less serious cases a shaman is summoned to practice as an individual. In such a case the shaman may ask assistance of some colleague who owns an especially potent song or medicine, but the society as a whole does not participate, nor is the patient initiated. However, at the following New Year he goes to the house of the society with which his doctor is affiliated and his head is washed at their altar,
and he becomes their "child." Each year at the winter solstice his society father, the shaman, makes a prayer stick for him to plant.
Before the physician is summoned the patient's relatives decide what they will offer him for his services. The gift is held ready. Then the patient's father or some other mature male relative prepares prayer meal, which he wraps in a corn husk. Into this he puts some bit of the gift for the physician--a thread from a robe, or a bit of the fringe if it is a shawl. This is for the Beast Gods, their "clothing." With this he goes to the house of the shaman. The two men sit down, remove their headbands and moccasins, clasping hands over the package of meal. The patient's father repeats the following prayer, to which the shaman replies in like spirit:[16]
This day,
Because of the ill will of the foolish ones,[17]
Our child wears out his spirit.
5 Among all our fathers,
Life-giving priests,[18]
Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests,
We have looked about.
10 When all unexpectedly,
The divine ones chose you
We, in the daylight
Also chose you.
15 Now that we have let you know of it,
Yonder in their house,[19]
The divine ones have passed you on your road,
With the roads of the divine ones going ahead,
20 Into our house
You will make your road enter.
Having sat down quietly,
This day,
With the flesh of the white corn,
25 Prayer meal,
With ground shell,
We have taken firm hold of our fathers,
Life-giving priests;
With prayer meal held in the hollow of the left hand[20]
[16. Dictated by one of the headmen of the wood Society.
17. The witch, whose ill will has caused the sickness.
18. Society chiefs. The choice of a shaman is believed to be inspired by the Beast Gods.
19. The ceremonial house of the society.
20. The left hand is used in all curing rituals. Also in the rites of the scalp dance.]
30 We held one another fast.
With prayer meal,
With riches,
With shell,
With these we hold one another fast.
35 The ones who are our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Will hold our child,
Our child who has been bewitched
Because the heart of someone became angry.
40 Our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Beast priests,
With your hands,
With your breath,
45 Hold him fast.
The power of the two hearted one,
The one who has bewitched our child,
The foolish one,
His power[21] they will cause to stand out
In the daylight of our sun father.
Then our child's breath will become well.
His spirit will become well.
Desiring this
With prayer meal,
55 With shell,
We have held one another fast.
Taking his prayer meal,
You will make your road go out.[22]
60 Yonder, with prayers, you will direct your road.
Somewhere on your earth mother,
Your fathers,
The divine ones,
You will pass on their roads.
[21. Sawanikä, weapons, also, abstractly, power. There is a double meaning to these lines. The shaman will actually remove from the patient's body foreign matter which the witch has injected, and which is the direct cause of the sickness. Also, by revealing the means the witch has employed, he strips him of his power. For this reason torture formerly was used to extract confessions from those suspected of witchcraft. If a witch once reveals the source of his power he becomes helpless. Any prayer or ritual loses its potency when it is told, the power passing to the new owner. See pp. 493-494.
22. The prayer meal which the medicine man receives is offered to the spirits at a point east of the village.]
65 Then once more taking my prayer meal,
My riches,
My shell,
Those on which I have breathed my prayers,
Even thus will be your words upon them.
To those who once were alive,[28]
To those who used to be with us,
And furthermore, our fathers,
The beast priests,
The life-giving priests,
75 To them you will give the prayer meal,
The shell,
The riches.
80 Our fathers will take the prayer meal,
The shell,
The riches.
When you have given it to them,
And when they have accepted it,
85 Anxiously they will await evening.
When our run father
Has gone in to sit down at his sacred place,
Somewhere the divine ones will pass you on your road.
90 They will come to their child;
The divine ones will come to their child.
Our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
95 Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests,
Perpetuating their rite from the first beginning,
Sitting down quietly among us,
100 Will look over their child,
Our child, whose spirit failed,
Because of some evil thing.
Beast priests,
With your hands,
With your breath,
[23. Deceased shamans, united in death with their protectors and patrons, the Beast Gods. Only those members of medicine societies who have shamanistic powers, that is, the power to invoke and impersonate the bear, are so honored in death.]
105 The power of the foolish one
You will make stand forth.
Then our child's spirit will become well,
His breath will become well.
Then that you may be the ones
whom his spirit will embrace,
110 There at your house[24]
With your clear water
You will bind your child fast.
In order that it may be thus
We give you our child.
THE SOCIETY FATHER SUMMONS THE NOVICE FOR HIS INITIATION
If the patient has been given to the society he is expected to complete his initiation as soon as economic obligations permit. Should he fail in this he is troubled with bad dreams as a warning of the fate that will overtake him. Initiation is in no sense a propitiatory rite; it is, rather, an access to power. The preliminary ceremonies held at his sick bed secured him a stay, but in order finally to triumph over the disease, the patient must place himself under the protection of the Beast Gods and receive from them a new heart. Should he not do this, he will be troubled in spirit until he sickens and dies. Worry is the most serious of all illnesses, it is the sickness of the spirit caused by supernatural agencies.
Frequently many years elapse before a man is in a position to meet the expenses of initiation. Whenever he is ready his family notify the society father, who is the man who received him as a patient. At the first fall meeting of the society the date for the initiation is set at the full moon of the month at which that society customarily initiates.
Four days before the full moon the ceremonial father goes after sunset to the house of the novice to notify him that the initiation ceremonies are about to begin. Here the boy's family are assembled and waiting for him. After formal greetings are exchanged, the man sits down, removes his head band and moccasins and prays.[24a]
[24. The house of the society. Had the man been offering the child for initiation into the society he would say instead of "at your house," "in your spring."
24a. Dictated by a member of the Great Fire Society, a man who has initiated many children into his Society.]
This many are the days
Since some evil thing
Made our child sick.
His breath failed.
5 Because of this from among all our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests;
All the society priests,
10 Society p?ekwins,
Society bow priests,
Unexpectedly
The divine ones chose me.
15 Their daylight children
Revealed themselves to you,
And choosing me,
You let me know.
Taking prayer meal,
20 Far off to the east,
With prayers, I made my road go forth.
Where our fathers' road comes in[25]
25 I passed them on their road.
Standing facing them,
I offered them prayer meal.
The divine ones' road preceded;
30 Their road preceding,
Following them
Hither with prayers.
We brought our roads
35 Into their daylight children's rain filled rooms,[26]
The divine ones brought their road.
They sat down quietly
And we of the daylight
40 Met one another.
Our prayer meal,
Shells,[27]
Riches,
On which I had breathed our prayers,
[25. The eastern road. The Beast Gods dwell at Cipapolima, in the east. All curing rituals are oriented toward the east, as all katcina are oriented toward the southwest.
26. The house of the patient.
27. The prayer meal contains bits of ground shell or turquoise and a few threads pulled from the garment offered to the medicine man in payment for his services in curing.]
45 Four times drawing them toward me,
Here in the hollow of the life-giving left hand
Of my fathers,
Life-giving priests,
50 I laid the prayer meal,
The shells,
The riches.
Then taking the prayer meal,[28]
55 The shells,
The riches,
Yonder to the east,
For the second time
With prayers
60 I made my road go forth.
Where my father's life-giving road comes in
Standing facing them,
I offered them prayer meal.
65 Thus anxiously waiting,
We have passed our days.[29]
Then when all their days were past,[30]
After our moon mother,
At her sacred place,
70 Still small, appeared,
And now yonder in the east
Standing fully grown makes her days,[31]
Now our spring children,
75 Whoever truly desires in his heart to grow old,
Taking prayer meal,
Taking shell,
Taking corn pollen,
Yonder with prayers
[28. The patient expectorates into the package of meal. Thus his sickness is removed, ant the father "takes it out to the east."
29 The four days during which the society holds its ceremonies of curing in the home of the patient. Only the officers and possessors of esoteric knowledge are present. The sacred paraphernalia of the society is set up, songs are sung, the Beast Gods are invoked, and finally the agency of sickness is withdrawn from the patient. The ceremonies are held for four consecutive nights, and last from midnight until dawn.
30 The days of waiting until the novice was ready to assume his obligations.
31 The time is now approaching the full moon. The ceremonies of initiation will begin with the making of prayer sticks by all members of the society on the day following the visit of the father to the home of the novice.]
80 One by one shall make their roads go forth.[32]
Yonder where they have stood since the first beginning
Our fathers,
The forest,
The brush,
Those who have been given domain
85 Yonder on all the mossy mountains,
There we passed them on their roads.
At the feet of some lucky one,
90 Offering prayer meal,
Shells,
Corn pollen,
Even among their sharp fingers
We looked about.
95 Breaking off the straight green shoots of some lucky one,
We drew them toward us.
Even those standing there quietly,
Holding their long life,
100 Their old age,
Their waters,
Their seeds,
The divine ones made their roads come hither.
Near by into the house of our fathers,
105 Our mothers,
The clan of the sun,[33]
Into their house the divine ones
brought their road
110 And there sat down quietly.
This many days,
Anxiously waiting
With us, their children, they passed their days.
And now that their appointed time had come,
[32. The frequent changes of tense in the following passages are confusing, but have been retained in the translation because they are so characteristic a feature of the poetic style. It reflects the very slight
importance attached to clarity and coherence.
33. Willow sticks may be gathered at any time, and kept by a man in the house in which he lives until ready for use. He must have them in readiness for the prayer-stick making, which starts shortly after sunrise
the following day.
34. An attempt on the part of the speaker to conceal his identity. He was neither a member of the Sun clan nor living in a Sun clan house.]
115 Next day,
After our fathers,
Our ancestors,
Those who here had belonged to societies,
The divine ones,
120 After they first had taken hold of their plume wands,
We of the daylight,
Meeting one another,
With our warm human hands,
Embraced them.
125 For our fathers,
Our children,
Those who here belonged to societies,
For their ceremony
We shall give our plume wands human form.
130 With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather,
Male turkey,
With eagle's mist garment,
With the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
With these four times wrapping our plume wands,
We shall give them human form.
With the one who is our mother,
Cotton woman,
140 Even a roughly spun cotton thread,
A soiled cotton thread,
With this four times encircling them and tying it around,
With hanging rain feather,
145 We shall give our plume wands human form.
Saying, let it be now,
Taking our child's prayer meal,
Wherever we think, let it be here,
150 Our earth mother
We shall pass on her road.
Offering our plume wands,
We shall make their days.[34]
When there remains a little space,
[34. The four-day retreat, which begins when the prayer sticks are planted shortly before sunset on the day following this speech. The novice has prayer sticks made for him by his ceremonial father. In the afternoon he is summoned to the ceremonial house of the society to receive them. He then goes with his father and officers of the society to plant in a shrine at Badger place, about 2 miles southeast of Zuñi. From the time of the planting until the conclusion of the ceremonies he must do no work, especially lift no heavy weights. He eats and sleeps very little and is untouchable, like one who has had contact with the dead. At the same time other members of the society plant in their fields or at Red Earth and after their supper return with their bedding to the society house for a four nights' retreat. The days are spent in preparation for the great ceremony of the last night.]
Ere our sun father goes in to sit down at his sacred place
Then our father[95]
160 Will spread out his fathers' mist blanket,
Their perfect cloud house he will prepare,
Their rainbow bow he will lay down,
Their lightning arrow he will lay down,
And there will sit down quietly.
165 Far off from all directions
Our fathers will make their roads come forth.
Making their roads come hither
They will sit down quietly.
170 Sitting behind them
This many days,
Anxiously waiting
We shall pass our days.
175 When we reach their appointed time,[36]
Yonder from all directions
The ones who are our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Life-giving p?ekwins,
180 Life-giving bow priests,
All the Beast Priests,
The divine ones,
With no exceptions,
All will make their roads come hither.
185 Near-by, into the rain-filled rooms
Of their daylight fathers,
Their daylight children,
They will bring their roads.
At the place where they sit down quietly,
190 Our child will pass his fathers on their road.
Into a being like themselves[37]
They will transform him.
[35. The p?ekwin of the society, who sets up the altar and makes the meal painting. This is done before the novice is summoned to plant his prayer sticks.
36. The fourth night of the retreat, when the ceremony of initiation takes place.
37. The painting of the face and the body of the novice. There is power inherent in body paint.]
195 Then sitting among his fathers,
Even at their valuable place,
Throughout a blessed night.
With us, their children,
They will come to day.
200 Next day, when yet a little space remains
Ere our sun father
Comes out standing to his sacred place,
205 Then with that through which our roads are fulfilled,
With clear water,
We shall add to the breath of our child.[38]
For since our breath is valuable,
210 Our child
Into his body
Will inhale our breath.
At the very place where he sees our spring
He will sit down as one of us.
215 That his road may be fulfilled,
Seeking that,
With our thoughts bent to that,
We shall always live.
Anxiously awaiting the time ordained for this,
220 We shall pass our days.
For even while I call myself poor,
Yonder on all sides,
Asking for life from those whom
my thoughts embrace,
225 I shall add to your breath.
From the priest of the north,
From the priest of the west,
From the priest of the south,
From the priest of the east,
230 From the priest of the above,
From the priest of the below,
Asking their long life,
Their old age,
All their good fortune whereof they are possessed,
Asking for their breath,
And into my warm body,
Drawing their breath,
I shall add to your breath.
[39. At dawn the head of the novice is washed by two sisters of his ceremonial father. During the washing of the head his society name is called in a song. Thus his rebirth is symbolized.]
240 To this end,
May you be blessed with life.
Now we go.[39]
THE SOCIETY FATHER BLESSES THE NOVICE AT THE CLOSE OF HIS INITIATION
On the following morning the members of the society make prayer sticks at their society house. They plant late in the afternoon and go into retreat in their ceremonial room. The novice has prayer sticks made by his ceremonial father, with whom he goes to plant at Badger Place. He observes a strict retreat in his own house. Each night he is brought to the society room to practice dancing and to be purified for his initiation.
Each member of the society makes prayer sticks for the novice to plant the last day. His father prepares his mi?le, the feathered ear of corn which will be his personal fetish, his medicine bag, and the eagle feathers that form part of his regalia. He makes or purchases the hand-woven blue breechcloth which forms his ceremonial costume. At the boy's house preparations for the feast are under way.
On the fourth night he is summoned by his father. At the society house he is clothed and his face and body are painted with sacred paint. Then he is brought into the ceremonial room to meet his fathers, the Beast Gods. He dances all night with two women of the clan of his ceremonial father. At dawn the two women wash his head at the altar, while the choir calls his new name. At the conclusion of this the ceremonial father hands the boy the medicine bag, eagle feathers, four ears of corn which have been lying on the altar, the mi?le, and the bundle of prayer sticks. They clasp bands over these sacred objects while the father repeats a long prayer, reviewing the events which have led up to this moment. At the conclusion all inhale the blessing of the newly consecrated mi?le.
The boy takes his sacred possession to his house and returns to the society room, where his relatives serve a sumptuous feast. About noon he goes with his ceremonial father and the head of the society to a shrine on Badger Place where be plants the bundle of prayer sticks. Then for four days he must abstain from animal food in addition to the usual requirements of sexual continence and gentleness. On the fourth morning his father takes him out toward the east and removes from his hair the downy feather which he has worn as a pledge of his abstinence. He takes the boy to his house, where his head is washed by his wife. On this day there are elaborate exchanges of
[30. The man leaves at once. The women of the boy's family immediately start preparations for his initiation, including the preparation of food for the two great feasts they must provide, and the grinding of meal to be given to his ceremonial father.]
gifts of food between the women of the boy's family and those of the father's.
The following prayer, dictated by a member of the Great Fire Society, is said by the ceremonial father at the presentation of the mi?le, at the moment when he receives the novice into full membership in the society.
Now this many are the days
Since something made our child sick.
When his spirit failed
And his breath failed,
That by which we live,
That of which is made the flesh of these, my children,
The flesh of the white corn,
Prayer meal,
You prepared.
And taking shells,
The flesh of our mother, white shell woman,
Who, though abiding far off, in the west,
In all the village branches,[40]
Saying, "Let it be here,"
Has washed the cuticle from her body,
Taking even a single borrowed shell,
The shell,
The rich clothing.
You sent forth with prayers.[41]
Among all your fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests,
Society priests,
Society p?ekwins,
Society bow priests
You looked about.
Now since nothing was clear to you,
The divine ones
Chose me from all.
Then my daylight children revealed themselves to you
And you also chose me from among them all
And let me know of it.
When my fathers had come out one by one
From wherever they abide,
Taking my prayer meal,
Yonder toward the east
I made my road go forth.[42]
Standing facing my fathers
I offered them prayer meal.
The divine ones took my prayer meal.
Then they leading,
I following at their backs,
With prayers we made our roads come hither.
Here into the rain-filled rooms
Of their daylight children
The divine ones entered.[43]
They sat down quietly.
Here we of the daylight met one another
I sat down quietly.
Taking up our prayer meal,
Our shells,
Our rich clothing,
Upon which we had breathed our prayers,
In the hollow of the life giving left hand
Of my fathers, life giving priests,
I placed the prayer meal,
The shells,
The rich clothing,
Then when my fathers took hold of their prayer meal,
Their shells,
Their rich clothing,
We of the daylight
With the prayer meal,
With the shells,
With the rich clothing,
We held one another fast.
Desiring our fathers' long life,
Desiring their old age,
Desiring their medicine,
Sending forth our prayers for these,
With prayer meal,
[40. The pueblos to the east, whence shells and turquoise are secured by trade. Wherever White Shell Woman bathes she leaves the rubbings from her body, the white olivella shells, which are ground down for wampum.
41. Literally, "to set up before the door," used of any person or object appointed to intercede with outside forces.
42. With the package of meal received from the patient's family, the shaman goes to the east to pray for divine help.
43. The first visit to the patient.]
With shells,
With rich clothing
We held one another fast.
Taking my child's prayer meal,
His shells,
His rich clothing,
Yonder toward the east,
With prayers I made my road go forth.[44]
Where the life-giving road of my fathers comes in,
I passed them on their road.
With my child's prayer meal,
With his shells,
With his rich clothing
For my child
I asked for life.
Then I returned to my own house.
As the sacred words of the divine ones circulated,[45]
We in the daylight,
Letting one another know,
Anxiously waiting we came to evening.
Following after those whom our thoughts embrace,[46]
The ones who were to have their days,
Male willow,
Female willow,
Breaking off straight young shoots,
Of whichever ones were lucky,
And drawing them toward us,
With our warm human hands
We held them fast.
With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather,
Male turkey,
With eagle's mist garment,
With the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
Four times with these wrapping the plume wands
We gave them human form;
With our mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a roughly spun cotton thread,
Four times encircling them and tying it around,
With a rain-bringing hair feather,
We gave them human form;
With the flesh of our two mothers,
Black paint woman,
Clay woman,
Clothing their plume wands with their flesh,
We gave them human form;
With the mucous of our fathers,[47]
Life-giving priests,
We gave them human form.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
And taking our plume wands,
The divine ones leading,
We following at their backs,
Hither with prayers
We brought our roads.
Into the rain-filled rooms
Of our daylight children[48]
The divine ones entered;
With their hands
They removed the source of sickness from our child,
The one who had been suffering from some evil sickness.
Then our child
With his spittle
Finished their plume wands.
Taking the plume wand,
After having removed the sickness from our child,
The one who had been suffering with some evil sickness,
Taking the plume wand,
We made our road go forth.
Saying, "Let it be here,"
I met those who are our fathers,
Life-giving priests,
Life-giving p?ekwins,
Life-giving bow priests;
And furthermore our ancestors,
Those who here belonged to societies,
Those who were society chiefs,
Those who were society p?ekwins,
[44. He goes out to the east a second time, "to take out the sickness."
45. He notifies important members of the society that the society has been summoned to cure, while at the same time the supernaturals assemble.
46. Heads of the society go after willow sticks of which to make prayer sticks. In the text of the following passage all pronouns are omitted, implying a third person subject. They have been restored in the translation in the interest of intelligibility. Such changes of person are characteristic.
47. Medicine roots which are used on prayer sticks for special occasions. The use of these medicines, the way of making these prayer sticks, arid the prayers which give them power are some of the most carefully guarded secrets in Zuñi ritual.
48. The second visit to the patient The physician rubs his body with the medicated prayer stick. The physician takes it out immediately.]
Those who were society bow priests,
Those who with thoughts embracing,
Held in their keeping our world;
And furthermore our ancestors,
Those who had knowledge of how to care for us,
And the Beast Priests.
Where they were all fittingly gathered together,
None being absent,
There I passed them on their roads.
I gave them the plume wands.
My fathers took firm hold of my plume wands.
Yonder at the place of their first beginning,
At Cipapolima,
While Iyatiku Poceyanki[49]
By means of my plume wands sent
Word about,
Anxiously waiting
They came to evening.
When our sun father
Had gone in standing to his sacred place,
And our night fathers,
Our night mothers,
Coming out rising to their sacred place,
Passed us on our roads,
Saying, "Let it be now,"
Our father,
Our mother,
The perfectly robed ones[50]
Both of them we made arise.
They leading,
Near by into the rain-filled rooms of our daylight fathers,
Our roads entered.[51]
Sitting down quietly,
Again for the second time
Taking our child's prayer meal,
And giving it to our fathers,
Here in the hollow of their life-giving left hand,
The prayer meal,
The shell giving to them,
We held one another fast.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
Our father,
Our mother,
The perfectly robed,
We made arise.
With these leading,
Far off to the east,
With prayers we made our road forth.[52]
Where our fathers' life-giving road comes in,
We passed them on their roads.
Standing face to face
Our child's prayer meal,
His shells,
We gave to our fathers.
And adding my own words
In accordance with whatever had already been said to make the prayer meal a being potent in prayer,
I asked for life for my child.
There we met our fathers,
Life-giving priests;
And furthermore, our ancestors,
Those who here belonged to societies
The ones who had attained the far off place of waters;
And furthermore our relatives,
Those who used to know how to care for us;
Where none were missing
But where all abide holding their long life,
Holding their old age,
We passed them on their roads;
All the Beast Priests
Holding their weapons[53]
We met;
With these all leading,
We following at their backs,
Hither with prayers we came.[54]
Into their daylight children's water-filled rooms,
Their seed-filled rooms,
The divine ones entered.
After they had sat down quietly
We, the daylight people,
[49. Described as a single individual with two names. " Some one who knows about medicine." Iyatiku is the "mother corn " of the Keres. Po'ciyanki is the culture hero of all the eastern Pueblos.
50. The mi?le "and something else." What, could not be learned.
51. The first night visit to the patient.
52. He goes out with corn meal for the second time to pray for divine help.
53. Sa'wanik^ä, any weapon including the claws of animals, and, abstractly, power.
54. He returns to the house of the patient.]
Met one another.
Sitting down quietly,
Our fathers, life-giving priests,
Built[55] with their hand their massed cloud house,
Spread out their mist blanket,
Sent forth their life-giving road,
Prepared their perfect spring.
Sitting down quietly,
These, the divine ones,
Looked over their child.
Then also these same ones
Let their hands go first,
Their breath go first
While our hands followed.
For among all the corn priests' ladder descending children,
Among all the little boys and little girls,
And those whose roads go ahead,[56]
Was one, who even though a valuable person,
Because he became angry over some thing,
Used his power to harm our child.
The power of this foolish one,
Our fathers, the divine ones,
The Beast Priests,
Brought forth standing
Into the daylight of our sun father.[57]
Then with his fathers' water of life,
With their flesh,[58]
Our child nourished himself.
When the day had advanced a little,
When the night had advanced a little,
Our child's sickness grew less,
His breath became better.
That his road may be fulfilled
Reaching to where the road of his sun father comes out,
That he may stand firmly upon his earth mother,
Hoping for this we shall live.
When he said, let it be now,[59]
And after our moon mother,
Yonder in the west still small,
Had first appeared,
And when a little space yet remained
Until, standing against the eastern sky,
She should come to maturity.
At that time our spring children,[60]
Whoever of them had thought to grow old,
Taking prayer meal,
Taking shells,
Taking corn pollen,
Made their roads go forth.
Wherever they met their fathers of the bush,
At the feet of the lucky one
Prayer meal, shell,
Corn pollen,
They offered.
Breaking off the straight young shoots
Which they drew toward them,
With their warm human hands,
They held them fast.
With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather,
Male turkey,
Eagle's mist garment,
And the striped cloud wings
And massed cloud tails
Of all the birds of summer,
With these four times wrapping their plume wands,
They gave their plume wands human form.
With the one who is our mother,
Cotton woman,
Even a roughly spun cotton thread,
Four times encircling the plume wand
And tying it around,
And with a rain-bringing hair feather,
They gave their plume wands human form.
With the flesh of our two mothers,
Black paint woman,
Clay woman,
Clothing their plume wands with flesh,
They gave their plume wands human form.
Saying, "Let it be now,"
And taking our plume wands,
[55. The altar is set up in the patient's room.
56. The aged.
57. The cause of sickness is drawn from the body of the patient. (See p. 531.)
58. The patient drinks from the medicine bowl on the altar an infusion of medicine roots in water. The ceremony described above is repeated on four consecutive nights.
59. When the patient decided to fulfill his pledge of membership.
60. The members of the society start their preparations for the initiation ceremonies. The final ceremonies take place at the full moon.]
And taking our child's prayer meal,[61]
Yonder with prayer
One by one we made our roads go forth.
Meeting our earth mother,
And meeting our ancestors,
Our children,
Those who here belonged to societies,
And furthermore our fathers,
The Beast bow priests,
We offered them plume wands.
When there remained yet a little space.
Ere our sun father,
Went in to sit down at his sacred place,
From far off on all sides
Our fathers,
Life giving priests,
The divine ones,
With not one missing,
Making their roads come forth,
They made their roads come hither.
Into the rain-filled rooms of their daylight mothers,
They made their roads enter.[62]
Perpetuating their rite
According to the first beginning,
They fashioned their cloud house,
They spread out their mist blanket,
They sent forth their life-giving road,
They fashioned their spring,
They spanned their rainbow bow,
They set their lightning arrow,
They sat down quietly,
And at their feet we sat down.
This many days
Anxiously we have waited.[63]
Now, indeed, when the last of all their days was past,
Our child having made his road come in,[64]
Even where the precious road of his fathers enters,
Into a being like themselves
Our fathers transformed[65] their child.
Then a blessed night they spent
With us who are their children.
Next day,
While yet a little space remained
Ere our sun father
Should come out standing to his sacred place,
With our clear water,
With that by which we have being,
With this we took hold of our child.[66]
After the divine ones first added their breath,
Then also praying in the same words,
We added to the breath of our child.
Our child taking his fathers' breath,
Into his body will draw their breath.
And since our breath is valuable,
Where he sees our spring,
Even there he will sit down among us;
Then seeking always the ways of prolonging life,
With thoughts bent on this, we shall live.
Then also, that on following this we may bend our thoughts,
For this in plain words I sent forth my prayers.
He give us this child
That for a long time
In bonds of affection
We may live together,
These clear words were spoken,[67]
And to your fathers,
Wherever they stay,
You sent your clear words forth.
Indeed, even while I call myself poor,
Far off on all sides,
I have as my fathers life-giving priests.
Asking for their life-giving breath,
Their breath of old age,
Their breath of waters,
Their breath of seeds,
Their breath of riches
Their breath of fecundity,
Their breath of strong spirit,
Their breath of power,
Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed,
Asking for their breath,
[61. As soon as the altar is setup in the society room the father or uncle of the novice is summoned. He again gives the boy's ceremonial father a packet of prayer meal, thanking him for having cured his child. This meal is later distributed among all present.
62. The retreat of the society begins. Their room becomes taboo to outsiders because of the presence of the divine ones.
63. Three nights.
64. On the fourth night.
65. The novice is clothed and painted.
66. His head is washed.
67. By the man who first summoned the society for the curing rites.]
Into our warm bodies taking their breath,
We shall add to your breath.
Then also far off on all sides
I have fathers:
Priest of the north,[68]
Priest of the west,
Priest of the south,
Priest of the east,
Priest of above,
Priest of below;
Our sun father,
Our moon mother,
The sky,
The Milky Way,
The Great Bear,
The Pleiades,
The seed stars,[69]
And all the little sparkling stars,
Priests,
Asking for their life-giving breath,
Their breath of old age,
Their breath of waters,
Their breath of seeds,
Their breath of fecundity,
Their breath of riches,
Their breath of strong spirit,
Their breath of power,
Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed,
Asking for their breath,
Into our warm bodies taking their breath,
We shah add to your breath.
Do not despise the breath of your fathers,
But draw it into your body.
That our roads may reach to where the life-giving road of our sun father comes out,
That, clasping one another tight,
Holding one another fast,
We may finish our roads together;
That this may be, I add to your breath now.
To this end:
May my father bless you with life;
May your road reach to Dawn Lake,
May your road be fulfilled.
[68. The title "priest" seems to be applied to anyone endowed with the means of securing or bestowing blessings, regardless of whether they are human or immortal. The reference here is to supernaturals.
69. Unidentified constellation.]
PRAYER OF A SOCIETY CHIEF DURING HIS WINTER RETREAT
At the winter solstice all the societies observe retreats. After the images of the war god have gone into the kiva on the night before the first great prayer stick planting they hold late meetings at which special prayers are said for rain. There are special and very secret songs that are sung on this night only. They do not go into retreat formally until the next night. Three nights are spent mainly in preparation
for the great ceremony of the last night at which the sick are cured. On this night the beast gods are present in all the society houses, and take possession of those who have the secret knowledge of how to invoke them.
The following prayers purport to be those spoken by the heads of the Cuma:kwe and Ant Societies, respectively, at some time during this four-day retreat. The man who dictated it was not a member of either society and did not state the precise use of the prayers. Nor were my other informants familiar with them. Such prayers might be used on any one of a great number of occasions.
My life-giving fathers,
At the place called since the first beginning Tcipia,
You dwell.
Where the deer stands,
5 At Dry place you dwell.
My fathers,
Life-giving priests, there you dwell.
This day,
Here at Itiwana,
10 Our daylight fathers,
Our mothers,
Our children,
In their inner rooms
For their fathers,
15 Life-giving priests,
Perpetuating the rite handed down since the first beginning,
Have spread out your cloud blanket,
Your life-giving road they have made.
20 Your spring they have made.
Perpetuating the rite handed down since the first beginning
You have sat down quietly before it;
At your back,
At your feet,
25 We shall sit down beside you.
Desiring your waters,
Your seeds,
Your riches,
Your long life,
30 Your old age,
Desiring these, I set you down
quietly.
As you sit here quietly
As I wish, according to my words,
You will take us to be your children,
35 So that all my children
May be saved.
All will be happy.
Safely they will bring forth their young.
So that all my children may finish their roads,
So that they may grow old,
40 So that you may bless us with life,
So that none of my spring children
May be left standing outside.
So that you may protect us (I have done this).
May our roads be fulfilled;
45 May we grow old;
May our roads reach to dawn lake;
May we grow old;
May you bless us with life.
PRAYER OF THE CHIEF OF THE ANT SOCIETY
At the place of the first beginning,
Ci'papolima,
Life-giving priests, abide.
My fathers,
5 Beast priests,
Mountain lion,
Bear,
Badger,
Wolf,
10 My father above,
Knife wing,
Shrew,
My fathers,
Over all this great world you go about.
15 Rattlesnake yellow,
Blue,
Red,
White,
Many colored,
20 Black.
Here at the place of your first beginning,
Ci'papolima,
In your inner room, you live.
Your massed cloud blanket is spread out.
25 Your life-giving road goes forth.
None of you are missing,
But all stay quietly.
Perpetuating your rite according the first beginning,
You live.
30 My fathers,
Life-giving priest,
With none missing, you live.
Yonder my sacred word will reach.
35 To you I speak my sacred words.
My fathers,
Life-giving priest,
Perpetuating your rite according to the first beginning,
You live.
40 Here at Itiwana, we live.
Here in the daylight we live.
My fathers,
Life-giving priest,
45 Where none are missing,
You live.
Listen to my sacred words.
There you live.
To you I speak.
Mindful of my words,
50 My country,
Itiwana,
Cover with your clouds,
Cover with your rains,
55 All of your children preserve.
Reaching to Dawn Lake,
May our roads be fulfilled.
May we grow old
60 May our peoples' roads all be fulfilled.
May they be preserved,
PRAYERS FOR COLLECTING MEDICINE (CACTUS SOCIETY)
The expedition for gathering medicine roots camps the first night about sixteen miles east of Zuñi. Before eating, the customary offerings of food are set aside. After singing four songs, the head of the expedition prays:
Now this night,
Our night fathers.
Our mothers,
5 Rising a little, have come standing to their sacred place.
The song sequence of our fathers
You have heard.
You who are our fathers,
10 Beast bow priests,
Your hand leading,
Our hands following,
Desiring your medicine,
Hither we take our roads.
15 Do not think to withhold it from us because of something,
For verily,
Desiring my fathers' flesh,
That by which my children may fulfill their thoughts,
20 To-morrow, throughout a good day,
A beautiful day,
With us your children
You will come to evening.
25 And when that day shall have passed,
Anxiously waiting,
We shall pass our days.
He takes the offering, burns it at a little distance from camp, and sitting down, waits for some omen.
Now this night
Our night fathers,
30 Our mothers,
Rising a little have come standing to their sacred place.
Bringing food
Hither with prayers
35 We made our road come forth.
Wherever, thinking "Let it be here,"
Our earth mother,
We passed on her road.
Sitting down on the bare ground,
(We came to you,)
40 Our ancestors,
The ones who here used to belong to societies,
The ones who used to understand medicine,
You who now have attained the
far off place of waters;
Having passed you on your roads,
45 We shall add to your hearts.
Adding to your hearts
Your long life,
Your old age,
Your waters,
50 Your seeds,
Your medicine
You will grant to us,
How the days will be
You will make known to us.
55 Knowing that, we shall live.
After praying, he waits for an omen. Next day they look for the plants. A young man going for the first time gives his ceremonial father a package of prayer meal, saying:
Now this day,
Our sun father
60 Having come out standing to his sacred place,
And having yet a little ways to go,
To go in to sit down at his other sacred place,
Bringing prayer meal which I have prepared,
65 Here near by,
At the very edge of the wilderness,
I have passed you on your road.
Desiring our fathers' medicine
We hold one another fast.
Desiring the medicine of our ancestors,
The ones who here belonged to societies,
The ones who used to understand medicine,
The beast priests.
75 Desiring their medicines,
With prayer meal,
With shells,
With rich clothing,
We hold one another fast.
80 My father,
You will cleanse your thoughts,
You will cleanse your heart,
So that somehow we may be the
children of the divine ones.
85 Perhaps, if we are fortunate,
Because of our thoughts
Our spring children may multiply.[70]
Among all the little boys
And all the little girls,
90 And those whose roads go ahead,
Our spring children have multiplied.
In order that this toward which our thoughts bend may be accomplished,
Desiring our fathers' medicine,
95 We have made our roads come hither.
My father,
For you I have finished all these words.
Even while I call myself poor,
Yonder on all sides
From those whom my thoughts embrace,
100 I shall ask for light;
I shall add to your breath.
Asking for the breath of the priest of the north,
The priest of the west,
The priest of the south,
105 The priest of the east,
The priest of above,
The priest of below.
Asking for their life-giving breath,
Their breath of old age,
110 Their breath of waters,
Their breath of seeds,
Their breath of fecundity,
Their breath of riches,
Their breath of strong spirit,
115 Their breath of power,
Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed--
Asking for this,
Into my warm body
I shall draw their breath.
120 In order that our roads may reach
To where the road of our sun father comes out,
In order that we may finish our roads,
For this I add to your breath.
To this end, my father,
[70. By means of medicine knowledge he will secure new members for the society.]
125 May you be blessed with light.
To this the father replies:
Now indeed
Our fathers' medicines
To one another we give.
130 Our fathers' life-giving breath,
Their breath of old age,
(We give to one another.)
When, among all the corn priests' ladder descending children,
Some evil causes sickness,
135 When the spirit fails,
Then, desiring their fathers' long life,
Desiring their old age,
Desiring their medicine,
140 Among all their fathers,
Society priests,
Society p?ekwins,
Society bow priests,
They will look about.
145 Even though you do not know of it,
If the divine ones choose you,
When they summon you
You shall not think to refuse.
150 With prayer meal,
With shell,
With rich clothing,
They will bind you fast.
Then seeking these wherever they are,
155 Even though the night be dangerous,
Following your fathers,
Even to all the places where you did not think to enter,
Seeking these,
160 Living for their thoughts,
Thus shall you live.[71]
[71 Dictated by a member of the Cactus Society. The remaining prayers were withheld.]
PRAYER FOR STALKING DEER
When a hunter sees deer tracks he crouches down in the trail and offers prayer meal to the deer, with the request that he may reveal himself. The following text is taken from a folk We in which success in hunting is the test imposed on suitors. Several suitors fail because they neglect to offer prayer meal to the prey.
This day
He who holds our roads,
Our sun father,
Has come out standing to his sacred place.
Now that he has passed us on our roads,
Here we pass you on your road.
Divine one,
The flesh of the white corn,
Prayer meal,
Shell,
Corn pollen,
Here I offer to you.
With your wisdom
Taking the prayer meal,
The shell,
The corn pollen,
This day,
My fathers,
My mothers,
In some little hollow,
In some low brush,
You will reveal yourselves to me.
Then with your flesh,
With your living waters,
May I sate myself. In order that this may be
Here I offer your prayer meal.
Ruth Bunzel on Zuñi Religion. . Hermetic Cloud, https://hermeticcloud.com/library/ruth-bunzel-on-zuni-religion/. Public-domain text reproduced in full; markup only.